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Scottish Greens at the crossroads – principle or pragmatism?
Scottish Greens at the crossroads – principle or pragmatism?

The Herald Scotland

time12-07-2025

  • Politics
  • The Herald Scotland

Scottish Greens at the crossroads – principle or pragmatism?

Fergus Ewing, the former SNP Minister, previously dismissed them as 'wine-bar revolutionaries'. To each and every taunt, Green politicians tend to respond with a gentle, faintly supercilious smile. Read More: In truth, the most fervent advocates of Greenery can occasionally seem a mite smug. Like religious adherents, they can sometimes give the impression that their path is the way to truth, while others are self-deluded. Only very occasionally, mind. And they mean well. They genuinely believe, as they set out in their 2024 election manifesto, that 'we are hurtling towards climate hell.' Such a conclusion tends to lessen the scope for nuanced politics. But, alongside that, there is also an intriguing conundrum confronting the Scottish Greens right now as they elect their next leaders and contemplate the pending Holyrood elections. Are they content to be, principally, a party of voluble protest? Or is there pragmatism too – an opportunity to cut deals with other parties, such as the SNP or Labour, in pursuit of interim Green objectives? As The Herald has ably chronicled, there are those in the party who argue that the Greens must present a fully radical agenda, who distrust Holyrood compromise, including the Bute House pact previously struck by the retiring leadership. Equally, though, there are prominent Greens who lampoon such talk as 'heroic Bolshevik insurgency' – which achieves precisely nothing for the people of Scotland. Politics is frequently a question of balancing principle, pragmatism and power. Just ask those Labour MPs who found it impossible to back their leader's demands for welfare cuts. Again, commonly, that balance becomes trickier as a party gains more salience. It is relatively easy to be pure of thought when what you say and do is immaterial. That tends to change when there is the prospect that your contribution could alter Parliamentary arithmetic, could advance or thwart legislation, could sustain or oust a government. Then you have to choose. To compromise. You have to acknowledge that you cannot implement every line of your manifesto. Not least because the people did not vote for you in sufficient numbers. Be clear. The Greens will not abandon principle. They will still, on occasion, sport that knowing smile. But perhaps they may once more seek a mandate to enter negotiations with others. Is that feasible? Are the Greens not burned by Humza Yousaf's abrupt decision as First Minister to end the Bute House pact and kick them out of government? Seems not. One senior source dismissed the notion that they were 'nursing some raw fury at the SNP.' I was told that there is a good 'transactional' relationship with Team Swinney, as evidenced by the negotiations over the Scottish Government budget. The Greens know that John Swinney does not share their overall outlook. For example, he believes firmly in pursuing GDP economic growth while they do not, insisting that was excluded from the Bute House deal. First Minister John Swinney (Image: PA) And, yes, perhaps the relationship with Nicola Sturgeon was deeper. She is arguably closer to the Green perspective. After all, in a lecture, she previously set out the concept of assessing 'well-being', rather than simply economic wealth. But it seems the Greens could still work with John Swinney, where necessary. There is, I was told, 'sufficient mutual trust and respect.' There could also be a deal with Labour, arithmetically. But core Labour policies might be problematic – not least their eager advocacy of nuclear power. For now, the SNP seem more likely partners. After all, both parties support Scottish independence. Albeit with differing degrees of vigour. Frankly, I do not believe that Green politicians get up in the morning with the first thought that they must end the Union. Their waking focus is on the environment and climate change. Still, the Greens insist that they back independence, placing it in the context of those environmental aims. They say that an independent Scotland would be better placed to alter energy policy and tackle the climate crisis. And there is another thought lurking at the back of Green minds. They note that John Swinney has faced a degree of internal SNP criticism from those who believe he is not sufficiently fervent in pursuing independence. One source suggested to me that this might present an opportunity for the Greens to highlight their independence credentials. Frankly, to prise votes from the SNP. However, as with Mr Swinney, it seems the Greens want to get away from discourse over the independence process. To build support instead for the proclaimed advantages of the notion. Again, though, the Greens will not shed their iconoclastic image. They will continue to position themselves as challenging the wealthy establishment. An opportunity to do that presents itself with President Trump's possible Scottish visit. Many leading politicians will be torn between mounting protests and arguing Scotland's interests, if given a chance. No such dilemma confronts the Greens – who will be firmly behind the barricades. But, still, there is the lure of pragmatism. I expect the Greens to enter the next Holyrood elections with a litany of claimed achievements and a taste of what more could be feasible, if they are granted influence. Always a degree of grandiloquence on the climate. But a focus on cutting costs for working families. Rent controls, free bus travel for young people, secured by the Greens in partnership with the SNP. This leadership election will determine who is primarily making that case. Patrick Harvie is standing down as co-convener. Lorna Slater is seeking re-election. As I write, MSPs Ross Greer and Gillian Mackay are also in the frame. Others may emerge. En passant, I should note that the winners will not necessarily be one woman, one man, as in the past. That reflects revised equality guidance. But political balance will still be at the core of this contest. What direction will the Scottish Greens pursue? And could it lead them back to shared power at Holyrood? Brian Taylor is a former political editor for BBC Scotland and a columnist for The Herald. He cherishes his family, the theatre – and Dundee United FC

