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How Academics Are Pushing Back On The For-Profit Academic Publishing Industry
How Academics Are Pushing Back On The For-Profit Academic Publishing Industry

Scoop

time6 days ago

  • Business
  • Scoop

How Academics Are Pushing Back On The For-Profit Academic Publishing Industry

According to the independent news organization the Conversation, five publishing houses control about half the global academic publishing industry's market share. Relx, the parent company of the 'biggest player in this business,' Elsevier, reaped a profit margin of almost 40 percent in 2023, 'rivalling tech giants such as Microsoft and Google,' pointed out the March 2025 article. 'Many of the most trusted and prestigious research journals are owned by commercial publishers,' the Conversation noted. 'For example, the Lancet is owned by Elsevier.' In 2024, the editorial board for the paleoanthropology bulletin Journal of Human Evolution (JHE) collectively resigned. Besides deficient copyediting and unethical use of AI, which resulted in what the journal Science calls 'scientifically significant errors,' the board accused its publisher, Elsevier, of overcharging. High article processing charges (APCs) are common in the for-profit academic publishing industry. The 2021 paper 'Equitable Open Access Publishing: Changing the Financial Power Dynamics in Academia' notes that high APCs 'exacerbate disparities between funded and unfunded researchers.' 'Traditional academic publishers exploit scholars in several ways,' says Denis Bourguet, co-founder of Peer Community In (PCI), a nonprofit platform that offers 'peer review, recommendation, and publication of scientific articles in open access (OA) for free,' according to its website. Bourguet says common practices within the traditional academic publishing model commodify scholarly knowledge, treating it not as a public good but as a resource to extract profit. 'Researchers produce articles, conduct peer reviews, and often serve as editors, typically without pay, while publishers profit by charging high fees to both authors and readers. With this model, authors must pay substantial article processing charges to publish in open access. Yet, in some journals, since some articles remain behind paywalls, universities and libraries must pay subscriptions to give their members free access to the full content of these journals,' adds Bourguet. PCI co-founder Thomas Guillemaud notes that costly paywalls make 'access difficult for researchers without institutional support, especially in low-income regions.' He adds that the 'pay-to-read or pay-to-publish model encourages researchers to focus on publishing in prestigious journals for career advancement, sometimes at the expense of research quality. This 'prestige economy' can distort scientific priorities and integrity. Pressures to publish in prestigious journals contribute to issues like irreproducible results, publication bias, and even scientific misconduct.' According to a 2025 report in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, despite major advances such as the antiretroviral therapy and vaccines during the pandemic, science 'faces challenges due to the incentive systems,' with for-profit publishers trying to 'capitalize on unpaid reviewers and [charging] high fees for sharing and accessing knowledge.' PCI is one of many academic-led initiatives challenging the dominance of for-profit publishers and, as Guillemaud puts it, 'reshaping scholarly communication.' Lifecycle Journal, for instance, does not charge its authors or readers. It 'is a new transparent model of scholarly communication that aims to put publishing and evaluation in the control of the scholarly community itself,' its website states. Similarly, SciPost, 'the home of genuine open publishing,' claims, 'We don't charge authors, we don't charge readers, we don't send bills to anybody for our services, and we certainly don't make any profit; we are an academic community service surviving on support from organizations that benefit from our activities. Said otherwise, our system is academia's antidote to APCs.' The Free Journal Network curates and promotes Diamond OA journals that charge neither authors nor readers, ensuring adherence to fair open access principles and supporting a growing ecosystem of scholar-led publications. The French nonprofit publishing platform Centre Mersenne 'endeavors to fight research output's privatization and outrageous profit-making out of the scientific commons,' according to its site. Its 'agenda is to support Diamond Open Access or Gold OA without APC (no fees required to read nor to publish).' Diamond and Gold are two of many OA publishing models. Journals that use the Diamond Open Access model do not charge fees for readers or authors. Funding comes from academic institutions, research funders, philanthropists, governments, advertisers, and nonprofit organizations. Meanwhile, the Medical College of Wisconsin describes the Green OA model as 'the practice of placing a version of an author's manuscript into a repository, making it freely accessible for everyone… No article processing charges are paid.' The Georgia State University Library also outlines various types of OA models. Besides adopting the OA model, academics are countering for-profit academic journals by publishing academic-led journals, putting pressure on publishers to lower their fees, renegotiating contracts, and forming consortia. PCI embraces the Diamond OA model. Its support officer, Barbara Class, explains that its Peer Community Journal is free for authors and readers. This 'removes financial barriers imposed by article processing charges or subscription fees common in for-profit publishing. In addition, PCI publishes peer reviews and editorial decisions openly, promoting transparency and accountability in contrast to the often-opaque evaluation processes performed by for-profit journals.' Class adds, 'PCI focuses on the intrinsic value and quality of research rather than journal-based metrics.' Guillemaud says PCI is sustained through a 'community-driven funding model based primarily on small, recurring public subsidies from universities, libraries, and research institutions. These institutions contribute annually on a pay-what-you-can basis… allowing broad participation regardless of size or budget. This stable and diversified funding base enables PCI to cover its operational costs without large private donors or charging fees to authors or readers.' Author Bio: Damon Orion is a writer, journalist, musician, artist, and teacher in Santa Cruz, California. His work has appeared in Revolver, Guitar World, Spirituality + Health, Classic Rock, and other publications. Read more of his work at

