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New infrastructure boss keen to get digging at Victoria Park
New infrastructure boss keen to get digging at Victoria Park

Sydney Morning Herald

time7 days ago

  • Business
  • Sydney Morning Herald

New infrastructure boss keen to get digging at Victoria Park

Construction of Brisbane's new Olympic stadium could begin earlier than first thought, with the man tasked with delivering Games infrastructure keen to get excavators into Victoria Park sooner rather than later. Simon Crooks, who previously headed the Queen's Wharf construction for Destination Brisbane, was announced as the Games Independent Infrastructure and Coordination Authority's new chief executive on Wednesday, with a starting date of August 1. And the former project manager was keen to get shovels in the ground as soon as possible. Crooks said work could start on the Olympic stadium in Victoria Park well before procurement, to accelerate the process once the stadium's location was determined. Loading 'There's about a 300,000 cubic metre mass fill – that can be done early and done quickly,' he said. 'That allows the time procurement for the main stadium, and if there are things that need to be adjusted, you'll get that done in the detailed excavation.' Crooks would not put a firm date on when the works would begin. 'I will know once I've got in the seat and had a look at it – but my view is, you try and procure all of these things early and get those risks out of it,' he said.

New infrastructure boss keen to get digging at Victoria Park
New infrastructure boss keen to get digging at Victoria Park

The Age

time7 days ago

  • Business
  • The Age

New infrastructure boss keen to get digging at Victoria Park

Construction of Brisbane's new Olympic stadium could begin earlier than first thought, with the man tasked with delivering Games infrastructure keen to get excavators into Victoria Park sooner rather than later. Simon Crooks, who previously headed the Queen's Wharf construction for Destination Brisbane, was announced as the Games Independent Infrastructure and Coordination Authority's new chief executive on Wednesday, with a starting date of August 1. And the former project manager was keen to get shovels in the ground as soon as possible. Crooks said work could start on the Olympic stadium in Victoria Park well before procurement, to accelerate the process once the stadium's location was determined. Loading 'There's about a 300,000 cubic metre mass fill – that can be done early and done quickly,' he said. 'That allows the time procurement for the main stadium, and if there are things that need to be adjusted, you'll get that done in the detailed excavation.' Crooks would not put a firm date on when the works would begin. 'I will know once I've got in the seat and had a look at it – but my view is, you try and procure all of these things early and get those risks out of it,' he said.

The True Story Behind Trainwreck: P.I. Moms
The True Story Behind Trainwreck: P.I. Moms

