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The Diplomat
8 hours ago
- Politics
- The Diplomat
Reframing the French Indo-Pacific: French Polynesia, a Model of Shared Sovereignty?
French Polynesia is a pivotal element of France's strategy in the Pacific – and offers a compelling case study for shared sovereignty within the French Republic. As Emmanuel Macron wrapped up his visits to Vietnam, Indonesia, and Singapore – where he delivered the keynote address at the Shangri-La Dialogue at the end of May – the French president reaffirmed the Indo-Pacific's strategic importance for both France and Europe. In a context of growing geopolitical uncertainty and renewed unilateralism, Macron emphasized France's commitment to a stable, multipolar order grounded in international law, freedom of navigation, and inclusive multilateralism – an international posture shared with key partners such as India, Japan, and ASEAN. Building on this common strategic vision, and as the only remaining European Union (EU) member state with sovereign territories in the Indo-Pacific, France seeks to position its diplomacy not only as a national actor but also as a standard-bearer for European engagement in the region. The exercise of sovereignty is precisely what underpins France's specificity and credibility as a resident power. The French Indo-Pacific overseas collectivities (FIPOCs) – La Réunion, Mayotte, les TAAF (or South Antarctic Lands), New Caledonia, Wallis and Futuna, French Polynesia, and Clipperton – which together have a population of 1.65 million inhabitants, play a central role in the construction and elaboration of a credible strategy. Notably, 93 percent of France's Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) lies in the Indian and Pacific Oceans, making it the second largest EEZ in the world after that of the United States. There are also around 200,000 French expats residing in countries of the region, more than 7,000 French subsidiary companies operating in the region, and 8,000 military personnel stationed permanently. The assimilation of the FIPOCs into a single geostrategic Indo-Pacific framework is a logical step for a state seeking to assert itself as a legitimate actor in the region. However, despite some common geographical, economic, and political characteristics, grouping the FIPOCs into a single macro-region does not fully reflect the diversity of contexts and geopolitical challenges specific to each territory. A comprehensive and nuanced understanding of local contexts is thus essential to fully comprehend the complexity of France's Indo-Pacific engagement. This series will explore each of the FIPOCs separately to understand their characteristics, role in France's Indo-Pacific strategy, and potential friction points between national and local drivers. You can view the full series here; today, we focus on French Polynesia. Encompassing five archipelagos and 118 islands, French Polynesia is a pivotal element of France's strategy in the Pacific. Its exclusive economic zone (EEZ), covering nearly 4.8 million square kilometers, accounts for almost half of the total French EEZ – which is the second largest globally. Beyond its maritime significance, French Polynesia offers a compelling case study of how post-colonial legacies, nuclear trauma, and political evolution have shaped a successful model of shared sovereignty within the French Republic. Colonial Imprint and Nuclear Legacy Eastern Polynesia was among the last regions on Earth to be explored and settled by humans. In the case of French Polynesia, archaeological evidence suggests an initial wave of settlement beginning around 800 CE in Tahiti, between 800 and 900 CE in the Marquesas and Gambier Islands, around 1000 CE in the Tuamotu atolls and the eastern parts of the Society Islands, and approximately 1100 CE in the Austral Islands. French influence began formally in 1842 with the establishment of a protectorate, in a context of heated rivalries between French and British colonial power in the region. The territory underwent a major transformation in the 1960s, when France established its Pacific Experimentation Center (CEP), triggering a wave of modernization – and deep trauma. Between 1966 and 1996, France conducted 193 nuclear tests, including 41 atmospheric and 152 underground at Moruroa and Fangataufa (Tuamotu archipelago). These experiments left lasting social and environmental scars. Although long taboo in Paris, the nuclear legacy has since entered public debate. The current political party in power, the pro-independence Tavini Huiraatira, has historically opposed nuclear testing and pushed for transparency and reparations. In 2010, a national law established a right to compensation for individuals recognized as victims of French nuclear testing. In a gesture of appeasement and openness, the French state granted access to the Moruroa site in