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Indian Express
3 days ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Pratap Bhanu Mehta writes: Hyper nationalism prevents our foreign policy from asking tough questions
Indian foreign policy is in a deep morass that is often difficult to see. Our hyper-nationalism prevents us asking tough questions. The daily news cycle is caught in tactical matters or image management for the government. Behind our failures lies a refusal of true realism, or a genuine confrontation with our predicament. This refusal of realism is manifest in our diplomacy. The former foreign secretary, Jagat Mehta, often used to say at the Centre for Policy Research that the first exercise in approaching the world in any given situation should be to abstract out proper names, including that of your country, so that you are more ruthlessly objective about your task. Try and imagine how you appear to your toughest adversaries on the outside. India is rightly concerned, and is somewhat shocked, that it lost the diplomatic high ground after Operation Sindoor. We got boilerplate costless condemnations of terrorism, but also felt that no one stands with us. It was fascinating to contrast the breathless self-proclaimed triumphs of the parliamentary delegations and our government with what other countries from the Global North and South were actually saying, behind our backs, as it were. We can blame other countries' self-interest and their anti-India disposition for the failure to politically capitalise on Operation Sindoor. But we were so besotted with our sense of our case that we did not honestly confront how the case might appear to others. The rest of the world may be mistaken. These days, no country has much of a moral leg to stand on. But it is worth asking why the moral distinction between India and Pakistan was diplomatically much harder to convey than we thought. There are four reasons. I have no idea what we might actually be doing in Balochistan. But there is little doubt that our security establishment brags, sotto voce, about using the Balochistan crisis against Pakistan. In doing so, we ourselves muddy the waters about the use of proxies, and targeting on the basis of religion. The violence in Balochistan and Kashmir, for the rest of the world, gets connected, in a chain of associations. In the backdrop of the fact that we have a government that does not exactly have a stellar reputation on moral condemnation of targeting people on account of their religion, it makes it easy for the world to say that these horrendous killings are, as one diplomat once put it, 'one of those periodic South Asian things'. This is condescending, but we invited it. Second, we are missing the point on anxieties on the nuclear front. Both sides may be right in thinking that, in principle, they can control an escalatory ladder. But focus on rational control of escalatory ladders does not address genuine worries about accidents. In the minds of India and Pakistan, this may be a controlled operation. But any confrontation between nuclear powers is risky. When Donald Trump brags about preventing nuclear war, listen to the underlying concern, not the surface drama or his put-down of Narendra Modi. He is in effect saying that even the smallest step to war makes India and Pakistan a problem for the rest of the world. Pakistan has no diplomatic high ground to lose. But war will always make India lose its moral high ground. War makes India a problem for the world. Third, wasn't it a matter of pride among our diplomats to say to Europe and the rest of the world that Ukraine was their problem? If the gobbling up of a whole sovereign nation is 'their problem', not a matter of principle, guess what? Terrorism is also not 'their' problem. What is their problem is the risk of nuclear accidents. And finally, India's absolute loss of credibility in the Global South. A country that cannot so much as morally squeak on what is now almost universally acknowledged as an ongoing genocide in Gaza, obsessing over terrorism adds narcissism to the charge of moral abdication. Add to this the fact that we botched our credibility as a state on meaningless operations allegedly targeting useless Khalistan activists in Canada and the US. Further add to this the fact that not allowing an open domestic discussion even on the bare facts of the war furthers our credibility crisis. Even our truths become less credible. One ought to feel sorry for the able diplomats of the MEA. Their political and national security masters have made their job more difficult even before they have begun. So, India's moral claims now invite a long 'meh' at worst. And since our foreign policy establishment is easily satiated with the meaningless communique that makes the evening headline, that is at best what we get. The other disposition impeding clear thinking is our approach to realism. The current dispensation's interpretation of realism is not actual realism about the state of the world: It is a simple inversion of some perceived past of Indian foreign policy. This supposed realism, with its fantasies of