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First Post
2 days ago
- Politics
- First Post
Riot, repression and reform: Will Kenya finally change?
If the Kenyan government does not change course, it won't just endanger the country but also destabilise the region read more (File) Riot police patrol on a road covered with rocks, during demonstrations to mark the historic 1990 Saba Saba (a Swahili word that means seven seven) protests for democratic reforms in the Kangemi slum of Nairobi, Kenya, Monday, July 7, 2025. AP July 7, 2025, marked the 35th anniversary of the historic Saba Saba (Seven Seven) protests in Kenya. On that day in 1990, pro-democracy demonstrators filled the streets of Nairobi to challenge President Daniel arap Moi's one-party regime. This year, the anniversary was not a commemoration—it was a continuation. In recent weeks, protests have swept across Kenya; these protests have met with lethal state violence and mass arrests. The question now looms larger than ever: can Kenya break the cycle of repression—or will it repeat history, yet again? STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Mayhem and Massacre Revisited On June 25, 2025, 19 people were killed and hundreds injured as police opened fire on protestors. The demonstrations were sparked by the death of opposition blogger Albert Omondi Ojwang in police custody and coincided with the anniversary of the 2024 Finance Bill protests, during which at least 63 people were killed. Just two weeks later, on July 7 (Saba Saba Day), Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR) reported at least 31 more deaths, over 100 injuries, 532 arrests, and two forced disappearances. Police violence has become the state's default response to public dissent. 'Shoot the Legs': Ruto's Chilling Orders President William Ruto, elected in 2022 on promises of reform, has instead responded to civil unrest with rhetoric of war. Blaming political opponents and labeling protesters as 'terrorists,' he declared: 'Those who attack our police… that is a declaration of war. We are going to deal with you firmly… They shouldn't kill them (protesters), but they should shoot their legs so they break, and they can go to hospital on their way to court.' Such remarks shocked many Kenyans and underscored the regime's deepening authoritarian tendencies. Broken Promises, Boiling Anger Ruto rose to power vowing to uplift Kenya's struggling masses—but Kenyans today are more disillusioned than ever. Youth unemployment is rampant, inflation bites hard, and corruption remains pervasive. What fuels these protests is not just outrage over one death—but anger over decades of economic despair and political betrayal. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Protest as a Constant—and a Crime Kenya's Constitution guarantees the right to protest under Article 37. This right is also enshrined in international treaties such as the African Charter and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Yet, in practice, every Kenyan regime—from colonial rule to the current one—has criminalized protest. The cycle is tragically familiar: protest erupts, the state responds with brute force. History of Repression and Resistance 1. Mau Mau Uprising (1951–1960): Anti-colonial revolt led by the Kikuyu, Meru, and Embu. Over 11,000 killed, 1 million displaced. It eventually paved the way for independence in 1963. 2. Jomo Kenyatta Era (1964–1978): Initial unity gave way to suppression of dissent. Protests followed political assassinations (Pinto, Mboya, Kariuki). The Kisumu Massacre (1969) saw security forces fire on protesters during Kenyatta's visit. 3. Daniel arap Moi Era (1978–2002): Moi turned Kenya into a de jure one-party state. Student uprisings, an aborted coup, mass detentions, torture, and the watershed Saba Saba protest of 1990 eventually forced a return to multi-party democracy. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD 4. Mwai Kibaki Era (2002–2013): Initial optimism faded amid corruption and electoral fraud. Post-election violence in 2007 killed 1,100 and displaced 600,000. 5. Uhuru Kenyatta Era (2013–2022): Controversial elections sparked mass protests. The 2017 election annulment by the Supreme Court was historic but followed by more clashes and deaths. 6. William Ruto Era (2022–present): Disputed elections, protests against economic hardship, and the Gen Z-led 2024 Finance Bill uprising all mark Ruto's troubled tenure. That uprising led to the storming of Parliament and dozens of deaths. Back to Saba Saba, Once Again Kenya is burning once more. The death of Albert Ojwang lit the fuse. On June 25, 2025, 16 people were killed across 27 counties. On July 7, another 31 fell. But this is more than rage—it is remembrance. For many, these rallies aren't only protests. They're echoes of a long fight for freedom, democracy, and dignity. Writing on the Wall President Ruto is three years into his term. The next election is two years away. Between now and then, he must choose: reform or repression. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD He must listen to the valid grievances of Kenya's youth, address inequality, curb police brutality, and begin the hard work of healing a fractured nation. The police's place is not on the streets terrorizing citizens—but in the barracks, serving the people. If the government does not change course, it won't just endanger Kenya—it may destabilise the region. The author is a multi-disciplinary thought leader with Action Bias and an India based impact consultant. He is a keen watcher of changing national and international scenarios. He works as President Advisory Services of Consulting Company BARSYL. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