March 2024 to a high-level Polynesian delegation, including President Moetai Brotherson, marking a shift from opacity to cautious transparency. The change is a rational response considering the evolving political dynamics between Paris and Papeete. Increased Autonomy French Polynesia's political evolution reflects France's gradual accommodation of demands for self-government. From a protectorate (1842–1880) to a colony (1880–1946), and then an overseas territory (1946–2003), the territory has undergone significant institutional transformations. Today, as an overseas collectivity, it enjoys broad autonomy, with its own laws and institutions – including a president, a government, and a parliament – managing key areas such as the budget, foreign investment, and resource exploitation. While sovereign competencies – such as national defense, justice, public order, internal security and currency issuance – remain under the authority of the French state and are implemented by the High Commissioner, foreign affairs may, in certain cases, be the subject of shared competence. A Quiet Model? French Polynesia represents a rare example of international agency of a non-state actor, as it holds formal membership in several interregional organizations, including the Pacific Islands Forum, the Pacific Community, and the Polynesian Leaders Group. Successive presidents of French Polynesia have engaged in high-level meetings with foreign heads of state – a development that underscores the territory's growing diplomatic autonomy. This trend was exemplified by then-President Edouard Fritch's attendance at the first U.S.-Pacific Island Country Summit in 2022, and Brotherson's visit in 2023 to Washington for the second summit, where he met with U.S. President Joe Biden. This ad hoc model of shared competences in foreign affairs can at times create ambiguity. While French Polynesia is at the forefront of France's Indo-Pacific ambitions, local voices – including Brotherson – have expressed skepticism about the wider strategy. But this ad hoc relationship often functions harmoniously, as French presidents have repeatedly associated their counterparts from French Polynesia in the France-Oceania Summits, and even during presidential trips abroad, such as President Macron's visit to Vanuatu in 2023. Despite the enduring legacies of sensitive issues, including the public health consequences of nuclear testing, French Polynesia offers a relatively stable model of negotiated autonomy within the French constitutional order. The most recent example came when Brotherson and French President Emmanuel Macron jointly announced at the U.N. Ocean Conference in Nice that nearly the entire EEZ of the archipelago – 4.55 million sq km, or 47 percent of France's EEZ – would be designated as a Marine Protected Area (MPA), in a mutually beneficial act of environmental diplomacy. Shared sovereignty in French Polynesia diverges from the impasse faced by New Caledonia, suggesting that calibrated devolution and respectful partnership can reconcile historical grievances while maintaining continued political association.
Zawya
2 days ago
- Politics
- Zawya
Courtesy Call on Minister Radegonde by Captain Vikas Guleria
Captain Vikas Guleria, Commanding Officer of INS TEG paid a courtesy call on Mr. Sylvestre Radegonde, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Tourism, at Maison Quéau de Quinssy on Thursday, 26 June 2025. During the meeting, discussions centered on the enduring tradition of the Indian Armed Forces' involvement in Seychelles' National Day celebrations as well as this year's National Day Parade. Captain Vikas Guleria, who participated in the national day festivities in Seychelles in 2017, is keen to enhance cultural and people to people relationships to foster regional partnerships during his visit. They also highlighted ongoing capacity-building efforts through the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) programme for Seychelles Defence Forces personnel and the joint surveillance of Seychelles' Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) being conducted in partnership with the Seychelles Coast Guard during INS TEG's visit. Recognizing India as a key maritime security partner, Minister Radegonde underlined the importance of continued naval cooperation in addressing regional threats such as piracy off the Somali coast and other illicit maritime activities such, as Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated fishing, in the Western Indian Ocean. Minister Radegonde expressed appreciation for India's enduring support and reaffirmed Seychelles' commitment to strengthening bilateral ties. He welcomed the continued presence of Indian naval vessels in Seychelles as a testament to the deepening military cooperation between the two nations. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Tourism, Republic of Seychelles.