transcending India's South Asian context, has led to such a spectacular misreading of the neighbourhood that we have lost much of the neighbourhood. This is a realism that thought that the excessive courting of America was a sign of machismo. America is important to India. India's political economy might yet save India from selling the entire store to the US. But one of the deepest ironies in the recent excessive craving for validation from the US is that the pro-America lobby has never had confidence about building India's own strengths. It portrayed domestic defeatism as a form of strength. It is not unwise to try and cut workable deals with the Trump administration. But to think these deals will be our salvation, or that they will miraculously be a catalyst for domestic reform, make us secure against China, enhance our global moral standing, allow us to sort out our problems in the neighbourhood, is sheer fantasy. And it prevents us from seeing what the American project is: A project of global dominance. Resisting it will require a different tool kit. A senior Chinese communist once said that regimes sometimes have to lie to the people, sometimes control information and produce propaganda. But then he added: 'While it might be necessary for leaders to sometimes lie to the people, it is important they do not lie to themselves.' Our lack of realism comes from the fact that our establishment has come to believe the lies it is trying to tell the people. The writer is contributing editor, The Indian Express
Nikkei Asia
05-07-2025
- Politics
- Nikkei Asia
The Dalai Lama's succession struggle could shake Asia and the world
Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama delivers an address via video message to the inaugural session at the 15th Tibetan Religious Conference at the Dalai Lama Library and Archive in the northern hill town of Dharamshala, India, on July 2. © Reuters Brahma Chellaney, a professor of strategic studies at the independent New Delhi-based Centre for Policy Research and fellow at the Robert Bosch Academy in Berlin, is the author of nine books, including "Water: Asia's New Battleground," which won the Bernard Schwartz Book Award. With the Dalai Lama turning 90 on July 6, anxiety over his succession has reached a critical point. For Tibetans, the stakes are existential. But for China, the potential vacancy offers a strategic opening to tighten its grip on Tibetan Buddhism.
Business Standard
18-06-2025
- Business
- Business Standard
Shyam Saran
Shyam Saran is a Honorary Senior Faculty and Member of the Governing Board at Centre for Policy Research. He is a former Foreign Secretary of India and has served as Prime Minister's Special Envoy For Nuclear Affairs and Climate Change. After leaving government service in 2010, he headed the Research and Information System for Developing Countries, a think tank focusing on economic issues (2011-2017) and was Chairman of the National Security Advisory Board under the National Security Council (2013-15). He is currently Life Trustee of India International Centre, Member of the Governing Board of the Institute of Chinese Studies, a Trustee at the World Wildlife Fund (India) and Member of the Executive Council of the Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI). He was awarded the Padma Bhushan in 2011 for his contributions to civil service.
New Straits Times
09-06-2025
- New Straits Times
Criminologist calls for new laws to curb AI porn
GEORGE TOWN: New laws and mechanisms are needed to curb the spread of Artificial Intelligence (AI)-generated pornography, said a criminalogist. Datuk Dr P. Sundramoorthy, from Universiti Sains Malaysia's Centre for Policy Research , warned that such content posed serious risks to the mental health of victims, especially minors. "The law is playing catch-up while technology is sprinting ahead," he said. "In the meantime, our youths are exposed, our victims are silenced, and our justice system is ill-equipped," he told the New Straits Times. He said the Penal Code was not designed for a world where "anyone with a smartphone can destroy a person's reputation in minutes". "The fact that a teenager could so easily exploit his peers using off-the-shelf technology should terrify us," he said. Sundramoorthy was referring to the arrest of a 16-year-old private school student in Johor for allegedly using AI to edit and sell lewd images of his female classmates. He is being investigated under Section 292 of the Penal Code for selling and distributing obscene material and Section 233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act for improper use of network facilities. Sundramoorthy said Malaysia needed laws that reflected the realities of digital abuse and empower ed victims with protection and redress. "Victims often suffer twice. Once from the abuse itself, and again when society shames them into silence. This mirrors the trauma of sexual assault, where victims are blamed instead of supported." He called for legislation that defines and criminalises AI-generated and deepfake pornography, and for fast-track content removal mechanisms on social media. "This could be similar