How Westminster woes are sinking Scottish Labour
How Westminster woes are sinking Scottish Labour

Times

time07-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Times

How Westminster woes are sinking Scottish Labour

It has been a fortnight from hell that Anas Sarwar would rather forget. Chaos in No 10, a prime minister in trouble, a chancellor in tears, U-turn upon U-turn, and the unenviable record that no UK party in the history of polling has lost support as quickly as this one. Only a month ago, Sarwar, the Scottish Labour leader, was brimming with confidence, flush with Davy Russell's unexpected Hamilton by-election triumph. But that victory now seems like an oasis in a desert of disastrous government decisions and poor political management. Russell's win, thanks to Labour's on-the-ground campaign, put them back in the Scottish game, but the party remains miles off a winning position in the race for Bute House in 2026. Yet Sarwar remains confident that he can do it all again. Ten months is a long time in politics and, after all, it was his leadership that resurrected Scottish Labour after a dozen years in the wilderness. But one swallow does not make a summer, and the ineptitude of Starmer's UK government remains Sarwar's burden, compounded by the spectre of Nigel Farage and the rise of his Reform party. Many believe Sarwar's confidence is misplaced, and his prospects of victory are far less promising than he thinks. Sir John Curtice gave a downbeat assessment of where Labour stands last week, suggesting that they were back to the levels Sarwar inherited when he took over four years ago. 'Hamilton does not in any way negate what the polls are saying,' he said. 'Labour [in Scotland] are basically back down to around a fifth of the vote that they got in 2021, when they came third in Scotland.' Last week's Ipsos poll for STV illustrates Curtice's point, with Reform UK and the SNP gaining votes from those switching allegiance from Labour. The survey revealed the SNP winning 45 per cent of the seats at Holyrood next year on less than 35 per cent of the vote, putting John Swinney back in Bute House with 59 MSPs. Sarwar's big hope is that in an election focused on the SNP's 19 years in government, and not on Labour in power at Westminster for two years, he can turn it around. The level of anger with Swinney's government, he claims, is massively underestimated and there will come a point when people realise that they will not merely be voting against one thing, but to choose something else. In that scenario, he insists, they will choose him over Swinney for the job. Sarwar's pitch is, therefore, a promise of political competence, but given the performance of Starmer's government the electorate may be forgiven for having doubts. He maintains that the single biggest challenge his party, and the others, face is how to combat the politics of hopelessness, the idea that nothing will get better and that public services cannot be improved. But it is such disillusionment that many fear will push them towards Reform, which is pitching itself as the anti-establishment party. The major players in Scottish Labour's backroom team, including his chief of staff, Kate Watson, spent the past week in London planning for the election next year. Insiders say Watson is determined not to fall into the same trap as Starmer — well prepared for an election but unprepared for government — should they gain the keys to Bute House. And last week gave them a ringside seat of how not to get things right. Sarwar's deputy, Jackie Baillie, has a busy summer ahead finalising candidate selection for next year, and crafting Labour's health policy. Should Labour form an administration, she would be the only MSP left who has any experience of being in government. Labour see health as their trump card, and that Swinney's government is out of touch and out of time to fix the NHS. Last week's Ipsos poll suggested 69 per cent of Scots see health as the most important issue, nearly 20 per cent higher than the cost of living and inflation in second place. Sarwar will be relieved this week that a potential rebellion among his 37 Scottish MPs against Starmer's welfare reforms was brought under control. The number of MPs planning to vote against the party had grown to over a dozen last weekend, but effective work by Labour's Scottish whip, Martin McCluskey, reduced the group of dissenters to just four. But the situation has become a political gift for the SNP, which is already finding it easy to attack the Labour government for policies it claims target the most vulnerable. The prospect of a fractious September conference looms large for Labour, with the left, unions and a disgruntled party membership to contend with. An early November budget with tax rises from an under-pressure chancellor will also not be popular, and will have inevitable consequences north of the border. By that time there will be six months left until Scots go to the polls. It is not all plain sailing for Swinney. August will bring a flurry of stories about Nicola Sturgeon with the publication of her memoir and the resurrection of past controversies, and electorally the Nationalists are only a few percentage points from disaster themselves. Swinney has steadied the SNP ship but, by his own admission, 'the sails have not yet caught the wind'.