Observer
5 days ago
- Business
- Observer
Arctic ownership and sustainability issues
The Arctic is the northernmost region of the Earth, centered at the North Pole. It is a vast polar region at the top of the world. Unlike many individual geographical regions, it is not a country or a continent but an extensive area of the Arctic Ocean and the northernmost part of several continents, such as North America, Europe, and Asia (specifically Russia). The Arctic is divided among countries like Canada, Denmark through Greenland, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Russia, Sweden, and the USA through Alaska. All these countries have coastlines in the Arctic Ocean. They can claim an Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) extending up to 200 nautical miles from their shores according to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (Unclos). The ongoing conflict goes beyond these 200 nautical miles and is entangled in aspects of the seabed and resources beneath the Arctic Ocean. The Arctic consists of the Arctic Ocean, which is surrounded by land and is approximately 14.5 million square kilometers. The region has a vast tundra, permafrost, glaciers, sea ice, and a unique ecosystem. The Arctic region holds both reserves of promise and peril. It is estimated that 13% of undiscovered oil, 30% of the earth's undiscovered gas, and minerals like zinc and nickel offer an opportunity for resource exploitation despite the Paris Agreement of the 1.5 °C goal. The ownership struggle for the Arctic is multi-layered and complicated, with national security issues, resource rights, and geopolitical influence. Russia has invested heavily in Arctic militarisation. Meanwhile, Norway has approved the development of 19 new oil and gas fields, investing over $18.5 billion to extend fossil fuel production despite its public climate commitments. The Arctic region is shared and contested, with no single owner, but a deep tapestry of national jurisdiction and unresolved international claims. This escalating claim and dispute among nations for the ownership of the Arctic is critical because unprecedented climate change, geopolitical competition, and unregulated commercialisation pose an alarming threat to global ecosystem stability and cast a shadow of uncertainty on the existence of indigenous communities. The Arctic is warming up two to four times faster than the worldwide average. This is causing an unprecedented ice melt. The Arctic region acts as the Earth's refrigerator. It helps by cooling the planet and reflecting sunlight with ice and snow. Rapid warming of the Arctic region could disrupt the polar vortex, the key atmospheric system, creating extreme weather changes worldwide. Permafrost thawing can release more carbon, damage infrastructure, and destabilise the landscape. Most of these environmental changes are irreversible within the human time scale, making it urgent. Increasing shipping, oil and gas extraction, and mining could exacerbate the situation. Suppose the commercialisation of the Arctic is not stopped. It could result in environmental degradation, which will lead to an ecological debacle with catastrophic ramifications, such as the risk of irreversible oil spills, noise pollution, release of toxins, an increase in sea level, extreme weather, and destabilisation of global weather patterns. This could disrupt the livelihood of local indigenous communities. It could also lead to food insecurity and fear of encroachment in their habitat. The Arctic region remains fluid and fragile, with unresolved political and legal issues further exacerbated by climate change. More awareness must be created about protecting the Arctic, as it plays a key role in global climate stability—the Arctic's fragile ecosystem demands urgent collective action to prevent its commercialisation and militarisation. We should not allow short-term profits to take precedence over immediate health and ecological safety as a society. It is our responsibility to preserve this region for the sustainability of future generations. Dr Mythili Kolluru The writer is an assistant professor at the marketing and management department of the College of Banking and Financial Studies in Muscat.
Irish Times
15-06-2025
- Business
- Irish Times
New €60m sonar system aims to protect transatlantic cables, gas pipelines in Irish waters
A €60 million investment will see Ireland acquire a sonar system to protect subsea communication cables and gas pipelines within a zone extending 370km from the western coast. The new system, the first of its kind in Ireland, is being purchased by the Defence Forces to monitor the subsea domain within the Irish Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), particularly around subsea communication cables and gas pipelines. The Defence Forces announced on Sunday it has signed a contract with French security and defence contractor Thales and is expected to be completed by 2027. The towed array sonar works by being dropped from a naval vessel into the sea. It can monitor enemy submarines and spy ships interfering with undersea cables. READ MORE Some 75 per cent of transatlantic cables go through or close to Ireland. About $10 trillion in financial transactions go through the cables on a daily basis, according to the European Subsea Cable Association. The State's EEZ extends to 370km (200 nautical miles) offshore around Ireland. It is an area more than 10 times the size of the State. Ireland has faced sustained international criticism for not investing in defence spending, particularly as the Naval Service has only eight ships, of which just four are available for operations. Ireland has no submarines. Former Defence Forces chief of staff Mark Mellett warned earlier this week that Ireland had to stop 'freeriding' on security gifted by others. He said there is imperative that the State protects undersea cables. He said the cables are the 'arteries of our economic success'. 'Trillions of euros of trade are piped through all of that. If that infrastructure was to collapse, business would collapse. State security is inextricably linked with economic security,' he told a debate on neutrality hosted by the West Cork History Festival. Russia has been suspected of targeting undersea cables in the Baltic Sea. Eleven undersea cables have been taken out since 2023, according to Finnish intelligence. The sonar system investment is part of the Government's move to increase Defence Forces capability. The Department of Defence has received a capital allocation of €215 million in Budget 2025, and is set to receive a capital allocation of €220 million for 2026. Minister for Defence Simon Harris said the sonar system will be 'state of the art' and will contribute to protecting critical underwater infrastructure. 'This is one of many strands of work being progressed to address the threats in our maritime domain. It will serve as an important first step ... with future projects further enhancing this capability,' he said. Defence Forces Chief of Staff Lieut Gen Rossa Mulcahy said the towed array sonar 'will greatly enhance the Defence Forces' situational awareness across domains' and is a 'welcome advancement' in the forces' transformation. An enhanced maritime picture is important for detecting illegal activities such as illegal fishing, drug trafficking, terrorism and espionage, he said.
