Latest news with #CNRP
Bangkok Post
10-07-2025
- Politics
- Bangkok Post
In fear of Hun Sen's wrath
A 37-year-old Cambodian activist has gone into hiding in Thailand, fearing for his life after publicly criticising the Cambodian government and military. Em Piseth, head of the Cambodian International Youth Network in Thailand, is wanted by Cambodian authorities after posting a video clip on social media that mocked Cambodian soldiers. The video was based on accounts from a former soldier and close associate, who claimed that troops stationed along the Thai-Cambodian border were undernourished and ill-prepared for combat. The post drew a sharp backlash from Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen, who accused Em Piseth of spreading false information and impersonating a military officer. Cambodian police later announced that his TikTok account had disseminated misleading content, prompting further concerns for his safety. In a recent phone interview with the Bangkok Post, Em Piseth said he has been forced into hiding, joining a growing number of Cambodian dissidents in Thailand who fear retaliation. "The clip was meant to amplify the suppressed voices of Cambodian troops," he said. "I don't dare step outside. I fear for my life. Do you remember the former Cambodian MP who was killed in Bangkok?" He was referring to the murder of Lim Kimya, 73, a Cambodian-French national and former member of the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), who was shot dead near Wat Bowonniwet Vihara in Bangkok earlier this year. The CNRP, once Cambodia's main opposition party, was dissolved in 2017 after being accused of plotting to overthrow the government, a charge widely believed to be politically motivated. Originally from Kompong Cham province, Em Piseth entered Thailand legally in 2020 and began advocating for Cambodian migrant workers, many of whom face exploitation and abuse. For the past five years, he has been a vocal critic of the regime in Phnom Penh, accusing it of suppressing dissent, rigging elections, and allowing the exploitation of natural resources to benefit elites at the expense of rural communities. All of his social media accounts have since been shut down. Now applying for political asylum, Em Piseth hopes to find refuge in a third country, such as the United States, Australia, or Canada. Although he says he loves Thailand, he worries he may end up suffering the same fate as other exiled Cambodian activists. According to him, his work permit has now expired and cannot be renewed due to his legal status. He currently relies entirely on a network of activists who provide him with food and basic supplies discreetly, and is not seeking work. "I speak with my lawyer every day. Right now, I'm just trying to stay alive. One day at a time," he said. Em Piseth also urged the Thai public not to marginalise Cambodian migrant workers and expressed gratitude for the support extended to workers from Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar. He expressed hope for peaceful resolutions to ongoing tensions along the Thai-Cambodian border, which continue to impact local communities.
The Diplomat
10-07-2025
- Politics
- The Diplomat
Cambodia's Citizenship Bill Is a Dangerous Weapon in a Dictator's Hands
Eight years ago, I was forced into a life in exile. I was labelled a traitor for my efforts to promote democracy and human rights in Cambodia, charged in numerous cases without fair trial, and sentenced to a total of 47 years in prison. Many of those around me were accused of treason, and barred from engaging in politics unless they defected to the ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP). Today, the CPP and the Hun dynasty who lead it are attempting to amend the constitution, revoking citizenship from those who oppose their views. It is clear from the quick approval of the Constitutional Court, following Senate leader Hun Sen's proposal, that this bill will pass. Once passed, it will become a potent weapon in the Cambodian regime's already formidable arsenal to silence dissent – not just at home, but globally. The nation, already divided, will fragment further as fear spreads. The new bill proposes an amendment to Article 33 of the constitution, enabling the state to revoke citizenship from anyone found to be 'acting against the national interest' or 'colluding with foreign entities.' The current version of Article 33 states that Cambodian citizens cannot be deprived of nationality, exiled, or extradited except by mutual agreement. For myself and many of my colleagues, we are already well versed in this article, having been forced into self-imposed exile to avoid false charges. Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge commander who served as prime minister for nearly four decades before handing power over to his son Hun Manet in 2023, claims that these changes will bring the country into line with Western democracies, such as the United States, United Kingdom, France, and Australia, which all have laws surrounding the removal of citizenship on national security grounds. Even within Asia, Singapore has provisions which allow the government to revoke the citizenship of those responsible for terror crimes. However, the reality is that use of these laws is incredibly rare and tightly regulated. The case of Shamima Bagum, a former British citizen who had her citizenship revoked after leaving the U.K. and joining the Islamic State, sparked intense scrutiny and international attention. It was not a casual political tool. While on paper the Cambodian amendment appears aimed at national security or the public good, in practice it will serve one purpose: to criminalize criticism and exile opponents. The regime has already shown it will stretch the bounds of legality to crush those who speak against it. Ahead of the last national elections, in 2023, the main opposition party, the Candlelight Party, was barred from contesting the election on a technicality, leaving the CPP to run unopposed. Many opposition members of this party, and others belonging to the banned Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), now live in enforced exile, facing continued threats from the regime. In January, Lim Kimya, a former MP and member of the CNRP, was assassinated on the streets of Bangkok by individuals with alleged ties to the regime. He was previously sentenced to prison in 2023 for what the regime claimed was 'incitement.' His real offense? Participating in peaceful political organizing. His death came just days after he posted a series of Facebook posts criticizing the Hun family. This sort of transnational repression has been witnessed time and time again from the Cambodian regime. Last year, a Cambodian maid in Malaysia was deported and arrested following her posts to social media criticizing the government. Meanwhile, Vannith Hay, brother of opposition activist Vanna Hay, was arrested because of his brother's activism outside of the country. He was only released after Vanna formally defected to the CPP. It is not only opposition members who may be at risk from this new bill. Journalists have been routinely attacked for their reporting on human rights abuses and backsliding in the country. Last year, award-winning journalist Mech Dara was arrested after he reported on the human rights abuses taking place in Cambodia's scam centers. The vagueness surrounding the definitions in this bill could leave space for journalists to be further attacked. The regime has already demonstrated its belief that information which does not align with authorized messaging will be deemed false. Does this mean reporters who report on the alleged complicity of elites – such as the cousin of Hun Manet, Hun To – in online scam centers will have their citizenship revoked under the guise of 'supplying false information to Cambodian authorities'? For many in the Cambodian diaspora – including those with dual nationality in countries like the United States, France, or Australia – the bill would introduce a dangerous vulnerability. Should they speak out against the regime from abroad, they could find themselves stripped of their Cambodian citizenship. Worse still, their families back home may be targeted in retaliation. This law doesn't just threaten individuals. It undermines the very foundation of citizenship: the idea that it is not a right, but a privledge to be granted or revoked at a leader's whim. If Cambodia faces no repercussions for this draconian step, other governments may take note. In Southeast Asia, where fragile democracies and authoritarian tendencies coexist uneasily, Hun Sen's move could become a dangerous blueprint. That's why the international community must not stay silent. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) must speak up – not as a matter of diplomacy, but of principle. Cambodia's actions undermine the credibility of the region's commitment to human rights and rule of law. Western democracies, particularly those with strong Cambodian diaspora communities such as the U.S., Australia, France, and the European Union, should also condemn this bill unequivocally. Visa bans, aid reviews, and diplomatic pressure must be on the table. For me, this is not an abstract debate. It is deeply personal. I know what it means to lose your birth place and the identity attached. I know how easily words like 'traitor' and 'enemy' can be wielded by those in power to crush hope and sow fear. I also know silence, from the international community, often emboldens further repression. No one will be safe if this new law comes into effect – not in Cambodia, and not abroad.
The Star
09-06-2025
- Business
- The Star
Comment: What can Cambodia offer the US ahead of third round of tariff negotiations?
