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Indian Express
5 days ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Dinkar Srivastava's ‘Pakistan: Ideologies, Strategies and Interests' is an examination of the ideologies that shaped Pakistan's foreign and domestic policies
Dinkar Srivastava is an IFS officer whose knowledge of our neighbour, Pakistan, is complete and exhaustive. He worked at the Indian Consulate in Karachi in the early '90s, personally met many of the people who shaped the history of that country and even had encounters, on a couple of occasions, with ISI operatives masquerading as unknown gunmen. His new book, 'Pakistan: Ideologies, Strategies and Interests', examines the ideologies that shaped the country's foreign and domestic policies. Pakistan army chief Asim Munir, in his speech on July 16, emphasised a 'superior ideology' that includes, but is not limited to, the Two-Nation Theory. The military positions itself as the defender of both territorial and ideological borders, having ruled Pakistan frequently, directly or indirectly. However, its legitimacy is under scrutiny, particularly highlighted by the unrest of May 2023 when crowds attacked military installations as the economy faced the risk of default. The narrow tax base and focus on military strategy over socio-economic development have exacerbated these issues. The book begins by analysing Pakistan's ideologies, tracing them from the pre-Partition period through pivotal moments such as Muhammad Ali Jinnah's August 11, 1947, speech, the 1949 Objectives Resolution and various constitutional developments. The term 'ideologies of Pakistan' reflects the plurality of ideas that have influenced its formation. Although there is no singular definition of Pakistan's ideology, its implications are significant in legal and political contexts, drawing on contributions from figures like Sir Syed Ahmad, Jinnah and Abul A'la al-Maududi, the latter's influence being understated despite his initial opposition to Pakistan's creation. The narrative of a separate Muslim identity laid the groundwork for Pakistan's demand, mainly propelled by the Muslim elite who sought to regain political power as the British rule waned. The book discusses the Two-Nation Theory and pivotal events leading to Partition, including the Lahore Resolution and the Cripps and the Cabinet Missions. Liberals often laud Jinnah's August 11 speech as a vision for an inclusive Pakistan, while the establishment tends to downplay it. The author also juxtaposes this with the perspective of those advocating for a united India. Further sections delve into the intersection of faith and politics through the Objectives Resolution that established divine sovereignty in governance, undermining parliamentary supremacy and minority rights. It also reviews the Munir Commission's findings regarding the anti-Ahmadi riots and explores the disenfranchisement of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), reflecting ongoing struggles for minority rights in the country. The conflict between ideology and nationality is integral to understanding Pakistan's formation, especially since the imposition of a singular national identity led to discontent in various regions, particularly East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) . The language issue further complicated this, as Urdu was prioritised over Bengali, fueling resentment. Pakistan's military considers itself both a protector of the nation and the custodian of its ideological tenets. Its strategy, involving claims of seeking 'strategic depth' in Afghanistan, often conflicts with rational military logic. After 9/11, significant shifts in policy reflected a tactical choice necessary for survival, leading to a complicated relationship with Islamist groups. Despite receiving substantial US aid, Pakistan's policies undermined the prospects of establishing a stable and democratic Afghanistan. The discourse surrounding Kashmir aligns ideological claims of the unfinished agenda of Partition with territorial ambitions. Pakistan's economic struggles, exacerbated by high military spending and inequitable resource distribution, challenge both its stability and development. The narrative around leadership, particularly under Imran Khan, intertwines with religious rhetoric and an erosion of the secular legacy of the National Awami Party of Wali Khan in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. In the concluding chapters, the book questions the viability of Pakistan's ideology in addressing urgent contemporary challenges such as urban development and climate change. It synthesises historical speeches and debates, offering insights into the ideologies foundational to the state while recognising the broader international and domestic contexts shaping its trajectory over time. The book is based on speeches of Iqbal, Jinnah and Muslim League leaders to understand the ideology on which they based their conception of a State for 'Muslim India'. It uses international and Indian sources that must be considered in any