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Daily Mail
5 days ago
- Daily Mail
Stephen Lawrence's father pleads with one of the thugs who murdered his son to reveal the names of the other gang members involved in the attack
The father of Stephen Lawrence has issued a heartfelt plea for one of his son's killers to reveal the names of all those responsible - as the convicted murderer is set to make a bid for his freedom. David Norris, 48, had always denied being involved in the 1993 murder of the teenager. But in March, it was revealed that Norris had a change of heart and 'accepted he was present at the scene.' He also admitted to punching the 18-year-old, but claimed he did not 'wield the knife' during the fatal stabbing incident at a bus stop in Eltham, south-east London, on April 22, 1993. Only Norris and Gary Dobson, 49, two of the original five prime suspects, were convicted in connection with Stephen's killing. Both were found guilty under the law of joint enterprise, which allows people to be convicted of murder even if they did not inflict the fatal blow. It has never been proven who stabbed Stephen, who suffered two knife wounds, or whether more than one knife was used. Now ahead of Norris' public parole hearing next week, Neville Lawrence, 83, is urging the killer to reveal exactly what happened on that fateful day. Speaking to The Mirror, Mr Lawrence said: 'My message to him would be, 'You have served so many years in prison, you've known what you did was wrong and you refused to give the information in the early days about all the other boys that were involved. David Norris (pictured) had always denied his involvement in the 1993 murder until earlier this year. The convicted murderer is set to make a bid for his freedom at a public parole hearing 'I need you to say exactly who was there with you that night because we now know that you were there'. He added that it felt 'unfair' if Norris succeeds in his parole, because he will be able to walk out of prison and live his 'everyday' life again. Mr Lawrence said: 'My son will never be able to do that because he's dead and it's because of these people that robbed me of my son.' In March, Parole Board vice chair Peter Rook KC announced Norris had changed his stance on his involvement. 'Recent reports now suggest he has accepted he was present at the scene and punched the victim but claims that he did not wield the knife. 'He does not accept he holds racist views.' In a major victory for the Mail and the Lawrence family, Norris' parole hearing will be heard in public. Norris fought against such an application from this newspaper, arguing that having the hearing in the open to do so would increase the risk to his safety. But Mr Rook ruled that his case should be made in public, and in his judgement quoted extensively from an application made by the Mail which argued that without press scrutiny it is unlikely that Stephen's killers would have faced justice. Five men were initially arrested over the murder, in Eltham, southeast London, with Norris, 16 at the time, and Gary Dobson, 16 then but 49 now, only brought to justice after a belated forensic breakthrough. Both were given life sentences in 2012. It followed a lengthy campaign from the Mail to secure justice for Stephen, including a 1997 front page in which Norris was named as one of his killers. The application to the Parole Board also quoted from a recent interview with Stephen's father, Neville, in which the 82-year-old said he would be willing to accept Norris's release from prison if he apologised and showed he was a changed man. The Mail argued that a public hearing would provide the killer with the platform to properly express remorse for his actions. The Lawrence family supported a public hearing but lawyers for Norris argued that the murderer, who has been diagnosed with PTSD, would suffer from 'emotional stress' should a hearing be held in public. They also argued that it would increase the risk to his safety within the prison estate, given he has been attacked three times while incarcerated, and that he would be incapable of giving his 'best evidence' should his remarks be made public. But Mr Rook found that the case remained of public importance because of its impact on policing, that it was accepted that not all those involved have been brought to justice and that the public will be interested to know whether Norris now accepts his responsibility for Stephen's murder. The criminal justice system had clearly failed with regard to this case at earlier stages, he said, with the subsequent MacPherson report into the investigation making multiple recommendations still relevant today. 'There is a clear public interest in seeing the Parole Review conducted in a proper judicial manner with evidence-based decisions on risk,' Mr Rook said. Norris's time in prison has not been without issues that will likely count against him when the panel makes its decision. He was caught illegally using a smartphone in jail in 2022, which he used to take a sickening selfie from his cell on Dartmoor's E wing, which houses supposedly well-behaved inmates. The phone was recovered from his body after he was X-rayed and a police investigation into how he obtained the device was launched. A date is yet to be set for the hearing. Stephen's father called on Norris to name his son's other killers and tell the truth about what happened on the night of his murder for the first time. During an interview from his home in Jamaica in March, Mr Lawrence thanked the Daily Mail for its fight to ensure his parole hearing would be heard in public. 'Thank you to the Daily Mail for doing this service for us,' he said. 'Without your appeal this would have stayed behind closed doors.' Mr Lawrence added: 'If he's going to make a statement the public will hopefully finally hear everything that happened. 'He knows who was there with him. 'And he has been in prison for all this time so it's his chance to say it wasn't just him alone, there were others with him. And name them. 'I don't think he's going to do that but that's what I want him to do. 'This is his chance to come clean and confess to what happened that night.' Mr Lawrence said he planned to attend the hearing and his solicitor would read a statement outlining the effect Stephen's murder has had on the family. 'He's going to be able to walk away and live the rest of his life if he behaves himself. 'Stephen can't do that,' he said. 'I feel if someone is lucky enough to have that chance for parole they should have to say I'm sorry, I'll never get into trouble again and they should have to admit what they did. 'If he admits it and said how sorry he was and he names the other people I could accept him coming out. 'No one who was there that night has ever told the truth about what happened or even admitted the fact that they were there. 'If he does do that it will be the first time. 'If he admits he was there and caused my son to lose his life I would accept what happened and it would make it seem to me he was a changed person but if he just says nothing I can't accept [his release].'
