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OC Media
13 hours ago
- Politics
- OC Media
Armenia to make ‘final decisions' on CSTO if Russia will not criticise Azerbaijani occupation
Sign in or or Become a member to unlock the audio version of this article Join the voices Aliyev wants to silence. For over eight years, OC Media has worked with fearless journalists from Azerbaijan — some of whom now face decades behind bars — to bring you the stories the regime is afraid will get out. Help us fuel Aliyev's fears — become an OC Media member today Become a member Armenian Deputy Foreign Minister Vahan Kostanyan has said that Yerevan will make 'final decisions' on the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO), a Russia-led defence alliance, if Moscow and other treaty allies do not 'make political statements' about Azerbaijani incursions and occupation of Armenian territory. 'Regarding the CSTO, we don't simply hint, we say directly that this can't go on forever. After all, if the CSTO colleagues, including Russia, don't make political statements — which was raised after the attack against Armenia's sovereign territory years earlier, then Armenia will make final decisions', Kostanyan said. He was likely referring to Azerbaijani attacks on territory internationally recognised as being Armenian in 2021 and 2022. Azerbaijani forces continue to hold some of this territory. It was not immediately clear what Kostanyan meant by 'political statements'. After being asked when Armenia would leave the CSTO, Kostanyan said 'as a sovereign state, Armenia decides on its own when it is the right time to [take] any given step'. Armenia's relations started to severely deteriorate with Russia and the CSTO after the two failed to send assistance during Azerbaijani incursions into Armenia in 2021 and 2022. After sitting out CSTO events for months and pulling out from hosting a CSTO drill, in February 2024, Armenia announced that its participation in the CSTO was 'basically frozen'. Advertisement Moreover, at the end of 2024, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan announced that 'we have crossed the point of no return' in regards to the country's possible return to the bloc. 'The discrepancy between these events and their now public mutual expression makes the return of the Republic of Armenia to the CSTO increasingly difficult, if not impossible', Pashinyan said at the time.
South China Morning Post
6 days ago
- Business
- South China Morning Post
Why China's Central Asian footprint is about to get bigger
The second China-Central Asia Summit , held in Astana in Kazakhstan last week, was an ideal opportunity for Beijing to strengthen economic and political ties not only with the host country but also with Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Tajikistan. The Astana Times reported that a total of 58 agreements worth nearly US$25 billion were signed between China and its regional partners. China also reached a series of bilateral agreements and memorandums of understanding with Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Earlier this week, Kazakhstan announced that China National Nuclear Corporation would lead a project aimed at building another nuclear power plant in the Central Asian country. These developments indicate that Beijing's influence in this strategically important region is only growing. However, that does not mean that other global actors are sitting idly by and watching as China strengthens its position in Central Asia. Earlier this year, the European Union sought to expand its ties with the region through the EU–Central Asia Summit format. It is not a secret that Brussels is eyeing Central Asian raw materials. Russia, meanwhile, despite its preoccupation with the war in Ukraine, still sees the region as its 'near abroad' and maintains relatively strong security ties with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan – all members of the Moscow-led Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO).
India.com
31-05-2025
- Business
- India.com
India arming Armenia with powerful weapons like Pinaka, Akash, and howitzers; check Pakistan, Turkey, Azerbaijan connection
India arming Armenia with powerful weapons like Pinaka, Akash, and howitzers; check Pakistan, Turkey, Azerbaijan connection Defense relations between India and Armenia have been continuously increasing. By Tahir Qureshi Edited by Tahir Qureshi Advertisement New Delhi: India is continuously increasing arms sales to Armenia. This is seen as an effort to counter the growing strategic alliance between Turkey, Azerbaijan, and Pakistan. This trilateral partnership has challenged India's regional interests. During the recent India-Pakistan conflict, Turkey and Azerbaijan openly supported Islamabad and condemned India. In this context, the rising Indian arms sales to Armenia are being viewed as a balance of power, which is likely to escalate tensions with Azerbaijan and Turkey. Azerbaijan has a longstanding hostility with Armenia, and both countries have fought several wars against each other. Defense relations between India and Armenia have been continuously increasing since 2020. The main reason for this is Armenia's growing distance from its traditional arms supplier, Russia. During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war, Armenia accused Russia of remaining neutral and not providing assistance, even though both countries are members of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). Advertisement === Speaking to the South China Morning Post, Rajan Kochar, senior advisor at the Delhi-based security think tank Indic Researchers Forum, stated, 'India's relations with Turkey and Azerbaijan are not very good. Therefore, the sale of any kind of weapons to Armenia is unlikely to affect our relations with them, especially since both countries openly supported and promoted Pakistan against India during Operation Sindoor.' According to media reports, India is planning to deliver a second consignment of the Akash-1S surface-to-air missile system to Armenia under the 2022 treaty, along with a wide range of weapons including howitzer guns and the Pinaka multiple launch rocket system. The first consignment of missiles was sent last November. Advertisement === According to a report, Russia was Armenia's largest arms supplier for many years, but experts say that Yerevan's not providing open support for Moscow in the war against Ukraine has negatively impacted the relationship. Since then, India has emerged as a major supplier of arms to Armenia. London-based independent political analyst Chris Blackburn stated that India's missile sales are a direct response to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's support for Pakistan and his criticism of countries supplying arms to Armenia.
