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Are arms firms or constituents the priority for our MPs?
Are arms firms or constituents the priority for our MPs?

The National

time15-07-2025

  • Politics
  • The National

Are arms firms or constituents the priority for our MPs?

The UK Government had announced it would be making the Conservative Party's ban on puberty blockers for trans youth a permanent fixture of Labour's 'changed' Britain and I had hoped to discuss it with my elected representative. I suspected the entire thing would be an exercise in frustration but I was at least curious to know just how much of a waste of time it would be. And in that sense, Glasgow South MP Gordon McKee did not disappoint. McKee represents an area of Scotland with one of the largest queer and trans demographics in the nation. As the MP for that area, I hoped McKee would be willing to engage with the worries my community had with his party. READ MORE: UK Government draining aid budget with 'broken' asylum hotels policy, watchdog warns Beyond an automated response confirming that my email had been received, my first message went unanswered. I followed up a month later. Then again another month after that. And once more in March. But then, a sign from on high! Lo, a leaflet came through my letterbox from the man himself. McKee, it seemed, held regular surgeries. And although there was no actual information on when or where they were going to be held, here was an option to speak to him. So I asked to meet my MP to discuss the matter in person, and a few days later I had my first response. I was offered a chance to speak for 15 minutes with two caseworkers over Teams. OK. It was around this point that I finally received a response to my earlier emails – three months after they were sent. After a little brag about Labour's investment in the NHS, McKee got down to business: the Labour Government, I was informed, has to follow the evidence, including the findings of the infamous Cass Review commissioned by the previous Conservative government. It didn't seem to matter that the Cass Review had not, in fact, recommended banning puberty blockers for trans young people, nor that the report has been ripped to shreds through peer review over unsound methodology and more. After months of waiting, months of watching the situation in the UK deteriorate further and further for trans people, I had been sent a carefully prepared statement delivered en masse to all who had raised concerns about Labour's attacks on the LGBTQ+ community – and it was still wrong. So I asked if McKee would be willing to meet a group of trans constituents to discuss their concerns, giving him a chance to listen to and understand the people in his community who were angry or even afraid at the direction Labour were taking under Keir Starmer's failing right-wing leadership. My request was met with further silence. However, I was finally offered a chance to finally speak to McKee – for 15 minutes, with less than 24 hours' notice for the following weekday. I was also asked for details of the group that wanted to meet with McKee. Before I had a chance to provide anything, the offer was rescinded. READ MORE: Labour council takes no action against councillor who grabbed Gaza protester by neck According to a caseworker, McKee was too busy focusing on issues such as homelessness (even though the primary responsibility for homelessness lies with local councils, not MPs). Instead, he would respond to the issues I had raised in my previous emails. I did not receive a response to my previous emails. Nor the next ones I sent. But after more following up, I was offered a solo surgery date four weeks later. It took five months, but I finally had the chance to speak to my MP. It was a complete waste of time. Face to face, I asked repeatedly if McKee would commit to meeting properly with a group of trans constituents to talk about the current dire situation being inflamed by his party – and the answer was no. I was told that if anyone had an issue, they could reach out to Gordon individually (emails to be sent to and he would be able to help on that basis – though the five months of ignored emails and U-turns to organise a 15-minute discussion would really suggest otherwise. Getting a straight answer to any question I asked proved almost as difficult as getting the meeting in the first place. READ MORE: Why is the BBC not talking about Scottish concerns? I was reminded of this exchange last week when I saw McKee pop up on the Sunday National's list of MPs running a cross-party group looking to 'partner' with defence firms, to give them exclusive access to Westminster MPs and policy makers for as little as £1499. It took nearly six months for my MP to meet me, but now I see my error. If only I had been an arms firm with cash to spare, maybe the process could have been expedited somewhat. In the scheme of things, my experience is not the worst by any measure. But it is a story being told the length of the United Kingdom on a daily basis. We are treated with absolute contempt by the British political class, who will cosy up to arms firms while proscribing people who take action against them as terrorists. Politicians will attack your rights, your welfare and your freedom while thumbing their nose at even the suggestion of accountability. I doubt McKee is any worse than his colleagues, but isn't that just the greatest indictment of the political establishment he represents?