Indian Express
6 days ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Gen Z leads Kenya's ‘Saba Saba March' against tax hikes and police brutality
Written by Eshan Agarwal Thousands had gathered at Nairobi's Kamukunji Grounds on July 7, 1990 to defy the then President Daniel arap Moi's ban on public gatherings. The protest was led by Kenneth Matiba, Charles Rubia, and Jaramogi Oginga Odinga where they demanded for the one-party clause embedded in the constitution to be revoked. Despite being faced with tear gas and batons, the protests' demands were heard and the president restored the multiparty system in December of 1991. Ever since, Saba Saba – meaning 'seven seven' – in Kiswahili has been a symbol of courage and Kenya's democratic right. This year, Kenyans took to the streets to protest against its government but were unfortunately met with lethal attacks from police in unmarked vehicles. This resulted in numerous casualties as well as the largest number of injuries and arrests to come from a Saba Saba protest till date. Evolution over the years Since its origin, Saba Saba has surpassed simply fighting for democracy. In the 2000s, activists used the occasion to highlight land rights and justice for the environment, whereas the 2010s turned its attention to police accountability and corruption. Now, the protests are largely driven by Gen Z, where they advocate for digital freedom, economic equality for all, and deeper political involvement ensuring Saba Saba continues to be an evolving force. Monday's nationwide protests This year's Saba Saba aligned with a recent finance bill that proposed higher taxes on digital transactions, fuel, and more basic goods. Outraged by this, thousands of young Kenyans marched in protest of this. There were chants for President William Ruto's resignation as well as demanding lowered prices of fuel, school fees, and action on the maize flour shortage. Security crackdown and shoot-on-sight order Not giving into the demands of the protesters, Interior Minister Kipchumba Murkomen issued a 'shoot on sight' order for anyone who attempted to damage or storm police stations. Officers in covert vehicles attacked with tear gas, water cannons, and live rounds which violated court orders stating that police were supposed to have clear identification. By the end of the day, there had been at least 31 deaths, 107 injuries, and 532 arrests, reported KNCHR, recording the most lethal day in Saba Saba history. Economic and political grievances Over 25 percent of the youth in Kenya is unemployed. This, paired with inflation, led to rapid price hikes on basic commodities and deepened inequality. Protesters see the new finance bill as an attack on the already struggling families and the sign of an ignorant government. The passing of Kenyan blogger Albert Ojwang nearly a month earlier in police custody had intensified the calls for transparency and justice, further emphasising how out of touch the government was from ordinary Kenyans. (The writer is an intern with The Indian Express)
Yahoo
12-07-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Is William Ruto the most disliked president in Kenya's history?
Kenya's William Ruto rode into office on a wave of enthusiasm among ordinary people who hoped he would live up to his promises to improve their lives. Instead, he is facing unrelenting criticism – seen as unmatched in the country's history. Seemingly frustrated by the intensity of the backlash, he on Wednesday asked why such public outrage was never directed at his predecessors, including Daniel arap Moi, who ruled with an iron fist for over two decades marked by political repression and human rights abuses, and others who departed under clouds of controversy. On Wednesday Ruto posed: "All this chaos, why wasn't it directed at [former presidents] Moi, Mwai Kibaki, Uhuru Kenyatta…Why the contempt and arrogance?" Analysts describe the current wave of public anger toward President Ruto, which has seen 10 people killed over the past year, as "unprecedented", uniting Kenyans across ethnic, religious, and class divisions. Protests against his administration began barely a year after he came into power. Three years in, many aggrieved Kenyans now want him gone – amid unrelenting protests with rallying calls of "Ruto must go" and "Ruto Wantam" (Ruto for one term). When Ruto was vying for the presidency, he portrayed himself as a common man, who came from a childhood marked by poverty and resilience. He appealed to the ordinary folk as a person they could draw inspiration from - having risen from chicken seller to president. Contrast that to earlier this year, when a newspaper splashed a headline asking whether Ruto was "Kenya's most hated president", a sentiment that has often echoed across social media platforms and public discourse. It marks an extraordinary change in Kenyan politics, often shaped by ethnic allegiances and class divisions. Just as Ruto was seen as transcending those barriers to clinch the presidency, the same dynamics now appear to be working against him. This week the phrase "We are all Kikuyus," trended on social media as young people