Vision for a united Ireland cannot be ‘annexation of six more counties', Leo Varadkar says
Vision for a united Ireland cannot be ‘annexation of six more counties', Leo Varadkar says

Irish Independent

time21-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Irish Independent

Vision for a united Ireland cannot be ‘annexation of six more counties', Leo Varadkar says

Mr Varadkar also said he hopes the current Irish Government takes the decision to establish a forum to lead discussions on unity, and also appeared to dismiss concerns of potential loyalist violence in reaction to a united Ireland. Mr Varadkar, who stood down as taoiseach in April last year, said he believes he will see a united Ireland in his lifetime but warned it is not inevitable. He said that he has had no regrets so far since leaving elected politics, and is enjoying both 'a lot of personal and intellectual freedom to say what I think'. He was speaking at an In Conversation event with Rev Karen Sethuraman at St Mary's University college in west Belfast, hosted by Féile an Phobail and Ireland's Future. Former Sinn Féin president and West Belfast MP Gerry Adams was among those in the audience for the event. Mr Varadkar stressed that a united Ireland 'has to be a new Ireland that is better for everyone'. 'That includes a bill of rights, guarantees civil protections and liberties,' he said. 'Unification, in my view, is not the annexation of six more counties by the Republic of Ireland. It's a new state and one that can be better for all of us, an opportunity that only comes around every 100 years, which is to design your state and design your constitution.' In terms of what the current Irish Government is doing, Mr Varadkar described the Shared Island Unit, which was set up when he was taoiseach, as really positive. But he said he would like to see the Irish Government lead a forum ahead of unity. ADVERTISEMENT He said there was the New Ireland Forum in the 1980s, and the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation in the 1990s. 'I think there is a strong case now for us to convene the parties that are interested in talking about this – unions, business groups, civil society – in a forum to have that discussion, but I don't see how that can happen if that isn't led by the Irish Government, and I hope at some point during the course of this five-year government, a decision will be taken to do that,' he said. Meanwhile, asked how he felt potential violent opposition to a united Ireland could be handled, Mr Varadkar suggested he felt 'only a very small minority may turn to violence'. 'I know there are people south of the border who, when I talk to them about reunification, express to me concerns that there might be a very small minority within unionism who may turn to violence,' he said. 'I don't think we should dismiss that as a possibility. I don't think it will happen, to be honest. 'I n two referendums, both north and south, people would be very clearly giving their preference as to what should happen, it would be quite a different situation to when partition happened 100 years ago and it wasn't voted for.' Meanwhile, deputy first minister Emma Little-Pengelly suggested Mr Varadkar was 'wrong in terms of the trajectory' towards a united Ireland, insisting the number of people voting for nationalist parties, around 40pc, 'hasn't moved since 1998'.