Gender medicine after Skrmetti: A call for accountability at Northwestern
Gender medicine after Skrmetti: A call for accountability at Northwestern

The Hill

time09-07-2025

  • Health
  • The Hill

Gender medicine after Skrmetti: A call for accountability at Northwestern

Earlier this month, the Supreme Court upheld Tennessee's ban on pediatric gender medicine, setting a precedent for similar laws nationwide. At universities like ours, U.S. v. Skrmetti was framed as a triumph of far-right extremism at the expense of vulnerable transgender youth. But some of us at Northwestern welcomed the decision — not as anti-trans activists, but as psychology researchers alarmed by the extent to which ideology has overtaken evidence in mental health care. To us, the verdict presents an opportunity to reexamine a clinical dogma that has captured our field. Seizing this moment, however, will require academia to confront its own entrenched orthodoxies—something Northwestern has shown little interest in doing. Over the past decade, gender dysphoria has surged among adolescent girls, coinciding with a shift in the therapist's role. Clinicians are now expected to affirm clients' gender identities rather than explore the underlying issues. In the rush to validate, practitioners often overlook alternative explanations for gender-related distress. Sexual trauma, for instance, can produce bodily alienation, numbness, and disgust — symptoms easily mistaken for dysphoria. Labeling caution as 'transphobia' diverts traumatized girls away from appropriate care and toward the very sort of irreversible interventions the Supreme Court ruled on in Skrmetti. There are clear reasons young women may reject their bodies that have nothing to do with 'gender identity' as defined by activists. Adolescent girls today navigate a pornified culture that commodifies their sexuality and undermines self-worth. In coursework at Northwestern, we were shown a video series defining 'trans' as anyone who deviates from gender expectations for their 'sex assigned at birth.' But when those expectations are shaped by a misogynistic ethos that eroticizes female pain, it's no surprise some girls try to escape womanhood by suppressing puberty or undergoing double mastectomies. The field of mental health has long misread female trauma. Borderline personality disorder, for instance, is disproportionately assigned to women — especially survivors of sexual abuse. Many detransitioners describe a similar pattern. Young women like Prisha Mosley, Chloe Cole, Luka Hein, and Isabelle Ayala have publicly linked their dysphoria to trauma. Simon Amaya Price, a fellow at Do No Harm, told us he hasn't encountered a single detransitioner whose gender distress had not been trauma-related. While anecdotal, his observation reflects a growing number of cases in which clinicians simply bypass trauma treatment and refer patients directly for life-altering gender procedures. These concerns are being taken seriously in other countries. Long before Skrmetti, several European countries had restricted pediatric gender medicine to clinical trials due to poor evidence and high risk. This shift was driven in part by the Cass Review, a sweeping independent investigation that found major flaws in the research base and recommended psychotherapy — not hormones or surgery — as the first-line treatment. The Cass Review poses a serious challenge to U.S. institutions that still champion the gender-affirming model. Many have dismissed the report, but some of the loudest defenders — such as the American Academy of Pediatrics — now face lawsuits from detransitioners. They are therefore conflicted, as acknowledging the Cass Review's findings could expose them to liability. Even the World Professional Association for Transgender Health, whose Standards of Care shape global policy, is now under fire. Whistleblowers and court filings reveal that the organization suppressed unfavorable data, dropped age minimums for gender-related surgeries under political pressure, and endorsed treatments its own members concede are inadequately studied and potentially harmful. Unfortunately, Northwestern continues to uphold the credibility of such compromised stakeholders, presenting the gender-affirming model as settled science. The university constructs an illusion of expert consensus while promoting experimental practices — and its affiliated hospital profits from gender procedures through the Gender Pathways program, raising questions about conflict of interest. If patient safety isn't enough to prompt reflection, Northwestern's responsibilities as a research university should be. Yet in our experience, critical inquiry is actively discouraged. Students have even been barred from citing the Cass Review, which is dismissed by some faculty as 'debunked,' despite its central role in a Supreme Court decision. As scrutiny grows, so does censorship. When we submitted an op-ed to The Daily Northwestern expressing these concerns, it was rejected without explanation. Days later, the paper revised its policy: All submissions would be reviewed using the Trans Journalists Association Style Guide — a document that prohibits terms like 'biological sex,' 'detransitioner,' 'trans-identified,' and 'gender ideology.' These are not fringe terms. They appear in academic journals, medical literature, and public policy. Their ban in student journalism signals the rise of a gender-newspeak that punishes dissent by attempting to render it unspeakable. This betrays the academic integrity Northwestern claims to uphold — a moral hypocrisy akin to reciting a land acknowledgment while counting cards at a tribal casino. Given its institutional investment in gender-affirming care models, it is unlikely the university will self-correct. But the Skrmetti decision changes the landscape. The ruling legitimizes the voices of clinicians, researchers and detransitioners long silenced by intimidation. It may finally embolden others to speak out — to protect young people and to restore intellectual honesty to institutions lost in the fog of our culture wars. Forest Romm and Kevin Waldman are clinical psychology researchers at Northwestern University.