Daily Record
16-07-2025
- Health
- Daily Record
Home care provider team take part in Pretty Muddy event to raise funds for St Andrew's Hospice
Constance Care in Motherwell sent a generous group to tackle the 5k obstacle course, with an impressive £1005 total being collected. A terrific team from a Lanarkshire home care provider got down and dirty by taking part in a Pretty Muddy event in aid of St Andrew's Hospice. Constance Care in Motherwell sent a generous group to tackle the 5k obstacle course, with an impressive £1005 total being collected. Responding to the incredible amount raised, a Constance Care spokeswoman said: "St Andrew's Hospice is an amazing charity we are only too happy to help. "They are an amazing bunch of people to work with and we try to fundraise every year for a charity. "The group who took part in the Pretty Muddy event were Jacqueline Woods (branch manager), David Norris (care co-ordinator), Lynn Martin (care co-ordinator), Eileen Cunningham (field care supervisor), Toni Hunt (senior care worker) and Terry Tyrie (care worker). "We'd like to thank them all, and everyone who donated, for helping us to support the hospice." For almost 30 years, Constance Care has been a market leader in homecare and live-in care services across Scotland. Taking a holistic approach to individualised care, its promotes "independence amongst our customers through considerate, compassionate care that upholds their dignity and self-respect". *Don't miss the latest headlines from around Lanarkshire. Sign up to our newsletters here. And did you know Lanarkshire Live had its own app? Download yours for free here.
The Journal
28-06-2025
- Politics
- The Journal
From less than a dozen marchers to tens of thousands: A history of Dublin Pride
Lauren Boland FIFTY-ONE YEARS AGO, on a mild, dry day in late June, a small group of less than a dozen people marched through Dublin to protest outside the British embassy. It was 1974 – the year the Ladies' Gaelic Football Association was founded, the year of the UVF's Dublin and Monaghan bombings, the year that Transition Year was first introduced to secondary schools – and the ten activists who took to the streets on the 27th of June were fighting for LGBTQ+ rights. At the time, same-sex relations were criminalised under the law, and they had been so since the 1800s under legislation that the British state imposed on Ireland which the fledgling Irish State had never repealed. The group of activists – which included David Norris, who went on to be Ireland's longest-serving senator – gathered outside the embassy to demonstrate against the laws that Britain had introduced and which were still criminalising homosexuality in Ireland more than a century later. 'That was really the beginning of what was then called the gay rights movement in Ireland,' said historian Mary McAuliffe. Today, in many countries around the world, June marks the festival of Pride – an event which is both political, in its calls for LGBTQ+ equality, and personal, in the opportunity that it gives members of the community to come together and celebrate their identities in the face of discrimination and oppression. Pride events like parades are held in many towns across Ireland throughout the summer, with the largest each year taking place in Dublin at the end of June. It's attended by tens of thousands of people – a long way from the group of just ten activists calling for decriminalisation outside the British embassy in 1974. The start of a movement The celebration of Pride in Ireland today has its roots in the boots-on-the-ground activism of the 1970s and 1980s. '1974 saw the foundation of the sexual liberation movement in Ireland. Second-wave feminism had begun, and then sexual liberation, and the idea of self-determined sexuality and decriminalisation of homosexuality,' McAuliffe, a lecturer at University College Dublin specialising in the history of Irish women and gender, told The Journal . 'There were a whole load of issues that people were beginning to galvanise around and organise around.' One of those organisers was Tonie Walsh, an activist who has been at the helm of projects and organisations over the years like the National LGBT Federation, the Hirchfeld Centre – an LGBTQ+ community space in Temple Bar in the 1980s – and the Irish Queer Archive. It was in 1979 that the first formal week-long event then known as Gay Pride was organised by the National LGBT Federation. In Ireland, there was no political or commercial appetite in the 1970s to sponsor or support events linked to LGBTQ+ people. The community had to have its own back. 'The Hirschfeld Centre was an example of a community resource that provided the people and the ideas and, crucially, the money needed to to roll out a full week festival of talks and pop up theater and live discos and live panel discussions, and all the other things that would happen during during Pride.' (The Centre burned down in 1987.) Declan Flynn In 1982, a 31-year-old gay man named Declan Flynn was brutally attacked in Fairview Park in Dublin and died from his injuries. A group of teenagers and young men between the ages of 14 and 19 saw him receiving a kiss on the cheek from another man while he was walking home through the park. They attacked him, stole the £4 that was in his pocket, and left him to die. The group were found guilty of manslaughter but were let away with suspended sentences and served no time in prison. 