rejected attempts to reintroduce the ethnic divisions that have long plagued Kenyan politics. A counter narrative of "We are all Kenyans" emerged but failed to gain similar traction – with some seeing it as an attempt to dilute the expression of solidarity in the first message. The Kikuyu, Kenya's largest ethnic group from the Mt Kenya region, overwhelmingly backed Ruto in the 2022 elections, together with Rigathi Gachagua, who hails from the region, as his deputy. But Gachagua's hounding from office last year through a dramatic impeachment process, which he described as a betrayal, sparked discontent in the region. In the aftermath, some politicians allied to Ruto have accused Kikuyu elites of fuelling opposition against the president. Political analyst Mark Bichachi says the opposition to the president is not ethnically driven, but is happening across diverse communities in urban and rural areas. He terms the "public outcry against a president and a regime" both "unprecedented" and "historical", even surpassing the political upheavals of the 1980s and 1990s when Moi led a one-party state. The period was marked by brutal crackdowns and a bloody fight for multiparty democracy, but Mr Bichachi tells the BBC that this did not generate the kind of pressure now bearing down on Ruto, adding that the tensions then were linked to the Cold War and were felt across the continent. Mother mourns 'beautiful' 12-year-old shot while watching TV during Kenya protests Why the death of a blogger has put Kenya's police on trial 'Shoot in the leg' - Kenyan leader orders police to curb violent protests But academic Dr Njoki Wamai says the criticism levelled at the president is nothing unusual, but part of a political tradition during moments of crisis. "All presidents, when they've gone against the constitution, against the will of the Kenyan people, have always faced a lot of criticism," she tells the BBC. She points to past leaders such as the founding president Jomo Kenyatta and his successor Moi - who both faced an intense backlash and loss of public trust during critical moments - including after the assassination of key political leaders and the coup attempt against Moi in 1982. "What is different [this time] is that the scale of spread of information is higher," she says, noting the impact of Kenya's digitally savvy youth, whose widespread access to social media and digital tools has amplified public discourse. She also describes Ruto as always having been "very conservative," suggesting that his political outlook clashes with the more liberal values embraced by many Kenyans - particularly young people. This ideological mismatch, she argues, has contributed to growing tensions. The current resistance campaigns are largely youth-led, online-based, decentralised and seen as leaderless, mostly unfolding outside the established political class. Since last year, they have been driven by anger over the high cost of living, aggressive taxation, corruption and police brutality. But pointing to ethnic politics and incitement as fuelling the latest unrest, the president said on Wednesday: Let's stop ethnic division, hatred, pride and contempt. We are all Kenyans". He vowed to use "whatever means necessary" to maintain peace and stability. He called on the police to shoot in the legs protesters who were targeting businesses, rather than killing them. His remarks sparked more outrage and mockery. Since last year, the Kenyan government has responded to protests and dissent with brutal crackdowns, including mass arrests and alleged abductions by security operatives. It is a strategy that rights groups say has only deepened public outrage and alienated the citizens from the state, with the police accused of using excessive force to quell the protests. More than 100 people have been killed in successive waves of anti-government protests since June last year. The latest one on Monday claimed 38 lives, marking the deadliest day of unrest yet. Rather than serve as a catalyst for police reform or push efforts to pacify the demonstrators, the deaths have often served as a spark for subsequent protests, turning grief into rage. The government has blamed the violence on protesters, accusing them of attacking police stations and even trying to stage a coup. Political communication expert Hesbon Owilla calls the unrest "probably the most intense outrage against a regime" in Kenya's history. He says it has brought people from all walks of life to unite in defiance. He puts it down to how the president communicates to the people. He says Ruto's promises to uplift the fortunes of ordinary people were "real, extremely real" and shifted the campaign from ethnic mobilisation toward issue-based politics. "Then he became president. We are still waiting. What Kenyans are experiencing is worse," he tells the BBC, capturing the deep sense of disappointment among many Kenyans. He says that unlike past governments that made cautious promises, Ruto made, and continues to make, sweeping pledges leading to broken expectations. "The disillusionment is creating the rage," he says. Citing the example of the order to shoot protesters, he also says that the president often speaks when silence might serve him better - overexposing himself and inadvertently making serious national issues feel personal. As a result, when there is criticism, it tends to be directed squarely at him, rather than being attributed to a failure