The Guardian
10-06-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
New Zealand is failing to protect its vast ocean resources. We owe it to the world to act
It's a remarkable feat that a small, isolated island nation of just five million people has managed to stake a claim to one of the largest ocean territories in the world. New Zealand's exclusive economic zone (EEZ) spans more than 4m square kilometres – an area 15 times the size of our landmass. But these rights carry responsibilities – in particular, the obligation to manage this vast ocean territory sustainably for future generations. As leaders gather in Nice for the UN Ocean Conference this week, the spotlight will once again fall on the future of our blue planet – and whether countries are finally willing to 'walk the talk' in the final sprint towards protecting 30% of our ocean by 2030. We stand at a critical juncture and New Zealand must step up. Less than 1% of our country's oceans are highly protected and the damaging practice of bottom-trawling needs to be restricted. Most New Zealanders live near the coast and understand that our ocean is a taonga – a treasure – that must be looked after. It's in our blood. Our waters are visited or inhabited by half the world's whale and dolphin species, and we have more species of seabird than anywhere else on Earth. When it established the global system of EEZs in 1982 under the UN convention on the law of the sea (UNCLOS), the UN was clear: the long-term conservation and sustainable use of living resources must be a priority. In return for that commitment, Aotearoa gained something huge: the full weight and support of the international community. The reality is that New Zealand has never had – and is unlikely ever to have – the military capacity to enforce our maritime rights unilaterally. We are reliant on the backing of UNCLOS and its compulsory dispute settlement mechanisms, which uphold the rule of law over the rule of might. In a climate of escalating geopolitical tensions and increasing focus on the Pacific, that becomes even more vital. As northern hemisphere fish stocks continue to be depleted and fishing fleets focus southwards, we are increasingly going to need the international community to have our back. But we also need to meet our side of the bargain. Right now, it's hard to see how that's the case. Given our commitment to safeguard 30% of the ocean by 2030, more of New Zealand's seas must be highly protected. Our outdated marine protection legislation is no longer fit for purpose, and proposed reforms have languished over decades. New Zealand is the only country still bottom-trawling on seamounts in the South Pacific, and twice now the current coalition government has blocked international proposals (which, notably, New Zealand had originally tabled) to restrict this damaging practice, prompting international concern. While Australia has begun laying the groundwork for a large marine protected area between our two countries in the Lord Howe-South Tasman Sea, New Zealand has been missing in action. And most significantly, plans to establish a vast Kermadec Rangitāhua Ocean sanctuary off the coast of New Zealand's most northerly islands have been abandoned. Had the sanctuary gone ahead, it would have brought us halfway toward the 30% protection goal and safeguarded one of the few remaining pristine places on Earth. While there have been legitimate issues to work through to ensure that the creation of the sanctuary upholds Indigenous rights, shelving the idea entirely was the final nail in the coffin for New Zealand's ocean conservation reputation. After all, there is a broad understanding internationally that states which benefit the most from UNCLOS – those with large EEZs – should be among the leaders in creating safe havens for marine biodiversity. Many have already done so, including the UK, Australia and Chile. New Zealand has so far failed to follow suit. Our marine environment is in a sustained state of decline, with pollution, rampant overfishing, and the impacts of climate change pushing fragile habitats and species to the brink. Since 1970, some of our commercial fish stocks have declined significantly, and in places like Auckland's Hauraki Gulf/Tīkapa Moana, scallop and crayfish fisheries have all but collapsed. Despite being the seabird capital of the world, 90% of our seabirds are now threatened or at risk of extinction. The establishment of UNCLOS has long been hailed as one of the UN's greatest achievements – and there's no doubt that New Zealand has heavily benefited from an enormous maritime jurisdiction. But such power over our ocean comes with great responsibility. It's time for New Zealand to act, rejoin the global conversation, and start looking after our blue backyard for future generations. We don't just owe it to Kiwis – we owe it to the world. Rt Hon Helen Clark is a former prime minister of New Zealand, and former administrator of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Dr Kayla Kingdon-Bebb is chief executive of the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) New Zealand.
