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New Indian Express
06-07-2025
- Politics
- New Indian Express
Emergency was a 'nasty affair': Gopalkrishna Gandhi
MYSURU: Former governor Gopalkrishna Gandhi, grandson of Mahatma Gandhi and C Rajagopalachari (Rajaji), described the Emergency as a 'nasty affair that nobody can deny.' Speaking on 'A Name Inherited, a Voice Earned: Walking the Delicate Path between Legacy and Self' at the 9th edition of the Mysuru Literature Festival 2025 here on Saturday, Gandhi said Rajiv Gandhi had the courage to openly acknowledge his disapproval of the Emergency, something a few in his position would have dared. 'He said in Parliament that the Emergency should not have happened. I choose to remember the Emergency not only for what it was, but for the way it was resisted by people with tremendous guts. I don't see the need to simply condemn everything Indira Gandhi did. What stands out is the silent, brave resistance across the country, people going to jail without fanfare. My brothers — Rajmohan and Ramaswamy -- attended a meeting at Raj Ghat with special permission. When Kriplani rose to address the gathering, the police raided it, arresting everyone present, even those with no connection to the meeting, and put them in jail. My brothers were among those arrested but were released by evening on Indira Gandhi's orders, knowing their detention would have international repercussions,' he said. He praised the extraordinary courage of those who opposed the Emergency. 'The Emergency can happen again, anywhere in the world. We need that same guts everywhere to speak out against authoritarianism and supremacism,' he said. Gandhi also shared that three people who profoundly shaped his thinking and world view were classical singer M S Subbulakshmi, independence activist Jayaprakash Narayan, and his grandfather C Rajagopalachari.
Time of India
23-06-2025
- General
- Time of India
Seeman climbs a tree, and Tamil Nadu starts tapping into the toddy debate again
The head of the Naam Tamizhar Katchi (We Tamils Party) caused a stir recently by climbing a palmyra tree and tapping toddy from its inflorescence. In doing so, he defied Section 4(d) of the Tamil Nadu Prohibition Act, 1937, which bans tapping from any toddy-producing tree, and invited prosecution under Section 4(e), which carries a penalty of up to three months in prison and a fine of ₹1,000. Tapping toddy from the palmyra or coconut tree and fermenting it into liquor has been an age-old tradition across South India. Ancient Tamil poet Thiruvalluvar, who composed 1,330 couplets on various subjects, even devoted a chapter to verses on "abstinence from toddy". His advice was not just moral but practical, warning of the damage liquor can do to the brain. Yet, despite this counsel tendered 2,000 years ago, toddy consumption continues unchecked in rural areas. Toddy came into the spotlight 90 years ago when the Government of India Act, 1935, came into effect and elections were held. The Congress came to power in eight provincial assemblies. In Madras Presidency, C Rajagopalachari was elected Premier, and one of his first actions was to implement prohibition in the province, in line with the Congress promise. Asked about the loss of revenue, Rajaji responded by introducing India's first sales tax legislation, imposing a 1% tax on all goods sold and purchased to offset the shortfall. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like 1 Bite Daily On An Empty Stomach Can Transform Your Health Gundry MD Learn More Undo However, after the Congress resigned from the provincial govts, the British did not waste any time. They lifted prohibition in 1944 and allowed the free sale of liquor to replenish the treasury through abkari contracts. After Independence, prohibition was reintroduced in 1948, driven by Mahatma Gandhi's insistence on promoting total abstinence from alcohol. The Constitution, which came into force in 1950, included Article 47, which stated that "the state shall endeavour to bring about prohibition of the consumption, except for medicinal purposes, of intoxicating drinks and of drugs which are injurious to health". Madras Province remained dry for nearly two decades under Congress rule. When DMK came to power under chief minister C N Annadurai, prohibition continued. After that, TN's liquor policy became a back-and-forth struggle, with each govt deciding whether the state would be dry based on its own stance on the issue. In 1971, when M Karunanidhi became chief minister, prohibition was lifted. Just two years later, it was reintroduced. In 1977, M G Ramachandran (MGR) became chief minister and relaxed prohibition, but liquor consumption was only allowed with a permit. By 1980, liquor was back on the scene, available even in sachets. When