Scientists issue warning after making troubling discovery in waters off Antarctica: 'Could be more unstable'
Scientists issue warning after making troubling discovery in waters off Antarctica: 'Could be more unstable'

Yahoo

time17-06-2025

  • Science
  • Yahoo

Scientists issue warning after making troubling discovery in waters off Antarctica: 'Could be more unstable'

A recent discovery by a team of Australian scientists reveals that an ocean current, which acts as a safeguard by protecting Antarctica from warm water that would otherwise melt the region's ice, is at risk of failing. Relatively little is known about the Antarctic Slope Current (ASC), but scientists do understand its importance in acting as Antarctica's last line of defense from preventing warm water from invading the region. New research that was recently published in Geophysical Research Letters looks at how this current, which acts as a vital barrier, "will respond to changes in wind, heating, and meltwater under climate change." "We found meltwater from Antarctica is speeding up the current, known as the Antarctic Slope Current," the authors of the study wrote in an article for the Conversation, per "And it's set to become even faster by mid-century." "A faster current could be more unstable," added the researchers. "This means eddies of warm water could eat away at Antarctica's ice, posing a major concern for the stability of Earth's climate system." The team of scientists warned that "humanity must act now" to protect this natural buffer, which is helping to keep Antarctica's ice shelves from vanishing. The study's authors point out that in vulnerable low-lying coastal regions, even a minimal sea-level rise of just a few centimeters can double the likelihood of flooding events. Rising sea levels allow saltwater to encroach further inland, contaminating freshwater supplies and impacting crop yields. The Union of Concerned Scientists has linked human activity to rising global temperatures that are melting ice sheets and releasing vast volumes of freshwater into the North Atlantic. This invasion of freshwater is disturbing the delicate balance of ocean circulation patterns and contributing to rising sea levels as the relatively less salty and less dense water takes up more space. A study published in May showed that the Northeastern U.S. experienced up to eight days of flooding annually because of the disruption of the Atlantic Meridional Overturning Circulation. The research concluded that up to 50% of the total flooding events at monitored sites in the Northeast might be tied directly to the weakening circulation. Rising sea levels in Charleston, South Carolina, are making what used to be an occasional nuisance for the coastal city into a more routine disruption for the community, as rising tides bring water into homes and businesses. "Humanity must act fast to preserve the current, by cutting carbon emissions," warned the authors of the study on the changes to the ASC. "When it comes to Antarctica, this action isn't optional—it's the only way to hold the line." Transitioning from dirty energy sources to clean, renewable options is the most effective way to cut carbon pollution that is overheating our planet. Even relatively small changes we can make in our homes can help. Washing clothes in cold water, upgrading to LED bulbs, and unplugging "energy vampires" can have an impact and make a difference. Do you think America does a good job of protecting its natural beauty? Definitely Only in some areas No way I'm not sure Click your choice to see results and speak your mind. Join our free newsletter for good news and useful tips, and don't miss this cool list of easy ways to help yourself while helping the planet.

Resignation Of PM's Press Secretary Highlights Gaps In NZ Law On Covert Recording And Harassment
Resignation Of PM's Press Secretary Highlights Gaps In NZ Law On Covert Recording And Harassment

Scoop

time06-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Scoop

Resignation Of PM's Press Secretary Highlights Gaps In NZ Law On Covert Recording And Harassment