'That was a horrendous murder and the teenage boys who were charged with his murder were more or less just slapped on the wrist by the judge, and so it seemed like gay lives, queer lives, were seen as lesser, as not having the same value,' McAuliffe said. It sparked a protest march to Fairview Park in March of 1983 and a Pride parade that June, which went from St Stephen's Green to the GPO on O'Connell Street. 'It's impossible to forget the '83 March. There was only about 150 of us. I was one of the speakers, along with Jodie Crone had come out on The Late Late Show three years beforehand,' Walsh recalled. 'We redesignated the GPO as the 'Gay Persons Organisation'. It was a great day, because it was the first time it felt like we were reclaiming the streets, particularly in the light of homophobic violence and anti-women violence that was happening at the time in Ireland,' he said. But the 1980s were a difficult time to organise Pride marches. Many members of the LGBTQ+ community were not safe enough or comfortable enough to come out publicly. There were few resources at organisers' disposal. And, most hauntingly, the community was battling on another frontline at the same time: AIDS. 'The organisation that was necessary to run something as enormous as a parade just wasn't there because people's focus shifted towards the AIDS pandemic,' Walsh said. 'When you look back at the early history of Pride, what you see is a small group of people trying to do everything themselves. This was in a culture where there was no state funding of any sort, and corporate funding was didn't really exist, not to the extent needed,' he said. 'A week of events and running a parade demanded huge amounts of labour and also huge amounts of money, and both of these things were in short supply, particularly during the AIDS pandemic.' For much of the decade, there 'wasn't enough people to warrant doing a march or parade – so few people were publicly out'. 'The high points of Pride then was a picnic in Merrion Square, a balloon release on St Stephen's Green, a leaflet drop around all the major shopping precincts explaining the history of the Stonewall Riots and giving people a shorthand into the history of LGBT civil rights on the island of Ireland and of Ireland,' Walsh described. The 1988 Pride march. Leon Farrell / Photocall Ireland Leon Farrell / Photocall Ireland / Photocall Ireland The fight for decriminalisation At the same time as Pride was developing, there was a campaign spearheaded by David Norris to push the government to decriminalise same-sex relations. Norris brought the Irish government to the European Commission of Human Rights and then the European Court of Human Rights, argued that the criminalisation law violated the European Convention on Human Rights. The government actively fought to preserve the law. State papers from the 70s and 80s that were released to the National Archives in 2023, examined by The Journal , show the extent of homophobic attitudes embedded in the civil service at the time, like fearing decriminalisation would lead to 'public displays of homosexual relationships' and considering whether to leverage the AIDS crisis to defend keeping the law in place . Despite the State's extensive defence efforts, Norris won his case before the European Court of Human Rights and the government passed legislation that decriminalised homosexuality on 24 June 1993. That year's Pride in Dublin took place two days later on the 26th. For Eddie McGuinness – who would later go on to be the Director of Dublin Pride from 2017 for six years – it was his first time attending the parade. He's never forgotten it. 'A thousand of us stood outside the Central Bank and celebrated who we were, because it was the first time the State actually recognised us as part of our nation,' said McGuinness, who is also the founder of the Outing Festival for LGBTQ+ music and arts. 'The feeling was scary but yet amazing. I still remember it,' he said. For Tonie Walsh, it's also a Pride that stands out strongly in his memory. Advertisement 'A group of people from Act Up Dublin – not surprisingly, all AIDS activists – decided to reinstate the parade in 1992. By 1993 there was about 1,000 people on parade, between 800 and 1,000 people, with a rally on the steps of the Central Bank,' Walsh said. 'Thom McGinty, The Diceman, did a striptease dressed up as prison convict because the government had reformed the old British legislation two days before – perfect timing.' Thom McGinty was an actor and street performer from Scotland known for performing as a 'stillness artist' and 'human statue' in Dublin city. He was a beloved figure in the LGBTQ+ community in the 1980s and 1990s but died from complications of AIDS in 1995 at the age of 42. 