to the 'Take it Down' Act in the United States," he said. "The time for reform is now. Not after another teenager is victimised, not after another viral scandal." Women's Aid Organisation (WAO) advocacy officer Tamyra Selvarajan said Malaysia's reactive legal framework failed to address the long-term psychological and reputational harm faced by survivors. "Our laws are growing, but they are still largely punitive, not preventive or restorative," she said. "There is no equivalent of the 'Take it Down' Act here. Survivors are often left waiting, reporting to authorities while harmful content remains live and circulating." Tamyra said survivors, particularly women and minors, often navigated a confusing legal and enforcement maze, with no clarity on which agency held jurisdiction. "The problem is far from theoretical," she said. Tamyra said WAO handled a case this year involving a woman victimised by AI-generated porn. In another case documented by the All Women's Action Society (Awam) Telenita Helpline, a man was blackmailed with intimate videos recorded during a video call. Tamyra said these cases highlighted key system gaps: no centralised reporting platform, no mandated takedown timelines and no survivor-centred support services. She urged the government to consider a law akin to the US "Take it Down" Act, noting that existing Malaysian legislation, including the Penal Code, Communications and Multimedia Act, Anti-Sexual Harassment Act and the Sexual Offences Against Children Act, were not designed for the era of AI and deepfakes. "If a country like the US, often criticised for its fragmented approach to tech regulation, can pass a federal law within months, Malaysia must at least begin with serious intent. "What we're asking for is not censorship, it's dignity, safety, and justice," she said
News18
23-05-2025
- Business
- News18
IIM Calcutta Launches Executive Programme In Public Policy & Management, Details Here
Last Updated: IIM Calcutta has launched a one-year Executive Programme in Public Policy and Management to equip professionals with skills in policy-making, governance, and strategic leadership. The field of public policy is growing fast and becoming more important for building strong governance and promoting social and economic progress. A report by the Centre for Policy Research says that over 60% of major policy decisions in the last five years have used data and technology to make better choices. This shows a big move towards data-based decision-making and highlights the need for trained professionals who can create practical, impactful policies. IIM Calcutta, one of India's top business schools, has launched a new Executive Programme in Public Policy and Management to meet this need. IIM Calcutta is globally recognised, with its MBA programme ranked 56th and its MBA-Ex programme 61st in the Financial Times Global Rankings. It holds prestigious accreditations from AACSB, AMBA, and EQUIS. What Does The Programme Offers? This one-year programme helps working professionals develop real-world skills in policy analysis, regulation, strategic communication, and impact assessment. It prepares learners to create and manage policies that support social, economic, and environmental sustainability. Participants will explore current ideas such as street-level bureaucracy and new public management, and understand local, national, and global policy-making. The course also teaches leadership and management skills that are useful in public, private, and non-profit sectors. It helps participants improve governance and compliance, especially in corporate environments. Who Can Join? It's ideal for policy advisors, strategists, planners, senior executives, faculty from administrative training institutes, media professionals, and entrepreneurs looking to influence policy decisions. The programme is taught through live online sessions by IIM Calcutta faculty and policy experts. It includes: A 6-day on-campus visit to IIM Calcutta for networking and learning Case studies, simulations, and a final capstone project Peer interactions with professionals from diverse fields What Participants Will Learn and Achieve? Participants of the programme will gain a comprehensive understanding of how public policies are created and analysed. They will explore best practices in effective policy formulation and learn to navigate the social, political, legal, and cultural factors that influence policymaking. The course also equips them with modern tools and approaches to enhance governance, along with valuable skills in strategic management, legal frameworks, and data analysis to support effective implementation. Programme Details Start Date: June 28, 2025 Duration: 12 months Mode: Live online classes Eligibility: Graduates/postgraduates with at least 3 years of work experience Certificate: Participants who complete the programme with 75% attendance will receive a certificate from IIM Calcutta and can join its Executive Education Alumni network. First Published: May 23, 2025, 07:28 IST News education-career IIM Calcutta Launches Executive Programme In Public Policy & Management, Details Here