The Print
30-05-2025
- Business
- The Print
Armenia's buying Indian weapons. This opens entry points to Caucasus, Central Asia & beyond
In earlier writings, I've delved into the complex reasons behind why Armenia—a small, landlocked nation in the South Caucasus—remains stuck in a long-standing struggle with its neighbour. Fast forward to the present, and India's growing success in Armenia is a story of swift decision-making and deft diplomacy—bringing together all the right elements at the right moment. Few could have predicted that within a mere three to four years, India's presence in the region would grow so decisively that it would emerge as Armenia's largest defence supplier in its protracted conflict with Azerbaijan. Until just a few years ago—even at the dawn of this decade—mentioning the Caucasus would likely have been met with a shrug from most Indians. Yet, just last week, it was deeply encouraging to witness dozens of Indians gathered in Yerevan, the capital of Armenia, for the second iteration of the Yerevan Dialogue. Geopolitics in the yonder Traditionally, India's diplomatic focus has remained closer to home—first on its immediate neighbourhood, and then eastward via the Look East and Act East policies. A marked change came after the 2015 Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) doctrine, with India's maritime vision taking centre stage in New Delhi's strategic calculus. Over the course of the current dispensation, New Delhi has broadened its strategic outreach way beyond the immediate theatres. With aspirations for a larger role in both geopolitics and geo-economics, India has begun to engage with new regions—seizing opportunities presented by the constant flux of global power dynamics. India's relationship with Armenia is a prime example of this shift. Long known as the world's largest arms importer, and often struggling to modernise its indigenous defence sector, India found in Armenia a rare partner—one willing to procure nearly every major weapon system developed domestically. As Russia—Armenia's formal ally through the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO)—failed to extend meaningful security guarantees during the Nagorno-Karabakh conflicts in 2020 and 2023, while simultaneously arming Azerbaijan, a frustrated Yerevan was forced to look elsewhere for support. Russia's deepening entanglement in Ukraine further diverted its attention from its traditional sphere of influence, leaving a vacuum that India stepped into with both urgency and strategic foresight. While eager to modernise its defence capabilities, Armenia lacked the financial means to procure costly Western platforms. Its nascent defence industry was not yet equipped enough, just beginning to specialise in niche technologies. In a pragmatic move, Armenia turned to India. Indian weapon systems, though not as expensive as their Western counterparts, offered reliable and effective solutions. Within just two years, by 2023, India had appointed a Defence Attaché to Yerevan and concluded multiple defence agreements worth millions of dollars. These covered a wide spectrum of indigenous platforms, from the Akash surface-to-air (SAM) missile systems and SWATHI weapon-locating radars to the advanced towed artillery gun system (ATAGS) and large consignments of ammunition. The only notable exception has been the BrahMos missile system—co-developed with Russia—which Yerevan has so far avoided, likely due to a strained relationship with Russia and Moscow's closeness to Baku. Armenia's growing reliance on Indian defence exports marked a significant milestone for India. Historically, Indian weapons have struggled to gain recognition abroad, and cases like the grounded Dhruv helicopters—despite discounted sales—have not inspired much confidence. However, Yerevan has not only bought several Indian platforms, but has also closely observed the performance of India's indigenous systems in combat scenarios in the wake of Operation Sindoor strikes on Pakistani terror camps and air bases, bolstering confidence in their reliability. India's defence exports have surged in recent years, hitting the Rs 24,000 crore mark for the first time in 2024. With ambitions to surpass Rs 50,000 crore by the end of the decade, this trajectory appears within reach. However, a majority of these exports consist of dual-use technologies and secondary components destined for Western partners like the US and France. Armenia stands out as one of the few, perhaps the only country procuring full-fledged Indian platforms. A notable exception, though, is select Southeast Asian buyers of the Russian co-produced BrahMos missile, such as the Philippines and Vietnam. Armenia then occupies a unique place in India's defence outreach. For instance, the French had expressed interest in India's Pinaka multi-barrel rocket launchers—spurred by India's sale of the same to Armenia—though they ultimately opted for different systems. Nonetheless, such visibility in theatres of mutual interest provides a smart sales pitch to Indian defence prowess. Also read: Countering Pakistan isn't India's only challenge. We need doctrinal clarity on China factor What next? As the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict currently lies in a fragile truce, and peace negotiations continue, now is the time for India to mature its defence partnership with Armenia—building resilience and establishing India as a reliable long-term partner. Several strategic avenues lie ahead: continuing direct weapons sales; integrating Armenian start-ups into 'Make in India' and 'Make for the World' initiatives; and cooperating within broader security frameworks. One such avenue is the trilateral cooperation mechanism. While India is Armenia's largest defence supplier, France holds the second position. Given India and France's robust defence ties and a shared industrial roadmap, co-producing and co-exporting to third countries could be a mutual win. Beyond France, Armenia's growing defence ties with Greece