J Jayalalithaa assumed office in 1991, she reimposed prohibition. In 2003, the state govt took control of the procurement and retail sale of Indian Made Foreign Liquor (IMFL), establishing a monopoly. The Prohibition Act and related rules were amended, giving the govt exclusive rights over liquor sales in TN. It was ironic that the rules allowing the state to monopolise IMFL sales were created under the same Prohibition Act of 1937, effectively mocking the constitutional directive under Article 47. While toddy is a fermented juice tapped from coconut and palmyra trees, its unfermented form is known as padhaneer. The Prohibition Act defines padhaneer as "juice drawn from a coconut, palmyra, date, or any other kind of palm tree into receptacles treated to prevent any fermentation and not fermented". Over time, the argument that toddy is a healthier, more natural alcoholic drink than IMFL began to gain traction. In the 1960s, a political party called the Toddy Seekers Kazhagam contested elections, though unsuccessfully, demanding the right to tap toddy. Since the Tamil Nadu govt established the Tamil Nadu State Marketing Corporation (Tasmac) for the retail vending of IMFL, a renewed toddy movement has begun, framing the debate as one between swadeshi (indigenous) and videshi (foreign) alcohol. The head of the movement even threw an open challenge, offering ₹1 crore to anyone who could prove toddy was harmful to health. Tasmac emerged as the state's biggest source of revenue, generating ₹50,000 crore annually. As a result, the govt was unwilling to consider pleas for opening toddy shops or permitting the tapping of toddy from coconut and palmyra trees. In 2007, during Karunanidhi's tenure as chief minister, a public interest litigation was filed, claiming that it was unconstitutional for the state to sell IMFL while prohibiting the tapping and consumption of toddy. A division bench of the Madras High Court dismissed the case and held that "a citizen has no fundamental right to trade or business in liquor as a privilege" (2007). Though petitioners claimed that toddy was a natural drink, the court observed that it could be adulterated with chemicals to increase its potency and rejected the argument. To respond to demands from coconut and palm workers who lost livelihoods, the Karunanidhi govt appointed a committee chaired by Justice K P Sivasubramaniam. It included several govt officials and a police officer. However, the committee's report was not unanimous. Justice Sivasubramaniam said total prohibition was ideal but added that in the absence of such prohibition, there was no harm in allowing the production and consumption of toddy. Govt officials on the committee dissented. Using this dissent, the Karunanidhi govt appointed another official committee to review the report and submit fresh recommendations. In his report, Justice Sivasubramaniam remarked on the irony of his appointment, wondering how a teetotaller like him was chosen to head a committee on toddy tapping. Though he was in the minority, he clearly stated that while total prohibition was not being enforced, the state could permit toddy tapping. However, he remained a staunch supporter of prohibition. He declared that he would never allow toddy tapping in his own coconut grove as he believed the decision to lift prohibition brought ruin to thousands of families. He also noted that the Kongu region of western Tamil Nadu, a stronghold for the prohibition movement during the pre-independence era, was now at the forefront of demands to allow toddy tapping. Today, as most political parties have distanced themselves from the issue, Seeman has reopened the debate. In a dramatic gesture, he climbed a palmyra tree fitted with wooden planks, tapped the juice, and drank it in defiance of the law. Though the BJP's manifesto includes a promise to permit toddy tapping, the party quickly distanced itself from Seeman's actions. A police official said they were examining whether to initiate prosecution against the NTK leader. Several DMK allies questioned how Seeman could campaign for total prohibition while making an exception for toddy and extolling its virtues. (The writer is a retired judge of Madras high court) The head of the Naam Tamizhar Katchi (We Tamils Party) caused a stir recently by climbing a palmyra tree and tapping toddy from its inflorescence. In doing so, he defied Section 4(d) of the Tamil Nadu Prohibition Act, 1937, which bans tapping from any toddy-producing tree, and invited prosecution under Section 4(e), which carries a penalty of up to three months in prison and a fine of ₹1,000. Tapping toddy from the palmyra or coconut tree and fermenting it into liquor has been an age-old tradition across South India. Ancient Tamil poet Thiruvalluvar, who composed 1,330 