Up to 150 Sinn Féin members expected to attend conference on party's gender policy
Up to 150 Sinn Féin members expected to attend conference on party's gender policy

The Journal

time05-07-2025

  • Politics
  • The Journal

Up to 150 Sinn Féin members expected to attend conference on party's gender policy

SINN FÉIN IS holding a key meeting today for its members where they are to help decide on the party's position on gender identity issues. It follows disputes in the party north and south as it has attempted to toe a line on topics like healthcare for transgender youth between the different jurisdictions. This morning's party gathering meeting in Drumcondra will be attended by 150 members from across the island where they will debate the 'issue of gender identity', according to the Sinn Féin press office. Afterwards a report on the meeting will go to the party's ruling Ard Chomhairle for a final decision. A spokesperson told The Journal that the meeting is taking place as a result of a motion to its last Ard Fheis 'asking for a conference on the issue of gender identity to allow members to discuss these issues in order to inform future policy positions'. 'It is an opportunity for members to share their views and to listen to views of others,' the spokesperson added. Advertisement The issue blew up for the party in the aftermath of the UK Supreme Court ruling in April which said that the terms 'woman' and 'sex' in the UK Equality Act do not include transgender women – senior figures including leader Mary Lou McDonald and health spokesperson David Cullinane weighed in at different points in its aftermath. Weeks later , a number of current and former party members spoke out over a belief that Sinn Féin was set to water down its support for LGBT+ issues, in particular on trans rights. The party's grappling with the issue can be partly traced back to the Cass Review , a key UK report which found that thousands of young people questioning their gender identity had been let down by the National Health Service. The reaction to the Cass report in Ireland has been mixed – it has been welcomed here by some but has been heavily disputed by others . One topic expected to feature in today's discussions by Sinn Féin are that of the role of puberty blockers, a form of hormone treatment. The Cass Review also said there was a lack of evidence on the impacts of puberty blockers. These findings preceded the Stormont executive in Belfast – where Sinn Féin holds several key positions – supporting a temporary ban on the medication for transgender youth. Trans advocacy groups have long maintained that puberty blockers are an important part of some people's treatment, with Sinn Féin's support of the ban in the North prompting criticism over the past year. Such groups have also been concerned over the waiting times for transgender and non-binary people seeking specific healthcare, with some pursuing it outside of the official channels, as revealed by The Journal Investigates last May . Readers like you are keeping these stories free for everyone... A mix of advertising and supporting contributions helps keep paywalls away from valuable information like this article. Over 5,000 readers like you have already stepped up and support us with a monthly payment or a once-off donation. Learn More Support The Journal