and Cyprus—especially following their 2024 trilateral agreement—indicate a broader alignment aimed at counterbalancing Turkish and Pakistani influence in the region. In the evolving geopolitical landscape of the Caucasus, there is growing potential for deeper cooperation between India, France, and Greece to support Armenia's security architecture. For India, the key lies in transitioning from a transactional approach—centered on arms sales—to a more mature framework that ensures its rapidly expanding military footprint in the region is not only sustained but institutionalised. The prudent course for New Delhi then is to pursue long-term engagement as a credible security partner through joint exercises and coordinated activities with like-minded players. Stakes in Armenia's stabilisation Although defence cooperation is indeed the most visible symbol of India's presence in the region, there is more beneath the surface. At present, Armenia is navigating complex negotiations for a peace agreement with its neighbours. For a landlocked country encircled by adversarial powers—Azerbaijan and Turkey—and a disengaged Russia, survival depends on leveraging its geography. Armenia's evolving strategy is to position itself as a vital connectivity hub for regional corridors. What may appear as a compromise today could, in fact, become a long-term stabilisation model for this nation of just three million people with strong nationalist sentiment. From India's perspective, the stakes are both economic and strategic. The International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), which begins in Mumbai and extends through Iran's Bandar Abbas to the Persian Gulf, continues northward through Baku en route to Moscow. India has also been pushing for connecting INSTC to another Iranian port, Chabahar, which has significant Indian investments. This corridor stands to gain significantly from new trade links that include Armenia. India and Iran, in cooperation with Armenia, have been promoting this under a trilateral framework. Specifically, connectivity through Armenia's southern Syunik province not only enhances regional trade dynamics but also offers India a counterweight to the growing Turkey-Azerbaijan axis in the Caucasus. Armenia, already a reliable buyer of Indian defence platforms, is increasingly poised to serve as India's strategic gateway into the South Caucasus. From there, India can diversify westward through Georgia into the Black Sea and Europe, or eastward into Central Asia and the Caspian basin. This vision, while ambitious, aligns with India's growing infrastructure footprint along the broader Mediterranean arc. Take, for example, India's interest in connecting the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) with the Three Seas Initiative—linking Eastern European, Baltic, and Adriatic markets. With the capability to develop port and transport infrastructure across critical maritime zones, India is uniquely positioned to counterbalance not only China's influence in Central Asia but also Turkey's growing dominance in the Caucasus. Importantly, if played intelligently, India's long-standing ties with Russia could act as a facilitator, not an obstacle, to these ambitions. Whether this interconnected vision eventually extends to include the Arctic—where geopolitical competition and contestation will intensify as ice caps recede—remains to be seen. But the trajectory is clear: India is readying itself for a broader, bolder role in the regions shaping tomorrow's geopolitics through symbiotic relationships. Swasti Rao is a consulting editor at ThePrint and a foreign policy expert. She tweets @swasrao. Views are personal. (Edited by Ratan Priya)
Business Recorder
21-05-2025
- Politics
- Business Recorder
Russia blames arms delays to Armenia on Ukraine war
YEREVAN: Russia has been struggling to supply its traditional ally Armenia with weapons due to the ongoing strain of the Ukraine war, Moscow's foreign minister said Wednesday. Armenia, a landlocked ex-Soviet country in the Caucasus, has long relied on Moscow to provide weapons and security in its standoff with neighbouring Azerbaijan. But Yerevan has in recent years turned to France and India for arms purchases, as Moscow fails to deliver weapons the country has already paid for. Russia has thrown huge budgetary and military resources at its three-year invasion of Ukraine, often at the expense of other foreign policy commitments, analysts say. At a press conference in Yerevan alongside Armenian counterpart Ararat Mirzoyan, Lavrov acknowledged some weapons contracts had been delayed or reassigned, citing what he described as an existential confrontation with the West. Vladimir Putin visits Kursk region for first time since ejecting Ukrainian forces 'We are currently in a situation where, as has happened throughout history, we are forced to fight all of Europe,' Lavrov said, accusing European nations of backing Ukraine 'under Nazi slogans'. 'Our Armenian friends understand that in such conditions we cannot fulfil all our obligations on time,' he said. Commenting on Armenia's growing military ties with other suppliers, including France, Lavrov said Russia would not oppose Yerevan procuring arms from third countries but said the move raised concerns about Armenia's strategic direction. 'When an ally turns to a country like France, which leads the hostile camp and whose president and ministers speak openly with hatred toward Russia, it does raise questions,' he said. His comments come amid growing strains between Moscow and Yerevan, as Armenia deepens its ties with the West while remaining formally allied with Russia. Armenia has effectively frozen its participation in the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO), a Russian-led security umbrella of ex-Soviet countries. Armenia also accused Russian peacekeepers of failing to protect over 100,000 ethnic Armenians who fled Karabakh after Azerbaijan's lightning military operation and takeover of the region in 2023.