McAllan to tackling housing emergency in Swinney reshuffle
McAllan to tackling housing emergency in Swinney reshuffle

BBC News

time11-06-2025

  • Politics
  • BBC News

McAllan to tackling housing emergency in Swinney reshuffle

Màiri McAllan is returning to the Scottish cabinet with an instruction to tackle Scotland's housing has been appointed housing secretary by First Minister John Swinney, with responsibility for all aspects of policy including heat in who is returning to government after maternity leave, replaces Paul McLennan in the housing portfolio. A statement said he requested to leave the Scottish Martin, who stood in for McAllan, will now assume the climate action and energy role on a permanent basis. Swinney also named Maree Todd as his new drug and alcohol minister, following the death of Christina McKelvie earlier this a morning of meetings at Bute House, the first minister's official residence, Tom Arthur was appointed as social care and mental wellbeing ministerActing Climate Action Minister Alasdair Allan will leave government at the end of this week, having indicated that he only wished to serve on an interim mini-reshuffle means, excluding law officers, the overall size of government decreases from 27 in May last year to said: "Màiri McAllan has been tasked with tackling the housing emergency, including ensuring we have energy efficient homes to help bring down bills and tackle the climate emergency. "These are two of the biggest challenges facing people across the country and I want them to know they have a government firmly on their side and focused on delivering real change." SNP vow to 'learn lessons' The changes come a week after Scottish Labour's Davy Russell won an unexpected victory in McKelvie's Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse later defended his prediction that the contest would be a "two-horse race" between the SNP and he vowed the party would learn lessons from the result ahead of the Holyrood election next served as the minister for environment, biodiversity and land reform from 2021 to 23 and as the minister for transport, net zero and just transition from 2023 until February went off on maternity leave last July, with Gillian Martin stepping in to cover her net zero and energy is the second Scottish government minister to take maternity leave after Deputy First Minister Kate Forbes' pregnancy in 2022. The first minister will no doubt be relieved to have Màiri McAllan back in government after her maternity leave. He clearly views her as something of a protégée, a bright and capable woman, a potential future leader of the was she who introduced John Swinney when he became leader of the party in May last year. And it was Màiri McAllan who was entrusted with the introductions when the SNP unveiled their candidates a year out from the next Holyrood Sturgeon faced criticism for not doing enough succession planning. It seems John Swinney is determined not to make the same mistake and is eyeing up the Clydesdale MSP for future advancement.

£80m for carbon capture shelved after Greens threatened SNP pact
£80m for carbon capture shelved after Greens threatened SNP pact