Time​ Magazine

time7 days ago

  • Entertainment
  • Time​ Magazine

The True Story Behind Trainwreck: P.I. Moms

On August 24, 2010, Pete Crooks, a senior writer at Diablo magazine, received a call from a Los Angeles-based publicist representing Chris Butler's private investigation firm. The pitch he got was intriguing: Butler had hired a group of local mothers to run surveillance on cheating husbands, and business was beginning to boom. The firm was featured in People, The Today Show, and Dr. Phil—and most recently, Lifetime Television had just greenlit a new reality show called P.I. Moms San Francisco about its East Bay operation. Butler had a proposal for Crooks: Take part in a ride-along with one of the mothers, watch them catch a philanderous man in the act, and write about it. It smelled like a great story and Crooks eventually hopped in a car with Denise Antoon, one of four moms Butler had employed. The mission went like clockwork. The man they were following met up with a young woman and began kissing her in a parking lot, all while Denise grabbed photos and video. Crooks understood why Lifetime was eager to turn this into a series. But did everything go down a little too perfectly? Soon after returning home, Crooks got an email from someone named Ronald Rutherford that made him question everything. 'It would be a mistake to write a story on the P.I. moms and Chris Butler,' the email stated. 'Chris totally played you. The case that you sat in on was totally scripted. All the participants or employees are paid actors. I hope that publishing it is not in your plans.' As chronicled in Netflix's new documentary Trainwreck: P.I. Moms, that mysterious message was just the beginning of a scandal that involved lying, cheating, wire-tapping, methamphetamines, and jail time, and would ultimately kill the Lifetime reality series before it ever aired. In this retelling, director Phil Bowman interviews a couple of the moms, Lifetime producers, and several others involved with the show to paint a better picture of how Butler's enterprise wasn't everything it seemed to be. Reality show origins When Butler started his investigation firm around 2000, the former police officer hired a lot of off-duty, law enforcement officers to work on cases, but he found that the men were all too competitive and impatient to be good investigators. 'Then, I hired a mom, and she was the best investigator I had worked with,' he told Crooks. 'She was patient and a good team player, and she could multitask." Eventually, he hired moms Michelle Allen, Charmagne Peters, Denise Antoon, and Ami Wilt to fill out a team. Butler used their skills and inconspicuousness to perform undercover operations, stings, and other kinds of investigative work, which secretly included a 'Dirty DUIs' scheme in which they'd encourage men to drink alcohol, encourage them to drive, and then alert the police. (The doc doesn't interrogate this aspect of the business.) As the moms started getting media attention throughout the reality TV boom, Lifetime saw potential for a show—along with spin-offs in other cities—centered around them. The network soon reached out to Lucas Platt about showrunning the series. The TV veteran liked the general concept of 'showing this group of women busting criminals together,' he says in the doc, but he also wanted to explore their lives outside the job. As Denise and Ami attest, the moms didn't want to be treated like a group on Real Housewives and create fake drama, so Platt agreed to share more personal and meaningful anecdotes about their lives. Lifetime eventually gave Platt three camera crews and a four-million budget to produce eight episodes with Butler's group, which also included Carl Marino, a former law enforcement agent who helped with cases that needed a male presence. But Platt and the moms could tell there was something off about him—that he was eager to be a television star at any cost. 'It felt like egotism run amok,' Platt says. 'Its called P.I. Moms, and he's not a mom.' Repeated sabotage After Crooks received the anonymous tip about the staged ride-along, he reached out to Platt to share the information. 'If Chris did this to me, how could he not do it for TV?' he thought. The showrunner was confident in the veracity of the women and the cases they were pursuing, until their next sting operation, when their target told Denise that he'd been tipped off. Now Platt was curious. He began investigating and soon discovered the tipster (and the man responsible behind the Rutherford email) was actually Marino. The show wouldn't work if employees were breaking up operations out of spite and jealousy, so Platt told Butler that his employee had been sabotaging the show. But instead of firing Marino, Butler told Platt not to worry about it—an odd reaction, especially for someone hoping to make bank from a reality series. 'Clearly he had other things that were happening that were taking precedence,' Denise says. Marino knew all about those other things, and was willing to spill the information. He continued corresponding with Crooks and explained that Butler was involved in serious criminal activity, selling marijuana, prescription Xanax, and steroids that had been confiscated by a Contra Costa Country Task Force commander. Once in possession of the drugs, Butler would then give them to Marino inside the office. 'I have not sold any and don't want to,' Marino messaged Crooks. 'I don't want anything to do with this.' At the same time, Marino continued to scheme, eventually using insider case files to solve a missing person's case that Platt and the P.I. Moms had hoped would be their opportunity to save the series. As both Ami and Denise remember, Marino was determined to have his 15 minutes of fame, even if that meant continuing to sabotage the show he was so desperate to be on. 'How dumb are you that they're going to push this out and you're going to be the star of the show?' Ami says. The final sting After Crooks reached out to Contra Costa D.A. Daryl Jackson with his information, Marino ultimately came forward and agreed to wear a wire for law enforcement, who was ready to bust Butler after discovering he had planned to sell three pounds of methamphetamines. They arranged a buy at the P.I. firm between the corrupt officer, Butler, and Marino, and as soon as the sale went through, authorities quickly arrested Butler. The news officially sealed the show's fate. Lifetime cancelled P.I. Moms San Francisco and forced Platt to break the bad news to the women and crew. It was an emotional moment, especially for Ami, who had opened up over the course of the show's production and shared intimate details about losing her son at an early age. She hoped her testimony would help other women struggling with something similar. Instead, it would never air. On May 4th, 2012, nearly two years after telling Crooks to write a story about him, Butler pleaded guilty to selling drugs, extortion, robbery and planting illegal wiretaps, and was later sentenced to eight years in prison. The fallout also impacted the P.I. moms themselves—they were called frauds and took heat from their community for collaborating with Butler. (Crooks eventually did write a 10,000-word story about his experience.) Marino eventually got his moment in the sun, playing lead Detective Lt. Joe Kenda, on the Investigation Discovery TV show Homicide Hunter. But to everyone involved with P.I. Moms, he and Butler will always be known as the ultimate schemers that killed their TV careers. 'Chris and Carl just took it away from everybody,' Denise says. 'They put their desires above everyone else's.'