of governance systems. Even so, Ruto has repeatedly highlighted his administration's efforts to better the lives of all Kenyans, pointing to the government's flagship affordable housing project, a universal health scheme, digital jobs, and an overseas employment programme as key achievements. While inspecting one of the housing sites this week, he acknowledged the severity of youth unemployment but emphasised that the problem predates his presidency. He insisted that his government was the first to take deliberate steps to tackle the crisis, citing state initiatives such as the housing project that he says has created hundreds of thousands of jobs. The president appealed for patience, as the problem would take time to resolve. Yet patience, especially amid the high cost of living, unmet expectations, and growing frustration, is not something that most Kenyans feel they can afford. Some of those flagship programmes have come at a steep cost to Kenyans, who now have 1.5% housing levy and a 2.75% health insurance tax deducted from their monthly incomes. The pain of paying some of these higher taxes has dominated everyday conversations, especially with a perception that higher taxes have not resulted in better public services. To the government's credit, Mr Owilla says some of the initiatives, like the universal healthcare project, have had a great impact, and others may eventually deliver for many. But Mr Bichachi argues that the government has "lost touch with how people feel", and its tone has remained unchanged despite rising public resentment. He says the issue is unlikely to change based on how the government performs – describing it as a "love-hate relationship" between the people and the presidency. That is "how we find ourselves where we are", he concludes, referring to the intense resentment that is now faced by the president, who was once one of the "the most applauded and lauded leaders to come onto the Kenyan state". Are East African governments uniting to silence dissent? BBC identifies security forces who shot Kenya anti-tax protesters El Chapo & Deputy Jesus - why Kenya's president has so many nicknames New faces of protest - Kenya's Gen Z anti-tax revolutionaries 'We live in fear' - forced expulsions taint Kenya's safe haven image Go to for more news from the African continent. Follow us on Twitter @BBCAfrica, on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica Africa Daily Focus on Africa
BBC News
12-07-2025
- Politics
- BBC News
Is William Ruto the most disliked Kenyan president in history?
Kenya's William Ruto rode into office on a wave of enthusiasm among ordinary people who hoped he would live up to his promises to improve their lives. Instead, he is facing unrelenting criticism – seen as unmatched in the country's frustrated by the intensity of the backlash, he on Wednesday asked why such public outrage was never directed at his predecessors, including Daniel arap Moi, who ruled with an iron fist for over two decades marked by political repression and human rights abuses, and others who departed under clouds of Wednesday Ruto posed: "All this chaos, why wasn't it directed at [former presidents] Moi, Mwai Kibaki, Uhuru Kenyatta…Why the contempt and arrogance?" Analysts describe the current wave of public anger toward President Ruto, which has seen 10 people killed over the past year, as "unprecedented", uniting Kenyans across ethnic, religious, and class divisions. Protests against his administration began barely a year after he came into power. Three years in, many aggrieved Kenyans now want him gone – amid unrelenting protests with rallying calls of "Ruto must go" and "Ruto Wantam" (Ruto for one term). When Ruto was vying for the presidency, he portrayed himself as a common man, who came from a childhood marked by poverty and resilience. He appealed to the ordinary folk as a person they could draw inspiration from - having risen from chicken seller to that to earlier this year, when a newspaper splashed a headline asking whether Ruto was "Kenya's most hated president", a sentiment that has often echoed across social media platforms and public marks an extraordinary change in Kenyan politics, often shaped by ethnic allegiances and class divisions. Just as Ruto was seen as transcending those barriers to clinch the presidency, the same dynamics now appear to be working against week the phrase "We are all Kikuyus," trended on social media as young people rejected attempts to reintroduce the ethnic divisions that have long plagued Kenyan politics. A counter narrative of "We are all Kenyans" emerged but failed to gain similar traction – with some seeing it as an attempt to dilute the expression of solidarity in the first Kikuyu, Kenya's largest ethnic group from the Mt Kenya region, overwhelmingly backed Ruto in the 2022 elections, together with Rigathi Gachagua, who hails from the region, as his Gachagua's hounding from office last year through a dramatic impeachment process, which he described as a betrayal, sparked discontent in the region. In the aftermath, some politicians allied to Ruto have accused Kikuyu elites of fuelling opposition against the analyst Mark Bichachi says the opposition to the president is not ethnically driven, but is happening across diverse communities in urban and rural terms the "public outcry against a president and a regime" both "unprecedented" and "historical", even surpassing the political upheavals of