Article – The Conversation Criminal law struggles to keep up with predatory uses of the technology for image-based sexual abuse. Its time to step back and build future-proof protections. The sudden resignation this week of one of Prime Minister Christopher Luxon's senior press secretaries was politically embarrassing, but also raises questions about how New Zealand law operates in such cases. A Stuff investigation revealed the Beehive staffer allegedly recorded audio of sessions with sex workers, and whose phone contained images and video of women at the gym, supermarket shopping, and filmed through a window while getting dressed. The man at the centre of the allegations has reportedly apologised and said he had sought professional help for his behaviour last year. The police have said the case did not meet the threshold for prosecution. And this highlights the difficulties surrounding existing laws when it comes to non-consensual recording, harassment and image-based harm. Describing his 'shock' at the allegations against his former staffer, the prime minister said he was 'open to revisiting' the laws around intimate audio recordings without consent. If that happens, there are several key areas to consider. Are covert audio recordings illegal? New Zealand law prohibits the non-consensual creation, possession and distribution of intimate visual recordings under sections 216H to 216J of the Crimes Act 1961. These provisions aim to protect individuals' privacy and bodily autonomy in situations where they have a reasonable expectation of privacy. The definition of 'intimate visual recording' under these sections is limited to visual material, such as photographs, video or digital images, and does not extend to audio-only recordings. As a result, covert audio recordings of sex workers engaged in sexual activity would fall outside the scope of these offences, even though the harm caused is similar. If such audio or video recordings were ever shared with others or posted online, that may be a criminal offence under the Harmful Digital Communications Act 2015 – if it can be proved this was done with the intention to cause serious emotional distress. What about covert filming of women in public places? Covert recording of women working out or walking down a road, including extreme closeups of clothed body parts, would unlikely meet the definition of 'intimate visual recording'. That is because they do not typically involve nudity, undergarments or private bodily activities, and they often occur in public places where there is no reasonable expectation of privacy. Even extreme closeups may not meet the threshold unless they are taken from beneath or through clothing in a way that targets the genitals, buttocks or breasts. While they are invasive and degrading, they may remain lawful. By contrast, it is more likely that covert filming of women dressing or undressing through a window would satisfy the definition, depending on where the women were. For example, were they in a place where they would have a reasonable expectation of privacy? If the non-consensual recording captures a person in a state of undress, then the creation of such images or videos could be considered a crime. Are any of these behaviours 'harassment'? Under the Harassment Act 1997, 'harassment' is defined as a pattern of behaviour directed at a person that involves at least two specified acts within a 12-month period, or a single continuing act. These acts can include following, watching, or any conduct that causes the person to fear for their safety. Although covert filming or audio recording is not expressly referenced, the acts of following and watching within alleged voyeuristic behaviour, if repeated, could fall within the definition. But harassment is only a crime where it is done with the intent or knowledge that the behaviour will likely cause a person to fear for their safety. This is a threshold that might be difficult to prove in voyeurism or similar cases. Covert recording of women's bodies, whether audio or visual, is part of a broader pattern of gender-based violence facilitated by technology. Feminist legal scholars have framed this as 'image-based sexual abuse'. The term captures how non-consensual creation, recording, sharing or threatening to share intimate content violates sexual autonomy and dignity. This form of harm disproportionately affects women and often reflects gender power imbalances rooted in misogyny, surveillance and control. The concept has become more mainstream and is referenced by law and policymakers in Australia and the United Kingdom. Has New Zealand law kept up? Some forms of image-based sexual abuse are criminalised in New Zealand, but others are not. What we know of this case suggests some key gaps remain – largely because law reform has been piecemeal and reactive. For example, the intimate visual recording offences in the Crimes Act were introduced in 2006 when wider access to digital cameras led to an upswing in covert filming (of women showering or 'upskirting', for example). Therefore, the definition is limited to these behaviours. But the law was drafted before later advances in smartphone technology, now owned by many more people than in 2006. Generally, laws are thought of as 'living documents', able to be read in line with the development of new or advanced technology. But when the legislation itself is drafted with certain technology or behaviours in mind, it is not necessarily future-proofed. Where to now? There is a risk to simply adding more offences to plug the gaps (and New Zealand is not alone in having to deal with this challenge). Amending the Crimes Act to include intimate audio recordings might address one issue. But new or advanced technologies will inevitably raise others. Rather than responding to each new form of abuse as it arises, it would be better to take a step back and develop a more principled, future-focused criminal law framework. That would mean defining offences in a technology-neutral way. Grounded in core values such as privacy, autonomy and consent, they would be more capable of adapting to new contexts and tools. Only then can the law provide meaningful protection against the evolving forms of gendered harm facilitated by digital technologies.

Resignation Of PM's Press Secretary Highlights Gaps In NZ Law On Covert Recording And Harassment
Resignation Of PM's Press Secretary Highlights Gaps In NZ Law On Covert Recording And Harassment

Scoop

time06-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Scoop

Resignation Of PM's Press Secretary Highlights Gaps In NZ Law On Covert Recording And Harassment