New Butler shooting details expose the Secret Service's shocking culture of incompetence
New Butler shooting details expose the Secret Service's shocking culture of incompetence

New York Post

time16-07-2025

  • Politics
  • New York Post

New Butler shooting details expose the Secret Service's shocking culture of incompetence

Thanks to the investigations of two Senate committees, Americans are getting a clearer picture of what went wrong leading up to the July 2024 assassination attempt on Donald Trump in Butler, Pa. — and the details are beyond damning for the Secret Service. Reporting, released by the Government Accountability Office and Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, list a series of bungles and mishaps that would sound satirical if they didn't have such deadly serious consequences. First off, the agency denied a request for anti-drone systems for the rally, claiming those resources were already set aside for the Republican and Democratic National Conventions, and didn't provide a Counter Assault Team liaison to coordinate between its agents and the local SWAT teams. The agency almost didn't send in the counter-sniper teams that ultimately took out shooter Thomas Matthew Crooks, ending his bloody rampage; imagine the horrific consequences if it hadn't. The day of the rally, the agency's drone detection equipment bugged out and was being repaired by an undertrained agent when Crooks flew a drone overhead to plan out his sick scheme. And shoddy cell service kneecapped communication between the local cops and the Secret Service, since the agencies couldn't radio each other directly. These are tech issues that the Secret Service, alarmingly, had 'no policy in place' to address. And get this: Secret Service officials were told about a threat to Trump's life, probably from Iran, 10 days before the shooting, but the agency 'had no process to share classified threat information with partners' if it wasn't considered 'imminent.' Leading up to the rally, the building that Crooks shot from was identified as a possible security concern because of its clear line-of-sight to where Trump would be speaking. Jaw-droppingly, the Secret Service planned to use large farm equipment as a barrier between the building and the stage but decided on a jumbotron and a flag instead — because no one told the advance team that there were active threats on Trump's life. And then the staffers failed to tell their supervisor that the security concerns hadn't been fixed. For some reason, no one even thought to just post a few agents up on the roof. The agency's total failure to communicate ahead of time allowed Crooks to carry out his plan with no resistance, killing an rally-goer, Corey Comperatore and injuring Trump and two others. How it is possible that no one was talking to each other? This is an agency with a $3.1 billion budget, tasked with protecting America's leaders and their families. And it was thwarted by a 20-year-old with a rifle and a hobby drone thanks to dumb policies, poor decision-making, bad cell reception and faulty hardware. The Secret Service has made some changes since then, like procuring a fleet of military-grade drones and establishing mobile command posts so that agents can talk to local law enforcement. But it's clear that procedural changes need to happen within the Secret Service, too, so that vital information is shared between teams and no one is left in the dark about potential threats. There is no excuse for what happened in Butler. Fixing the Secret Service's culture is the only way to prevent it from happening again.

Conservative group sues DOJ over records on 2024 Trump assassination attempt
Conservative group sues DOJ over records on 2024 Trump assassination attempt

USA Today

time15-07-2025

  • Politics
  • USA Today

Conservative group sues DOJ over records on 2024 Trump assassination attempt

The conservative group Judicial Watch sued the Department of Justice over alleged Freedom of Information Act violations following the denial of its request for records related to the attempted assassination of President Donald Trump in July 2024. The complaint was filed in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia a day before the one-year anniversary of the shooting at Trump's July 13, 2024, campaign rally in Butler, Pennsylvania. A bullet grazed Trump's right ear, and an attendee, firefighter Corey Comperatore, was killed. Officials identified the shooter as 20-year-old Thomas Matthew Crooks, who was shot and killed by Secret Service. The complaint says Judicial Watch submitted a FOIA request to the FBI on July 24, 2024, for 'all records' related to Crooks and 'all records of communication in any form' between Crooks and FBI officials, sources, contractors or assets. The FBI denied the request in a letter on Aug. 5, 2024, according to the complaint. The Justice Department's Office of Information Policy then rejected the organization's appeal on Aug. 21, 2024. 'No more delays and excuses, the FBI should release what it has on the man who tried to kill President Trump a full year ago in Butler,' Judicial Watch President Tom Fitton said in a July 14 news release. 'Attorney General Pam Bondi should direct a full and immediate records response to this Judicial Watch FOIA lawsuit.' The lawsuit requests that the court require the Justice Department to search for and produce 'any and all non-exempt records' related to its request. The organization also sued the Department of Homeland Security in March over records related to the shooting. USA TODAY reached out to the Justice Department for comment. BrieAnna Frank is a First Amendment Reporting Fellow at USA TODAY. Reach her at bjfrank@ USA TODAY's coverage of First Amendment issues is funded through a collaboration between the Freedom Forum and Journalism Funding Partners. Funders do not provide editorial input.

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