couplets on various subjects, even devoted a chapter to verses on "abstinence from toddy". His advice was not just moral but practical, warning of the damage liquor can do to the brain. Yet, despite this counsel tendered 2,000 years ago, toddy consumption continues unchecked in rural areas. Toddy came into the spotlight 90 years ago when the Government of India Act, 1935, came into effect and elections were held. The Congress came to power in eight provincial assemblies. In Madras Presidency, C Rajagopalachari was elected Premier, and one of his first actions was to implement prohibition in the province, in line with the Congress promise. Asked about the loss of revenue, Rajaji responded by introducing India's first sales tax legislation, imposing a 1% tax on all goods sold and purchased to offset the shortfall. However, after the Congress resigned from the provincial govts, the British did not waste any time. They lifted prohibition in 1944 and allowed the free sale of liquor to replenish the treasury through abkari contracts. After Independence, prohibition was reintroduced in 1948, driven by Mahatma Gandhi's insistence on promoting total abstinence from alcohol. The Constitution, which came into force in 1950, included Article 47, which stated that "the state shall endeavour to bring about prohibition of the consumption, except for medicinal purposes, of intoxicating drinks and of drugs which are injurious to health". Madras Province remained dry for nearly two decades under Congress rule. When DMK came to power under chief minister C N Annadurai, prohibition continued. After that, TN's liquor policy became a back-and-forth struggle, with each govt deciding whether the state would be dry based on its own stance on the issue. In 1971, when M Karunanidhi became chief minister, prohibition was lifted. Just two years later, it was reintroduced. In 1977, M G Ramachandran (MGR) became chief minister and relaxed prohibition, but liquor consumption was only allowed with a permit. By 1980, liquor was back on the scene, available even in sachets. When J Jayalalithaa assumed office in 1991, she reimposed prohibition. In 2003, the state govt took control of the procurement and retail sale of Indian Made Foreign Liquor (IMFL), establishing a monopoly. The Prohibition Act and related rules were amended, giving the govt exclusive rights over liquor sales in TN. It was ironic that the rules allowing the state to monopolise IMFL sales were created under the same Prohibition Act of 1937, effectively mocking the constitutional directive under Article 47. While toddy is a fermented juice tapped from coconut and palmyra trees, its unfermented form is known as padhaneer. The Prohibition Act defines padhaneer as "juice drawn from a coconut, palmyra, date, or any other kind of palm tree into receptacles treated to prevent any fermentation and not fermented". Over time, the argument that toddy is a healthier, more natural alcoholic drink than IMFL began to gain traction. In the 1960s, a political party called the Toddy Seekers Kazhagam contested elections, though unsuccessfully, demanding the right to tap toddy. Since the Tamil Nadu govt established the Tamil Nadu State Marketing Corporation (Tasmac) for the retail vending of IMFL, a renewed toddy movement has begun, framing the debate as one between swadeshi (indigenous) and videshi (foreign) alcohol. The head of the movement even threw an open challenge, offering ₹1 crore to anyone who could prove toddy was harmful to health. Tasmac emerged as the state's biggest source of revenue, generating ₹50,000 crore annually. As a result, the govt was unwilling to consider pleas for opening toddy shops or permitting the tapping of toddy from coconut and palmyra trees. In 2007, during Karunanidhi's tenure as chief minister, a public interest litigation was filed, claiming that it was unconstitutional for the state to sell IMFL while prohibiting the tapping and consumption of toddy. A division bench of the Madras High Court dismissed the case and held that "a citizen has no fundamental right to trade or business in liquor as a privilege" (2007). Though petitioners claimed that toddy was a natural drink, the court observed that it could be adulterated with chemicals to increase its potency and rejected the argument. To respond to demands from coconut and palm workers who lost livelihoods, the Karunanidhi govt appointed a committee chaired by Justice K P Sivasubramaniam. It included several govt officials and a police officer. However, the committee's report was not unanimous. Justice Sivasubramaniam said total prohibition was ideal but added that in the absence of such prohibition, there was no harm in allowing the production and consumption of toddy. Govt officials on the committee dissented. Using this