'A lot of people who stood on those steps of the Central Bank are no longer with us,' said McGuinness. 'The likes of Thom McGinty, the Diceman… Junior Larkin, who was one of the youngest activists who had set up the first-ever LGBT youth group in Ireland, is no longer with us, and is sometimes forgotten about in our history,' he said. 'A lot of activists who were there back then are no longer with us. But there's still some of us who are fighting the fight, and still keep smiling and trying to make the rainbow shine even brighter.' Around 5,000 people took part in the 2010 march. Sasko Lazarov / Photocall Ireland Sasko Lazarov / Photocall Ireland / Photocall Ireland Women in Ireland's LGBTQ+ community Pride and the movement for LGBTQ+ equality gained momentum in many countries after the Stonewall Riots of 1969 in New York City, when people attending the Stonewall gay bar fought back against police who were targeting them. As Pride parades developed, lesbians also started to organise 'Dyke Marches', which were for women in the LGBTQ+ community to create a space for them and to highlight the specific challenges they were facing in society. Ireland's first Dyke March was held on 26 June 1998 (and the first one in Dublin in decades was also organised for this year). 'Women, lesbians, have always been part of Pride, but there were also the separate Dyke Marches,' McAuliffe outlined. 'They were always inclusive of trans women. Irish LGBT activism has always been trans-inclusive, for the most part,' she said. 'In many ways, as a historian of LGBT histories, oftentimes, the majority of what you're talking or researching or reading about is about gay male homosexuality, mainly the campaign to decriminalise. That's very, very important. But you often see lesbians are kind of invisible in the narratives,' she said. 'It's important that lesbian visibility, trans-inclusive lesbian visibility, is there on the streets, in our histories, in our narratives of who and what we are in our activism. 'Women's lives often include motherhood, and there are issues around that still to be campaigned for, because lesbians are women, women who need, for example, full reproductive rights, women who need safety in society, women who've experienced sexual violence, domestic violence, all of those things.' McAuliffe's first experience of attending a Pride parade was in the late 1990s. 'Like many people, going on the first one, anytime I saw a camera pointed at me, I was hiding, because you may be marching down the street, but you're not that out and proud. It takes a while,' she said. 'I do remember that sense of belonging and community while at the same time feeling a little bit worried about being seen – and wanting to be seen. 'I think for younger people, it gives a way of feeling empowered, of maybe taking those extra steps in the coming out journey, because you have been with your community for a day and having great fun, great craic, and being involved in the political aspect of marching.' Into the 21st century Celebrations of Pride in Dublin and across the country have grown larger and stronger over the years. 'From 1993 onwards, what you saw was a really progressive development of pride, not just in Dublin but in the other urban centres around Ireland,' Walsh said. According to Walsh, that development was enabled by decriminalisation, by corporate sponsors starting to view the community as being 'of value to consumers' in a way that hadn't been a case before decriminalisation, and by a wider pool of people coming out in greater numbers and bringing skills with them that helped to organise Pride events. 'It is still a fabulous day out. Since my very first Pride event in Pride Week in 1980, I've missed very few,' Walsh said. 'There are a few that stand out over the years. Listening to Panti [Bliss] rabble-rousing on Wood Quay when the rally for the Pride Parade was in Wood Quay in the amphitheatre. That would have been 2014 or 2015. Myself, I remember being Grand Marshal in 2008 and getting everybody, four and a half thousand people in Wood Quay, to sing 'to be queer is to be special',' he recalled. More than 20 years after decriminalisation in 1993, another major step forward came in 2015 when the referendum to allow same-sex marriage in Ireland passed by a wide majority. 'I remember the one the year marriage equality was passed. That was fantastic. Such a celebratory one,' McAuliffe said. Two years later, Eddie McGuiness – a connoisseur of Prides in Ireland and abroad – became the Director of Dublin Pride. 'One of my biggest honours has always been to have gone on to manage and develop Dublin Pride – my first type of Pride – for nearly seven years, only stepping away the last couple of years because I was diagnosed with cancer,' McGuiness said. He also fondly remembers hosting Pride in his home town of Dundalk when it had its first significant parade a couple of years ago. The Pride parades in Limerick and Cork 'always give [him] a warm feeling', while Carlow Pride is 'so quirky and fun; the volunteers there put so much time and effort into it'. David Norris marches in the 2019 parade. Leah Farrell Leah Farrell The politics of Pride Within the LGBTQ+ community, there's a debate that's rolled on for many years about what the nature of Pride should be – whether it's right that it's taken on a celebratory, festival nature, or whether it should go back to its roots as a protest march. 