No, British trans people aren't at risk of ‘genocide'
No, British trans people aren't at risk of ‘genocide'

Spectator

time02-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Spectator

No, British trans people aren't at risk of ‘genocide'

The Supreme Court judgment on the definition of a woman on 16 April restored a degree of sanity to a world that was in danger of going mad. Even Keir Starmer now knows that a woman is a matter of biology rather than ideology. Can somebody please tell the Americans? Or, more precisely, those progressive types over the pond who like to concern themselves with other people's business. The Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention and Human Security is an American non-profit organisation that started out to address concerns about the situation in Iraq in the wake of Isis. The institute claims to connect 'the global grassroots with the tools of genocide prevention', and generally to do a bit of good in the world. How effective their campaigns might be in a world where aggression remains rife is for others to judge. Their latest red flag alert, however, homed in on the United Kingdom and, in particular, the experiences of transgender and intersex people. They saw 'evidence of genocidal intent and actions targeting these communities'. According to them, 'this hostile environment is a subtle, pernicious and clear attempt to eradicate transgender and intersex people from British life.' The hyperbole is so far from my experiences as a trans person that it is ridiculous, and such deluded campaigners from afar should merit no further discussion. What bothers me more are people closer to home who ought to know better. Last week, Victoria McCloud – a former judge, who also happens to be trans – announced: I now see it as my sad duty to make an evidence-based report to Genocide Watch and The Lemkin Institute requesting investigation into the systematic oppression of the trans community of the UK. Perhaps we now know why the Americans suddenly poked their noses in? And that wasn't a one-off. The BBC recently reported McCloud's fear that 'someone's going to get killed' because of the Supreme Court ruling. My view of the situation is rather more mundane. Could it be that some people don't like the judgment and fear being called to account for their actions? It was never right for male transitioners to assume that they could co-opt themselves into the rights of women simply by uttering the magic words 'I identify as a woman'. We now live in a saner – and better – world where everybody knows that other people's rights matter too. McCloud needs to get over it. My fear is the genuinely vulnerable will be put at risk, not from some genocidal mob but from fear itself. As trans people, we are told regularly about that 'systematic oppression'. When there is power in being a victim, claims of persecution can attract benefits and rewards. For over a decade, the trans community has drawn in vulnerable youngsters with promises that can never be delivered. Now I sense that the carnival is moving on: the Cass Review put the brakes on the chemical castration of children; the Supreme Court gave women the confidence to object to people they perceived to be men in their spaces; and Pride has lost its grip on our public institutions – at least in councils run by Reform UK. But while society moves on, some youngsters risk being left to flounder. Some never experienced puberty, others were led to believe that they were the opposite sex at unknown cost to their psychological development. Rather more were told that they had a gender identity that set them apart from mere muggles. Life might be far more complicated for them in the coming years and decades. They need to be helped to focus on the things that really matter – building committed relationships, finding productive employment, and taking up their place in society. It helps nobody to ruminate on the fiction that they are hated for claiming a transgender identity. The reality is that few people even care. The world of their future will have its challenges, but genocidal mobs trying to eradicate trans people from the UK are hardly likely to feature – whatever a former judge might like to believe.

Doctor who led British Medical Association's opposition to kids' puberty blocker ban elected as its new leader
Doctor who led British Medical Association's opposition to kids' puberty blocker ban elected as its new leader

Daily Mail​

time26-06-2025

  • Health
  • Daily Mail​

Doctor who led British Medical Association's opposition to kids' puberty blocker ban elected as its new leader