PHNOM PENH: As Cambodia and the US prepare for a potential third round of negotiations regarding the heavy tariffs imposed on Cambodian goods, the stakes could not be higher for the Cambodian economy. The current situation — where the US maintains a 49% tariff on a broad range of Cambodian exports — is unsustainable for a developing country that relies heavily on international trade. This trade barrier threatens not only Cambodia's economic stability but also its attractiveness as a regional investment destination. The second round of negotiations ended without a concrete agreement, leaving both sides with open expectations and diplomatic uncertainty. As the third round approaches, Cambodia must reconsider its approach and think strategically about what it can offer the US — both as a gesture of goodwill and as a calculated move to regain economic advantage. The US remains one of Cambodia's most important export markets. In 2023 alone, the Kingdom exported over $8 billion worth of goods to the US, primarily garments, footwear and travel goods. With the new tariffs, many of these goods are now subject to nearly 49% import tax — crippling their competitiveness in the US market. Even more concerning is the broader implication: Chinese investors and manufacturers, who had shifted to Cambodia in previous years to avoid US-China trade disputes, are now beginning to pull out. If Chinese businesspeople, who have been instrumental in building Cambodia's manufacturing base, decide to relocate to Vietnam, Indonesia or Bangladesh, the long-term damage to Cambodia's industrial ecosystem could be devastating. It is clear that without a breakthrough in negotiations, Cambodia risks economic isolation and a significant loss in employment opportunities, foreign direct investment, and GDP growth. This is why Cambodia must consider making the first concession. In diplomacy, small symbolic actions can unlock large strategic benefits. Cambodia must recognise that the US is not only negotiating as an economic power but also as a political actor with global norms and values. The deterioration of Cambodia-US relations began in 2017, when the Cambodian government accused the US of supporting a 'colour revolution' and took a number of aggressive actions against the opposition, particularly the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP). Since then, several high-profile political activists with alleged ties to the United States have been arrested or exiled. To move forward, Cambodia could consider making a political goodwill gesture before the third round of talks. For example, the early or conditional release of certain political prisoners — particularly those with clear connections to US institutions or civil society organisations — could demonstrate a spirit of compromise. This would not only help repair trust but also provide the US with a tangible outcome to present to its own domestic stakeholders, especially members of Congress who remain critical of Cambodia's human rights record. The US has long maintained a dual-track policy toward Cambodia: one based on economic engagement and another focused on human rights and democratic governance. Unlike China, the US does not provide aid or investment without conditions. The US seeks reciprocity in political values — freedom of expression, multiparty democracy and rule of law. Thus, even as Cambodia hopes for economic relief, it must understand that US negotiators are likely to push for more than trade concessions. They may seek reassurances on political reform, media freedom, and the reopening of democratic space. Pre-emptively addressing these concerns could help create a more favourable environment for the third round of discussions. It is important for Cambodian leaders to see beyond short-term national pride and recognise the broader geostrategic context. While China remains Cambodia's closest political and economic ally, China itself is now looking for ways to stabilise its relationship with the US, especially in the trade sector. China's priority is to show that it can be a strong and credible actor on the global stage. In this context, Cambodia must also demonstrate that it is a 'qualified friend' — not one that simply asks for help, but one that brings value to the relationship. China wants to support strong, stable and strategically useful allies. If Cambodia appears diplomatically isolated or economically weak, even China's support may become more conditional. The best way for Cambodia to prove its strength is to show that it can negotiate effectively with global powers like the US while maintaining its own dignity and national interests. Cambodia's leadership has repeatedly emphasised national sovereignty and pride, which are valid principles. But diplomacy requires pragmatism. By taking a calculated step toward political openness, Cambodia stands to gain not only economic relief but also renewed credibility on the world stage. This is not about surrendering national dignity — it is about safeguarding Cambodia's economic future. The third round of negotiations offers a narrow but real window of opportunity. Cambodia should walk into that room not as a passive petitioner, but as a proactive and responsible partner ready to contribute to a shared solution. The US is not asking Cambodia to become its ally against China. What it wants is clear: respect for democratic norms, transparent governance and political accountability. Offering the first concession — on Cambodia's own terms — could redefine the trajectory of bilateral relations for the better. All in all, Cambodia is at a crossroads. The current trade impasse with the US must be resolved not through confrontation, but through strategic compromise. A well-thought-out gesture — particularly one rooted in political goodwill — could unlock immense economic and diplomatic benefits. Now is the time for courage, not defiance. By showing a willingness to engage constructively, Cambodia can not only win favour in Washington but also retain the respect and support of its friend in Beijing. This delicate balancing act requires wisdom, timing and a clear understanding of what Cambodia must give in order to get what it truly needs. - The Phnom Penh Post/ANN *** Seun Sam is a policy analyst at the Royal Academy of Cambodia. The views and opinions expressed are his own.