Article – The Conversation Criminal law struggles to keep up with predatory uses of the technology for image-based sexual abuse. Its time to step back and build future-proof protections. The sudden resignation this week of one of Prime Minister Christopher Luxon's senior press secretaries was politically embarrassing, but also raises questions about how New Zealand law operates in such cases. A Stuff investigation revealed the Beehive staffer allegedly recorded audio of sessions with sex workers, and whose phone contained images and video of women at the gym, supermarket shopping, and filmed through a window while getting dressed. The man at the centre of the allegations has reportedly apologised and said he had sought professional help for his behaviour last year. The police have said the case did not meet the threshold for prosecution. And this highlights the difficulties surrounding existing laws when it comes to non-consensual recording, harassment and image-based harm. Describing his 'shock' at the allegations against his former staffer, the prime minister said he was 'open to revisiting' the laws around intimate audio recordings without consent. If that happens, there are several key areas to consider. Are covert audio recordings illegal? New Zealand law prohibits the non-consensual creation, possession and distribution of intimate visual recordings under sections 216H to 216J of the Crimes Act 1961. These provisions aim to protect individuals' privacy and bodily autonomy in situations where they have a reasonable expectation of privacy. The definition of 'intimate visual recording' under these sections is limited to visual material, such as photographs, video or digital images, and does not extend to audio-only recordings. As a result, covert audio recordings of sex workers engaged in sexual activity would fall outside the scope of these offences, even though the harm caused is similar. If such audio or video recordings were ever shared with others or posted online, that may be a criminal offence under the Harmful Digital Communications Act 2015 – if it can be proved this was done with the intention to cause serious emotional distress. What about covert filming of women in public places? Covert recording of women working out or walking down a road, including extreme closeups of clothed body parts, would unlikely meet the definition of 'intimate visual recording'. That is because they do not typically involve nudity, undergarments or private bodily activities, and they often occur in public places where there is no reasonable expectation of privacy. Even extreme closeups may not meet the threshold unless they are taken from beneath or through clothing in a way that targets the genitals, buttocks or breasts. While they are invasive and degrading, they may remain lawful. By contrast, it is more likely that covert filming of women dressing or undressing through a window would satisfy the definition, depending on where the women were. For example, were they in a place where they would have a reasonable expectation of privacy? If the non-consensual recording captures a person in a state of undress, then the creation of such images or videos could be considered a crime. Are any of these behaviours 'harassment'? Under the Harassment Act 1997, 'harassment' is defined as a pattern of behaviour directed at a person that involves at least two specified acts within a 12-month period, or a single continuing act. These acts can include following, watching, or any conduct that causes the person to fear for their safety. Although covert filming or audio recording is not expressly referenced, the acts of following and watching within alleged voyeuristic behaviour, if repeated, could fall within the definition. But harassment is only a crime where it is done with the intent or knowledge that the behaviour will likely cause a person to fear for their safety. This is a threshold that might be difficult to prove in voyeurism or similar cases. Covert recording of women's bodies, whether audio or visual, is part of a broader pattern of gender-based violence facilitated by technology. Feminist legal scholars have framed this as 'image-based sexual abuse'. The term captures how non-consensual creation, recording, sharing or threatening to share intimate content violates sexual autonomy and dignity. This form of harm disproportionately affects women and often reflects gender power imbalances rooted in misogyny, surveillance and control. The concept has become more mainstream and is referenced by law and policymakers in Australia and the United Kingdom. Has New Zealand law kept up? Some forms of image-based sexual abuse are criminalised in New Zealand, but others are not. What we know of this case suggests some key gaps remain – largely because law reform has been piecemeal and reactive. For example, the intimate visual recording offences in the Crimes Act were introduced in 2006 when wider access to digital cameras led to an upswing in covert filming (of women showering or 'upskirting', for example). Therefore, the definition is limited to these behaviours. But the law was drafted before later advances in smartphone technology, now owned by many more people than in 2006. Generally, laws are thought of as 'living documents', able to be read in line with the development of new or advanced technology. But when the legislation itself is drafted with certain technology or behaviours in mind, it is not necessarily future-proofed. Where to now? There is a risk to simply adding more offences to plug the gaps (and New Zealand is not alone in having to deal with this challenge). Amending the Crimes Act to include intimate audio recordings might address one issue. But new or advanced technologies will inevitably raise others. Rather than responding to each new form of abuse as it arises, it would be better to take a step back and develop a more principled, future-focused criminal law framework. That would mean defining offences in a technology-neutral way. Grounded in core values such as privacy, autonomy and consent, they would be more capable of adapting to new contexts and tools. Only then can the law provide meaningful protection against the evolving forms of gendered harm facilitated by digital technologies.

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