Sunday Post

time08-06-2025

  • Business
  • Sunday Post

£80m for carbon capture shelved after Greens threatened SNP pact

Get a weekly round-up of stories from The Sunday Post: Thank you for signing up to our Sunday Post newsletter. Something went wrong - please try again later. Sign Up Vital funding to accelerate a carbon capture and storage project that could create thousands of jobs in Scotland was shelved after the Scottish Greens threatened to put their power-sharing agreement with the SNP at risk, we can exclusively reveal. It is one of a series of stark revelations uncovered by a Sunday Post investigation into why £80 million promised by the Scottish Government for the landmark Acorn project has yet to materialise. The Acorn project would see harmful greenhouse gas emissions piped under the North Sea and then stored, creating almost 5,000 long-term jobs and billions of investment for the Scottish economy. But we found squabbling between political factions and attempts to shift blame have caused the money to be held up at a time when the north east is haemorrhaging jobs. The SNP offered up the cash to encourage the UK Government to rethink after the Scottish Cluster, a group of decarbonisation projects focused on Peterhead Power station, missed out on funding in 2021. But earlier this year, SNP energy secretary Gillian Martin admitted there were no plans to pay out and claimed that investors do not currently need the cash. Previously unseen private communications, memos and briefing notes show: The Scottish Greens threatened to publicly disagree with the government's energy strategy if it handed out the £80m for carbon capture – a move that could have put the Bute House agreement in jeopardy. Emails sent between senior SNP figures and notes issued by special advisors indicate the funding was not originally conditional on UK Government support – as SNP ministers now claim. There was nearly three months of delay in discussing the funding at ministerial level while jobs were placed at risk. Net Zero secretary Michael Matheson was rebuked by UK energy minister Greg Hands for releasing details of their 'confidential' meeting so he could make an announcement ahead of an Environmental Information Request going public. Last night the GMB union described the revelations as 'shocking confirmation of ministers' inertia as a jobs catastrophe looms in the North Sea'. Meanwhile, nearly £22 billion has been promised over the next 25 years for Merseyside and Teesside, supporting thousands of roles. What does the Bute House memo say? A Bute House memo dated December 2022 – nearly a year after the £80m was announced – illustrates the power the Greens held over government energy policy at the time. It states the group had already been handed assurances of changes made in 'several areas'. The author, Green MSP Mark Ruskell, notes this is particularly the case in the Just Transition chapter of the government's plans. © KATIE NOBLE The note says the Greens would 'likely need to publicly disagree' with elements of the Energy Strategy and Just Transition Plan if it was published in its current form. It states the party would like to see any financial support for carbon capture and blue hydrogen come out of UK Government money, 'reallocating Scottish Government funding for other pressing priorities'. It adds that this includes reallocating the £80m projected spend from the Emerging Energy Technologies Fund on the Scottish Cluster. The Scottish Government had previously warned withdrawing the funding would give the impression that it no longer supports Acorn and would be contrary to the Bute House Agreement – an argument refuted by the Greens in the memo. Jobs 'still at risk' Scottish Conservative energy spokesman Douglas Lumsden said: 'This internal memo, hidden until now, shows the extremist Greens have had a veto on SNP energy policy for years. 'Although the Emerging Energy Technologies Fund promised £80m to develop the Scottish Cluster, the Greens said no. Then it was canned. 'Tens of thousands of Scottish jobs remain at risk because Patrick Harvie's paw prints are still all over Scottish Government policy.' © DC Thomson Environmental groups are sceptical of carbon capture and argue it props up the fossil fuel industry by hiding emissions, rather than cutting them. But the energy firms behind Acorn estimate the project will add £17.7 billion to UK GDP by 2050, create over 10,800 jobs during construction and sustain 4,700 long-term operational roles. It has been listed since 2023 as one of two new carbon capture projects awaiting formal backing by the UK Government following approval of the two clusters in England. Greens stand by carbon capture stance Scottish Greens co-leader Patrick Harvie said his party has always been sceptical about both the Scottish and UK governments putting too much reliance on 'untested' carbon capture technology, adding that it is firmly opposed to using it as an excuse for more fossil fuel extraction or burning. He said: 'At best – if it ever works – it could reduce emissions from the residual use of fossil fuel while we do everything we can to shift to renewables. 'But it's too often being used as an excuse for business as usual, which is why it's no surprise to see the anti-environment Conservatives backing it.' © Jane Barlow/PA Wire The Scottish Government claims the delay in handing over the money is linked to the UK Government taking so long to approve the project. However, internal memos and correspondence reveal no such conditions were in place when the money was first allocated. In a letter to Shona Robison in December 2021 – six weeks before the Acorn funding announcement – Michael Matheson said the Scottish Cluster would be supported without caveat by the same £80 million from the same fund. This is parroted in a number of other pieces of correspondence sent by Matheson that have subsequently been obtained by The Sunday Post. Around six weeks later, advisers began to gameplan the 'conditionality of funding point', adding that the 'key point to make would be that the £80m is not enough, and UKG support is still required in terms of access to business models etc.' SNP minister rebuked We can reveal officials were then left scrambling to put out an announcement because a letter from Matheson to UK energy minister Greg Hands referencing the cash was set to be released to the public through an Environmental Information Request. But Matheson was given a dressing down by Hands on January 19 2022 for making the announcement following what was supposed to be a confidential meeting. Hands wrote: 'You had been seeking a meeting with me for some days, which I agreed to, but at no point during what I understood to be a confidential meeting between two ministers, was it said that a media notification would follow the meeting. 'Instead, we had I thought, agreed at the meeting that the two governments would work together, which is what I believe the Acorn project would want, and the people of Scotland would expect.' © PA Hands says he told Matheson during the meeting that the £80m funding 'needs careful consideration but does not address some of the key challenges'. These include the likely burden of ongoing revenue support payments and practical constraints of supporting multiple carbon capture projects in three different areas of the UK to launch at the same time. Further correspondence reveals the Scottish Government was not notified the Scottish Cluster would not be included in a list of fast-tracked projects before the announcement was put out publicly. © Thomas Krych/ZUMA Press Wire/Shu Three meetings between Matheson and Hands were arranged and then cancelled around this time and there was no direct response to the funding offer in Matheson's letter to the Chancellor in October 2021 or a subsequent letter from the first minister to the prime minister the following month. This meant there was a nearly three month delay in discussing the funding proposal at a ministerial level. 'Inertia and inaction' GMB Scotland secretary Louise Gilmour said needless delays in driving through investment for Acorn exposes the abject failure of UK and Scottish governments to protect the sector or deliver new jobs in green energy. She said: 'Offshore production and onshore supply chains are in crisis with thousands of skilled jobs on the line but, behind the scenes, our ministers are apparently spending their time on spin and squabbles. 'There is clearly no joined-up thinking between our governments and no concerted plan of action. Instead, there are politicians playing games. © Andrew Cawley 'There is only inertia and inaction while thousands of well-paid jobs are in peril along with the families and communities that rely on them.' The Scottish Government said its Programme for Government 'made clear' that it is committed to the £80 million of support. However no actual funding was allocated and the project was not even mentioned in the 2025-26 Scottish Budget. The government added that the funding is 'contingent upon the UK Government confirming a full-funding package and timeline for the Acorn project at the Spending Review'.