'From the early 2000s, the marches became more like Mardi Gras. They were less political – but I think pride is political, and I think it is important that it is political and that it remains political,' said McAuliffe. 'Even though we have marriage equality in Ireland, there's still a lot of transphobia and there's rising homophobia and lesbophobia, and it's very important for people to still campaign around inclusion and acceptance of all in society,' she said. 'The far right are very homophobic, very transphobic, a lot of them… they don't want queer Irish people, they don't want trans Irish people, they don't want lesbians and gays. That has brought around a rise in virulent homophobia and transphobia, both online and in real life, and so I think we need to be more political around pride.' McGuinness said that 'when you look at the Pride movement, starting in New York in 1969 with the Stonewall riots to where we are now, there is still resistance within mainstream politics and society'. 'This is not just an LGBT issue. This is an immigrant issue. This is a women's issue. No matter who you are, if you're a minority, if you're a Traveller, right across the board, so-called mainstream society tries to downtrodden you, and we need to stand up to that. That is what Pride is all about. It's giving a voice to those who don't have a voice,' he said. For Walsh, Pride is about 'being visible and making a statement about unfinished political business, and it's a statement of celebration – but it is also an invitation by Irish LGBT people to mainstream Ireland to join us on our journey of liberation and acceptance and visibility'. 'It's important that mainstream Ireland embraces that invitation, understanding that the journey that Irish queers have taken to get to the place we find ourselves in today hasn't just been about us. That journey is about Irish society finding its collective empathy and understanding,' Walsh said. 'Every year, you hear some people asking, 'why do they need Pride?' But remember, people are still being beaten up and murdered in some parts of the world. We had homophobic murders in Sligo just a few years ago. Trans men and women are still being beaten up with impunity,' he said. 'There is much work to done. There are still people living in the shadows, even in Ireland, for all of our liberalism. Pride is a reminder that we need to turn our attention to all of that unfinished business.' Readers like you are keeping these stories free for everyone... A mix of advertising and supporting contributions helps keep paywalls away from valuable information like this article. Over 5,000 readers like you have already stepped up and support us with a monthly payment or a once-off donation. Learn More Support The Journal
RTÉ News
20-06-2025
- Politics
- RTÉ News
Expect race for Ireland's next president to be a sprint, not a marathon
When it comes to the race to elect what our Constitution describes as the person "who shall take precedence over all other persons in the State", expect a sprint rather than a marathon. It seems pretty clear now that the political calculation at Leinster House - across most parties - is that a summer Presidential campaign is not in their interests. Back in 2011, then Independent candidate and long-standing Senator David Norris was out-of-the-traps as early as March. Fourteen years later, voters probably won't know the first definitive candidate until July and the full slate until September. Why will it take so long to get a definitive candidate? The fact is that while the office of President is a substantial one, its constitutional power is limited to such dry matters as assessing whether or not legislation should be referred to the Supreme Court. Accordingly, previous races for the Áras have been more about the candidate rather than any policy which they may seek to advance. Such campaigns have ranged from personalised and bruising to brutal. This could explain why it is only now that the Taoiseach and Fianna Fáil leader is taking "soundings" on possible candidates, adding that it will be August before matters are finalised. Candidates might be "wary", Micheál Martin suggested. In such a political vacuum, it's not surprising that new names of possible Fianna Fáil candidates continue to pop up - the latest being former SDLP leader, Colum Eastwood. The cautious approach being adopted by the Taoiseach is echoed by the Tánaiste and Fine Gael leader, Simon Harris. He suggested to RTÉ's Today with Claire Byrne that while the presidency is a prestigious role, the gruelling nature of the campaign is unpalatable. Fine Gael's nominations are slated to close in mid-July. Former