the 1980s and 1990s when Moi led a one-party period was marked by brutal crackdowns and a bloody fight for multiparty democracy, but Mr Bichachi tells the BBC that this did not generate the kind of pressure now bearing down on Ruto, adding that the tensions then were linked to the Cold War and were felt across the mourns 'beautiful' 12-year-old shot while watching TV during Kenya protestsWhy the death of a blogger has put Kenya's police on trial'Shoot in the leg' - Kenyan leader orders police to curb violent protestsBut academic Dr Njoki Wamai says the criticism levelled at the president is nothing unusual, but part of a political tradition during moments of crisis."All presidents, when they've gone against the constitution, against the will of the Kenyan people, have always faced a lot of criticism," she tells the points to past leaders such as the founding president Jomo Kenyatta and his successor Moi - who both faced an intense backlash and loss of public trust during critical moments - including after the assassination of key political leaders and the coup attempt against Moi in 1982. "What is different [this time] is that the scale of spread of information is higher," she says, noting the impact of Kenya's digitally savvy youth, whose widespread access to social media and digital tools has amplified public also describes Ruto as always having been "very conservative," suggesting that his political outlook clashes with the more liberal values embraced by many Kenyans - particularly young people. This ideological mismatch, she argues, has contributed to growing current resistance campaigns are largely youth-led, online-based, decentralised and seen as leaderless, mostly unfolding outside the established political class. Since last year, they have been driven by anger over the high cost of living, aggressive taxation, corruption and police pointing to ethnic politics and incitement as fuelling the latest unrest, the president said on Wednesday: Let's stop ethnic division, hatred, pride and contempt. We are all Kenyans".He vowed to use "whatever means necessary" to maintain peace and stability. He called on the police to shoot in the legs protesters who were targeting businesses, rather than killing them. His remarks sparked more outrage and last year, the Kenyan government has responded to protests and dissent with brutal crackdowns, including mass arrests and alleged abductions by security operatives. It is a strategy that rights groups say has only deepened public outrage and alienated the citizens from the state, with the police accused of using excessive force to quell the than 100 people have been killed in successive waves of anti-government protests since June last year. The latest one on Monday claimed 38 lives, marking the deadliest day of unrest than serve as a catalyst for police reform or push efforts to pacify the demonstrators, the deaths have often served as a spark for subsequent protests, turning grief into government has blamed the violence on protesters, accusing them of attacking police stations and even trying to stage a communication expert Hesbon Owilla calls the unrest "probably the most intense outrage against a regime" in Kenya's history. He says it has brought people from all walks of life to unite in puts it down to how the president communicates to the people. He says Ruto's promises to uplift the fortunes of ordinary people were "real, extremely real" and shifted the campaign from ethnic mobilisation toward issue-based politics."Then he became president. We are still waiting. What Kenyans are experiencing is worse," he tells the BBC, capturing the deep sense of disappointment among many says that unlike past governments that made cautious promises, Ruto made, and continues to make, sweeping pledges leading to broken expectations."The disillusionment is creating the rage," he says. Citing the example of the order to shoot protesters, he also says that the president often speaks when silence might serve him better - overexposing himself and inadvertently making serious national issues feel personal. As a result, when there is criticism, it tends to be directed squarely at him, rather than being attributed to a failure of governance so, Ruto has repeatedly highlighted his administration's efforts to better the lives of all Kenyans, pointing to the government's flagship affordable housing project, a universal health scheme, digital jobs, and an overseas employment programme as key inspecting one of the housing sites this week, he acknowledged the severity of youth unemployment but emphasised that the problem predates his insisted that his government was the first to take deliberate steps to tackle the crisis, citing state initiatives such as the housing project that he says has created hundreds of thousands of president appealed for patience, as the problem would take time to patience, especially amid the high cost of living, unmet expectations, and growing frustration, is not something that most Kenyans feel they can of those flagship programmes have come at a steep cost to Kenyans, who now have 1.5% housing levy and a 2.75% health insurance tax deducted from their monthly incomes. The pain of paying some of these higher taxes has dominated everyday conversations, especially with a perception that higher taxes have not resulted in better public the government's credit, Mr Owilla says some of the initiatives, like the universal healthcare