The doctor who spearheaded the British Medical Association's opposition to the UK's puberty blocker ban has been elected as its new leader. Dr Tom Dolphin tabled the motion that led to the union controversially lobbying against the findings of the Cass Review into children's gender services. The BMA's governing council sparked fury in July last year when it voted to 'critique' the work, without consulting wider members. This set the BMA apart from the NHS, government and other leading medical organisations who universally backed the study, which took four years to complete and reviewed data from 113,000 children. Key among the recommendations was a ban on prescribing sex hormones to trans-identifying children outside of clinical trials. Critics described the BMA meeting where the vote took place as 'secretive and opaque'. The same council, consisting of 69 members, this week voted to oust sitting chair Professor Phil Banfield and replace him with Dr Dolphin. A source said: 'This shows the dominant ideological forces currently at play within the BMA. In order to get on, you have to embrace this way of thinking.' The BMA set up a rival 'task and finish group' to evaluate the methodology used by Cass and write a critique which they said would be completed by January. However, the report has still not been produced six months after the initial deadline and more than 1,000 members have now signed a letter calling on the union to 'abandon the pointless exercise'. Critics say the BMA is ill-equipped to match the rigour of the Cass review, which was published in April 2024, and describe the union's efforts as a 'waste of money and staff time'. Senior doctors warn that the BMA - which represents 190,000 doctors - has alienated itself, is 'no longer a democratic organisation' and has made itself 'irrelevant' after being taken over by 'ideologues and interest groups'. They highlight that the BMA leadership has consistently failed to select motions relating to the Cass Review at annual conferences, including that held in Liverpool this week, meaning gender-critical members are silenced. Meanwhile, topics including the Israel-Gaza conflict and climate change have been prioritised for debate. Fiona McAnena, director of campaigns at human rights charity Sex Matters, said Dr Dolphin's election as chair 'shows how gender ideology breaks previously respectable organisations'. She added: 'The Cass Review is a comprehensive, evidence-based report on so- called gender medicine for children by an independent paediatrician with impeccable credentials. 'Creating doubt around it without robust evidence is irresponsible, misleading, and not in the best interests of patients. 'We've said before that the transactivist doctors at the BMA are an embarrassment to their profession. 'Their false assertions about biology can be disproven with primary school science. 'Giving them this level of credibility could have serious consequences for the health and wellbeing of vulnerable children and young adults.' Dr Dolphin is a Labour activist who previously boasted of charging the NHS £1,870 for a single shift. He made the extortionate sum covering for picketing colleagues during previous industrial action and donated it to the BMA's strike fund. Writing on X at the time, he said the war chest 'supports people to strike, meaning the strike is stronger and the win will come sooner'. Dr Dolphin has campaigned alongside hard-left MP John McDonnell and been the election agent for Dawn Butler during previous general elections. He also finds time to promote woke cases, including trans issues and veganism. Writing on social media in 2019, Dr Dolphin said: 'This election has really got our membership engaged and working together to bring in a new, different, Labour government.' In July 2022, he posted photos of himself at a Trans Pride march, adding: 'About to set off to let London know that trans rights are human rights!' He has described Brexit as a 'failure' and 'one of the worst foreign policy decisions by the UK in decades'. The union this week passed a motion at its annual conference urging members to offer patients 'identity-based care', despite warnings this risks going against the law on single sex spaces. It follows the Supreme Court ruling in April that the terms woman and sex in the 2010 Equality Act 'refer to a biological woman and biological sex'. Dr Dolphin is an anaesthetic consultant, who has been a member of BMA council since 2012 and lives in London with his husband. He vowed to continue the union's fight for higher pay rises for doctors and said: 'I will empower BMA members so that everywhere that doctors work and medical students study, they know that they are stronger together, and the exploitation and erosion of our profession is stopped.' Commenting on delays to the union's Cass 'critique', a BMA spokeswoman said: 'The original draft Terms of Reference (ToR) that were shared with Council suggested that the Task and Finish Group would report back in January. 'This was removed whilst the ToR were still in draft and has therefore not been an objective for the project, but the Group's chair has continued to give updates to Council. 'This is an extremely complex report to undertake. 'We want to be as sure as we can be that data collection and analysis processes are as rigorous and robust as possible; this requires time, rather than be rushed.'

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