EU Commissioner Mairéad McGuinness and current Ireland South MEP Seán Kelly are regularly mentioned as Fine Gael candidates. Party sources suggest that whoever is the winner, it's unlikely their campaign will be in full tilt until the following month. For its part, Sinn Féin is consulting with its membership about whether to contest the election alone or join a left alliance. It has the electoral numbers to nominate its own candidate, with Belfast lawyer and MP John Finucane often being talked about. Alternatively, Sinn Féin could opt to join forces with Labour, the Social Democrats, and Greens to nominate a candidate, Senator Frances Black and Deputy Catherine Connolly have both been suggested. Independent presidential candidates have had impactful campaigns in the past, for example Seán Gallagher, Peter Casey, and Dana Rosemary Scallon. However, the method they used to land their nominations - securing the backing of four local authorities - will be a more difficult task this time out. The three big beasts of Irish politics - Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Sinn Féin - are highly unlikely to give the nod to either of the two candidates who've declared so far: Peter Casey and the former MMA athlete Conor McGregor. As it stands, the presidential campaign will not get into full swing until late August. And then it's only a matter of weeks before the electorate has to decide who will be Ireland's 10th Úachtarán na hÉireann.
Irish Times
26-05-2025
- Business
- Irish Times
Contemporary ‘Cigar Box' apartment amid Georgian grandeur on North Great George's Street for €575,000
Address : Apt 3, 26 North Great George's Street, Dublin 1 Price : €575,000 Agent : Sherry FitzGerald Called the Cigar Box due to its central structure – which forms the entrance and central hallways in the apartments – being shaped like a tiered humidor, the apartment building at 26 North Great George's Street, just off Parnell Street on the north side of Dublin city centre , is something to behold. Designed by Denis Byrne Architects and constructed in the early 2000s, it is one of the few contemporary structures on a street that is revered for its gorgeous Georgian town houses and their ornate doorways, as well as the history that lies within. Former senator and veteran gay rights campaigner David Norris is a proud resident of North Great George's Street and played a role in creating a society to preserve its heritage. He wrote in The Irish Times about falling in love with the street and buying a house there in 1978: 'I discovered that there were already people restoring [homes here], but in isolation ... I called a meeting in my house in June 1979 and so the North Great George's Street Preservation Society was born in my drawingroom on that day.' Also home to the James Joyce Centre, it won't be long before men in straw hats and women shaded by parasols will take to the street to celebrate Bloomsday . READ MORE As well as being surrounded by the grandeur of the past, apartment 3 at 26 North Great George's Street offers contemporary living. The owner bought two apartments when they were built, added internal stairs between the two, and lived in it as a family home. Now they have decided to downsize to a single floor and have removed the stairs to re-establish number 3 as an 89sq m two-bed apartment. It has been brought to the market by Sherry Fitzgerald , seeking €575,000. It has a C1 Ber. From the street, you can see the stairs and balconies to the side of each L-shaped own-door apartment. The stairs are accessed through a gate with fob access for residents. You can sense a New York influence when walking up the industrial-style stairs of the redbrick building to the third-floor apartment, where there is a balcony outside the front door big enough for a table and chairs for two. 26 North Great George's Street, Dublin 1 Front balcony 'Cigar box' central hallway Study area Kitchen Living area You enter the home into the 'cigar box' hallway, off which are two double bedrooms, the bathroom to the right and the study and living areas to the left, facing on to the street. Walking into the study area, it's filled with light from a dual-aspect box shape of floor-to-ceiling glazing recessed into the space. This space flows into the kitchen and living area. The Allmilmo kitchen was kept by the owners from 20 years ago, and is still in great condition as it was not used as their main kitchen. Floor-to-ceiling French doors open out to a Juliet balcony overlooking the street. Double bedroom Main bedroom Bathroom The double bedrooms are of a good size, with balcony access and built in wardrobes; the main bedroom also has an en suite shower room. The main bathroom is finished with white marble-effect wall tiles. This apartment is excellently located, with the all the city has to offer on your doorstep, including an array of restaurants and pubs on Parnell Street and the Gate and Ambassador theatres just around the corner. You can also hop on the Luas green-line stop at Parnell Street for easy access to the south side of the city.