project, have had a great impact, and others may eventually deliver for Mr Bichachi argues that the government has "lost touch with how people feel", and its tone has remained unchanged despite rising public says the issue is unlikely to change based on how the government performs – describing it as a "love-hate relationship" between the people and the is "how we find ourselves where we are", he concludes, referring to the intense resentment that is now faced by the president, who was once one of the "the most applauded and lauded leaders to come onto the Kenyan state". You may also be interested in: Are East African governments uniting to silence dissent?BBC identifies security forces who shot Kenya anti-tax protestersEl Chapo & Deputy Jesus - why Kenya's president has so many nicknamesNew faces of protest - Kenya's Gen Z anti-tax revolutionaries'We live in fear' - forced expulsions taint Kenya's safe haven image Go to for more news from the African us on Twitter @BBCAfrica, on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica
The Citizen
09-07-2025
- Politics
- The Citizen
Kenya's president warns against bid to ‘overthrow' govt by protests
Kenya's president warns against 'overthrow attempts' and tells police to shoot violent protesters in the leg after 31 die in unrest. Protesters react amid clouds of tear gas fired by Kenya police officers during clashes at Saba Saba Day demonstrations in Nairobi on July 7, 2025. Kenya marked its fight for democracy on July 7, 2025 with police blocking main roads in Nairobi ahead of potential protests, after last month's demonstrations descended into violent clashes. Saba Saba Day marks the uprising on July 7, 1990 when Kenyans demanded a return to multi-party democracy after years of autocratic rule by then-president Daniel arap Moi. (Photo by SIMON MAINA / AFP) Kenyan President William Ruto warned Wednesday against attempts to 'overthrow' the government through 'unconstitutional means' and ordered police to shoot violent protesters in the leg, days after 31 people were killed in nationwide anti-government demonstrations. His toughest remarks yet come as the east African nation faces a wave of violent protests over economic stagnation, corruption and police brutality. 'They want to start chaos, organise protests, burn people's property, bring disaster so as to overthrow the government before 2027… This is a democratic country,' Ruto told supporters in the capital Nairobi, speaking in Swahili. 'This country will not be destroyed by a few people who are impatient and want a change of government through unconstitutional means,' he said. 'You cannot sponsor violence and go scot-free,' he added, saying any attacks on the police would be seen as a 'declaration of war'. Ruto, who was elected in 2022, also said violent protesters 'should be shot in the leg, be taken to hospital and taken to court'. ALSO READ: Eight killed as deadly clashes erupt in Kenya on protest anniversary The demonstrations began in June last year as a youth-led anti-taxation protest, which subsequently forced the government to withdraw the contested finance bill. But many of Kenya's youth are once again engaging in protests, which last month degenerated into looting and violence, killing dozens and destroying thousands of businesses. They are disillusioned by the economic situation, corruption and high taxes, as well as police brutality after a teacher died in custody last month. Fifty-one people have died in protests over the last two months, according to an AFP tally citing rights groups. Rallies early this week saw hundreds arrested and scores wounded. Rights groups said 31 people died across the country in the protests which marked Saba Saba day — meaning Seven Seven — or July 7, 1990 when Kenyans rose up to demand a return to multi-party democracy after years of autocratic rule by then-president Daniel arap Moi. ALSO READ: Kenyan anniversary protests turn violent Protesters accuse the authorities of paying armed vandals to discredit their movement, while the government compared a demonstration in June to an 'attempted coup'. Boycott call Opposition leaders, including Ruto's former deputy and ally Rigathi Gachagua, have accused the government of unleashing state-sponsored violence against its citizens, slamming it as 'hostile'. On Tuesday, they called on the public to 'boycott all businesses, services and institutions owned, operated or publicly linked to this regime and its enablers'. Gachagua campaigned for Ruto during the 2022 election but the two fell out last year, leading to his impeachment. Ruto's allies have accused Gachagua of bankrolling violent protests, with some calling for his arrest. He has denied the accusations. ALSO READ: Motorbike-riding 'goons' attack Kenya protesters Marches last month marked the one-year anniversary of the anti-tax protests that saw young demonstrators breach parliament on June 25, with rights groups saying at least 60 people died in last year's rallies. Social media and rising economic expectations have fanned anger over inequalities in a country where around 80 percent are trapped in informal, poorly paid jobs. The United Nations said it was 'deeply troubled' over the deaths during this week's protests and that 'intentional lethal force by law enforcement officers, including with firearms, should only be used when strictly necessary to protect life from an imminent threat'. – By: © Agence France-Presse