dissent, the Karunanidhi govt appointed another official committee to review the report and submit fresh recommendations. In his report, Justice Sivasubramaniam remarked on the irony of his appointment, wondering how a teetotaller like him was chosen to head a committee on toddy tapping. Though he was in the minority, he clearly stated that while total prohibition was not being enforced, the state could permit toddy tapping. However, he remained a staunch supporter of prohibition. He declared that he would never allow toddy tapping in his own coconut grove as he believed the decision to lift prohibition brought ruin to thousands of families. He also noted that the Kongu region of western Tamil Nadu, a stronghold for the prohibition movement during the pre-independence era, was now at the forefront of demands to allow toddy tapping. Today, as most political parties have distanced themselves from the issue, Seeman has reopened the debate. In a dramatic gesture, he climbed a palmyra tree fitted with wooden planks, tapped the juice, and drank it in defiance of the law. Though the BJP's manifesto includes a promise to permit toddy tapping, the party quickly distanced itself from Seeman's actions. A police official said they were examining whether to initiate prosecution against the NTK leader. Several DMK allies questioned how Seeman could campaign for total prohibition while making an exception for toddy and extolling its virtues. (The writer is a retired judge of Madras high court)
Hindustan Times
14-06-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
How the Constitution came to represent our civilisational ethos
These days it has become fashionable for political leaders to swear by the Constitution, and even flaunt a copy of it in public rallies. Yet few are fully aware of the drama and sweat that went into its making. The Constitution was a product of three years of intense and cerebral deliberations of the Constituent Assembly (CA), from August 1946 to January 26, 1950, when it was signed by each member and formally adopted. We celebrate that day as Republic Day. But there is a long history preceding the convening of the CA. The idea was first mooted by VK Krishna Menon (later the country's defence minister) as far back as 1933. In 1936, at its Lucknow session, the Congress party formally asked for it. When there was no immediate response from the British, C Rajagopalachari strongly reiterated the appeal. The British accepted it in August 1940. Finally, under the British Cabinet Mission Plan, elections to the CA were held in July 1946. Not many know that these elections were not held under universal suffrage. The nominees were elected by the Provincial Assemblies by a single transferable vote system of proportional representation. To this were added the elected nominees of 93 princely states, and one each from the chief commissionerships of Delhi, Ajmer-Merwara, Coorg and Baluchistan. The elections were completed by 16 August 1946. Congress representatives had the lion's share of 69%. The Muslim League won 73 seats. On the announcement of a separate Indian state, the League boycotted the CA, but 28 of its 73 members chose to ignore the boycott. In its final configuration, the CA consisted of 299 members. Although not directly elected, they represented an entire spectrum of views — conservatives, progressives, Marxists, and all beliefs, including Hindu revivalists and Islamic votaries. Historian Granville Austin has described the CA as 'India in microcosm'. Rajendra Prasad, later the first President of India, was elected as the chairperson. Harendra Coomar Mookherjee, a Christian and former vice-chancellor of Calcutta University, was elected vice-president. BR Ambedkar was the chairperson of the drafting committee. He was ably assisted by jurist BN Rau, who as Constitutional advisor, prepared the first draft. The CA had 114 sittings spread over two years, 11 months and 18 days. Spirited debates took place on several issues: Universal suffrage, which some thought was premature, until Jawaharlal Nehru put an end to the debate by saying, 'the voice of a peasant is as precious as that of a professor'; the integration into the Union of princely states, ably steered by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel; federalism, and the use of emergency powers by the Centre, but only in 'extraordinary circumstances'; language and linguistic states; fundamental rights versus directive principles; and reservations and social justice. Ambedkar's insistence on reservations for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes faced some opposition, but his will prevailed when he bluntly said that if this is not done, 'those who suffer from inequality will blow up the structure of democracy'. There were voices wanting Hindu