discussion of the Partition of the sub-continent. The post-Independence journey is primarily based on Pakistani sources. The author has also made use of material available in the US Library of Congress and the UN Library. He has drawn upon the writings of two eminent jurists — Justice Muhammad Munir and Justice Dorab Patel. The former represented Pakistan in the Boundary Commission, headed the Munir Commission on anti-Ahmadiyya riots and became a member of Ayub Khan's Cabinet. Patel was the dissenting judge in the Zulfikar Ali Bhutto trial. Srivastava has also drawn upon Urdu writings, including Sir Syed Ahmad Khan's 'Asbab-e-Baghawat-e-Hind', 'Muttahida Qaumiyat' by Maulana Madani and 'Shahab Nama' by Qudrat Ullah Shahab. Overall, this is a highly informative, well-written book that explores, in depth, the ideological moorings and philosophy of Pakistan and the manner in which it has influenced relations with India since the Independence of both countries. The writer is former Cabinet Secretary of India
Time of India
14-06-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Deniability is part of Pakistan's strategy of asymmetric warfare: Former diplomat Dinkar Srivastava
Former diplomat Dinkar Srivastava has said that deniability is part of Pakistan's strategy of asymmetric warfare, examples of which lie with its each act of aggression, starting from its "tribal raid" of Kashmir in 1947, Operation Gibraltar in 1965, Kargil war in 1999, Mumbai terror attack in 2009, and the recent attack in Pahalgam. Srivastava, who has served in the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) and was posted to Pakistan, the United States, and the European Union, said that Pakistan's involvement was subsequently established in these acts of aggression. "Pakistan initially denied in the UN Security Council that its forces were involved (in tribal raids of 1947). In May 1948, Pakistan's foreign minister Sir Zafarullah Khan admitted to the UN Commission on India and Pakistan that two brigades of Pakistani army were fighting in Kashmir, which had acceded to India," the former Indian ambassador to Iran told PTI in an email interaction. 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Electric Cars | Search Ads Undo Srivastava, in his latest book, "Pakistan: Ideologies, Strategies and Interests", traces Pakistan's evolution and drift to an uncertain future through the lens of the partition, Two-Nation theory, the dynamics between its leaders and the army, its many internal conflicts, and the diplomatic relations with India. Talking about Pakistan's "strategy of asymmetric warfare", he added that it will sponsor terrorism as long as it feels the idea is working. However, India's firm response in the form of Operation Sindoor post-Pahalgam terror attack has sent a clear warning to "terrorists and their masters". Live Events "Deniability is part of Pakistan's strategy of asymmetric warfare. They will continue to sponsor terrorism if they feel that this idea is working. Operation Sindoor - firm response by India, has conveyed the message to terrorists, and their masters in the Army and the ISI that such adventures will result in costs to them," he said. In a terror attack on April 22 in Pahalgam, Kashmir, as many as 26 people, mostly tourists, lost their lives. India retaliated with Operation Sindoor targeting terrorist infrastructure in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir on the intervening night of May 6 and 7. This act of terror, Srivastava said, is partly linked to Pakistan's internal situation. "With mounting internal troubles, the Pakistani Army needs to divert focus to India. The country witnessed food riots in 2022, its economy has been on the verge of default, the Army's legacy is being challenged in Punjab, which has been the main source of recruitment since the British days. There is an insurgency in Balochistan. A terror attack in J&K helps divert attention," he said. As the situation between the two neighbouring countries got intense in the first part of May, the threat of a nuclear war also loomed large. However, the Indian military response also called off "Pakistan's nuclear bluff", on which it has relied in the past. "...Pakistan threatened in the past escalation to the nuclear level in case of Indian response to acts of terrorism. This was aptly described by Prof. C. Christine Meyer as 'Jehad under nuclear umbrella'. The Indian military strike against terrorist training camps in PoK and Jaish and Lashkar headquarters in Bahawalpur and Muridke showed that India will retaliate in all such cases. This is the new normal," he added. As director of the UN Political Division in the MEA, Srivastava was part of India's lobbying efforts to prevent internationalisation of the Jammu and Kashmir issue in 1999. In 1993-94, he was part of Indian lobbying efforts against four Pakistani attempts to have resolutions on J&K adopted in the UN General Assembly and UN Commission on Human Rights. The book, published by Bloomsbury, is priced at Rs 799 and is available on online and offline stores.