Controversial Perthshire national park bid back in play as rival plan scrapped
Controversial Perthshire national park bid back in play as rival plan scrapped

The Courier

time31-05-2025

  • Politics
  • The Courier

Controversial Perthshire national park bid back in play as rival plan scrapped

Hopes have been revived for a new national park in Highland Perthshire. Perth and Kinross Council's 'Tay Forest' project was mothballed last summer when Galloway was named the preferred location for Scotland's third national park. But the Galloway bid was scrapped this week following 'significant opposition'. And that's raised the prospect of the Perthshire national park proposal being resurrected. The council told The Courier it is following events at Holyrood. 'We are awaiting further information from the Scottish Government,' said a spokesman. Rural Affairs Secretary Mairi Gougeon was asked about the chances for a Perthshire national park when she announced the Galloway scheme had hit the buffers on Thursday. Mid Scotland and Fife Green MSP Mark Ruskell said communities in Perthshire had shown 'majority public support' for the bid, despite an 'aggressive misinformation campaign'. And he asked: 'Will the government now re-engage with that bid for Scotland's third national park? 'Or has it simply given up on the idea altogether?' Ms Gougeon insisted the government was still minded to establish more national parks, providing it gets the process right. 'We reached the stage of introducing the proposal to designate Galloway as a national park only because it met all the criteria that had been established and consulted on,' she added. 'We are not looking to do that at the moment, but we remain open to doing so in the future.' The Perthshire national park bid was ruled out of the running by the Scottish Government last July. It would have stretched across almost 3,000 square kilometres of Perthshire, taking in the towns of Aberfeldy, Comrie, Crieff, Dunkeld and Pitlochry. The council held an eight-week consultation on the Tay Forest proposal and received around 350 responses to its survey. More than half of respondents (56.8%) agreed or strongly agreed with the idea. But critics said national park policies – such as beaver re-introduction – conflicted with the interests of local farmers and managers. The Tayside and Central Scotland Moorland Group branded the consultation response 'woeful' and mounted an angry protest outside the council's headquarters. Aberfeldy Community Council was supportive of the national park bid. Its chairman Victor Clements says the group will watch the next steps with interest. But he suggests there are other ways to invest in nature conservation without adding more layers of management. 'Instead of funding the administrative structures of a new national park, give the equivalent budget to Perth and Kinross Council, and let them fund nature conservation initiatives and a ranger service directly,' said Mr Clements. 'The council could also support farmers and landowners in doing the things they do want to do, as they have shown they can do in the past with the Environmentally Sensitive Area (ESA) scheme and other grant programmes.' The SNP signed up to a new national park as part of the power-sharing Bute House agreement with the Scottish Greens. It has since been scrapped too.

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