heritage to be especially acknowledged, but after prolonged debate, the consensus was that the Republic will treat all religions equally. On 26 November 1949, the Constitution was passed, the longest of its kind in the world, with 395 Articles, eight Schedules, and 22 Sections, a remarkable tribute to its creators. As I studied its making, two often ignored facts struck me. First, there were 17 feisty women in the CA, including G Durgabai, Sucheta Kriplani, Sarojini Naidu, Vijayalakshmi Pandit, and Kamala Chaudhri. They formed a distinctive voice, and have been referred to as the 'Mothers of the Constitution'. Second, I was surprised at how preponderant the best minds of South India were. For instance, in the six-member drafting committee chaired by Ambedkar, save KM Munshi, the others were south Indian scholars: Alladi Krishnaswamy Iyer, Gopala Swamy Ayyangar, N. Madhava Rao and TT Krishnamachari. The house committee chairman was Pattabhi Sitaramayya. The second vice-president of the CA, elected later, was VT Krishnamachari. And, of course, the Constitutional advisor was BN Rau. So, next time when political leaders brandish the Constitution, they should be aware of how much pan-Indian thought went into its preparation. Its courageous Preamble represents the soul of a nation, and the entire document our civilisational ethos. Pavan K Varma is author, diplomat, and former Member of Parliament (Rajya Sabha). The views expressed are personal. Get 360° coverage—from daily headlines to 100 year archives.
NDTV
09-05-2025
- Politics
- NDTV
India Mobilises The "Terriers": What Is Territorial Army
New Delhi: The Indian Army chief has been given the go-ahead by the government to activate the Territorial Army (TA) to provide for essential guard or in a support role to the regular army. The government's decision comes amid the conflict with Pakistan. Here's a 10-point explainer on the Territorial Army (TA) There are 32 Infantry Battalions of the Territorial Army. Of this, 14 Infantry Battalions (TA) or approximately 14,000 soldiers can be deployed in areas under the Southern Command, Eastern Command, Western Command, Central Command, Northern Command, South Western Command, Andaman and Nicobar Command, and Army Training Command, the government said. The Territorial Army was inaugurated by India's first Governor General C Rajagopalachari on October 9, 1949. This day is celebrated as 'TA Day' every year in honour of the 'Citizens Army', and the first TA week was celebrated from November 8 to 15, 1952. The TA began with various types of units such as Infantry Battalion (TA), Air Defence (TA), Medical Regiment (TA), Engineers Field Park Company (TA), Signal Regiment (TA), etc. However, these units were disbanded or converted into the regular army by 1972, except for Infantry Battalion (TA). TA units have been part of operations in 1962, 1965, and 1971. The 'Terriers' also went to Sri Lanka during Operation Pawan, Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir during Operation Rakshak, and the north-east region during Operation Rhino and Operation Bajrang. In its present role, the TA is essentially a part of the regular army. The TA can provide units for the regular army as and when needed if the country is threatened. The TA can also relieve the regular army from static duties and help the civil administration in dealing with natural disasters and maintaining essential services during national emergency situations such as outbreak of hostilities with an enemy nation. The TA has 10 ecological battalions sponsored by state governments. These Ecological Task Force Battalions (TA) use the technical expertise of the respective state forest department for afforestation-linked activities, and soil conservation. By virtue of their task and role, the Ecological Territorial Army units are contributing immensely by ecological activities towards disaster mitigation and also be part of nation-building efforts of the Indian Army. There are also departmental TA regiments for oil and natural gas installations and the railways. The Assam agitation of 1980 led to a massive loss in oil production, estimated at over Rs 5,000 crore. Combat Engineer Regiments were deployed to take over oil and gas installations for maintaining production. So, the raising of the oil sector TA units was the result of the lessons learnt during this period. Civilians can apply to become TA officers. In this way, the TA says people can serve the nation in two capacities - as a civilian, and as a soldier. The eligibility conditions include Indian citizenship, age range between 18 and 42 years, graduation from a recognised university, physically and mentally fit, and gainfully employed. Serving members of the regular armed forces and not eligible to apply as officers in the TA.
