Latest news with #EU
Leader Live
23 minutes ago
- Business
- Leader Live
M&S boss criticises post-Brexit food labelling as ‘bureaucratic madness'
Stuart Machin described 'yet another layer of unnecessary costs and red tape for retailers', as he revealed that more than 1,000 M&S products destined for Northern Ireland will need to have a 'Not for EU' sticker affixed from next week. These labels have been phased in since 2023 when the post-Brexit trading deal was agreed. The Windsor Framework was negotiated by the UK and EU to address issues which had arisen in the operation of the Northern Ireland Protocol which effectively keeps Northern Ireland within the EU for trade. Next week sees the final phase of the Windsor Framework come into effect, adding yet another layer of unnecessary costs and red tape for food retailers like M&S. – 1000+ M&S products destined for Northern Ireland will need to have a 'Not For EU' label stuck on them. – Another… — Stuart Machin (@MachinStuart1) June 27, 2025 However, rules were needed to ensure goods for the UK did not enter the EU single market in the Republic of Ireland. Earlier this month the UK Government indicated it would hope for a smoother flow of trade when its new sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) deal with the EU is finalised. Mr Machin indicated he was hopeful that the stickers may become unnecessary following the new deal. He took to social media on Friday to express his frustration. 'Next week sees the final phase of the Windsor Framework come into effect, adding yet another layer of unnecessary costs and red tape for food retailers like M&S. – 1000+ M&S products destined for Northern Ireland will need to have a 'Not For EU' label stuck on them,' he posted on the social media platform X. 'Another 400 will need to go through additional checks in the 'Red Lane'. 'Quite frankly it's bureaucratic madness, confusing for customers, and completely unnecessary given the UK has some of the highest food standards in the world. 'The Government's SPS deal with the EU will be game-changing, and it can't come soon enough!'
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Business Standard
38 minutes ago
- Business
- Business Standard
Meta may face daily fines over pay-or-consent model: European Commission
Meta Platforms may face daily fines if EU regulators decide the changes it has proposed to its pay-or-consent model fail to comply with an antitrust order issued in April, they said on Friday. The warning from the European Commission, which acts as the EU competition enforcer, came two months after it slapped a 200-million-euro ($234 million) fine on the US social media giant for breaching the Digital Markets Act (DMA) aiming at curbing the power of Big Tech. The move shows the Commission's continuing crackdown against Big Tech and its push to create a level playing field for smaller rivals despite US criticism about the bloc's rules mainly targeting its companies. Daily fines for not complying with the DMA can be as much as 5 per cent of a company's average daily worldwide turnover. The EU executive said Meta's pay-or-consent model introduced in November 2023 breached the DMA in the period up to November 2024, when it tweaked it to use less personal data for targeted advertising. The Commission has been scrutinising the changes since then. The model gives Facebook and Instagram users who consent to be tracked a free service that is funded by advertising revenues. Alternatively, they can pay for an ad-free service. The EU competition watchdog said Meta will only make limited changes to its pay-or-consent model rolled out last November. "The Commission cannot confirm at this stage if these are sufficient to comply with the main parameters of compliance outlined in its non-compliance Decision," a spokesperson said. "With this in mind, we will consider the next steps, including recalling that continuous non-compliance could entail the application of periodic penalty payments running as of 27 June 2025, as indicated in the non-compliance decision." Meta accused the Commission of discriminating against the company and for moving the goalposts during discussions over the last two months. "A user choice between a subscription for no ads service or a free ad supported service remains a legitimate business model for every company in Europe - except Meta," a Meta spokesperson said. "We are confident that the range of choices we offer people in the EU doesn't just comply with what the EU's rules require - it goes well beyond them." The EU watchdog dismissed Meta's discrimination charges, saying the DMA applies equally to all large digital companies doing business in the EU regardless of where they are incorporated or who their controlling shareholders are. "We have always enforced and will continue to enforce our laws fairly and without discrimination towards all companies operating in the EU, in full compliance with global rules," the Commission spokesperson said.
Hypebeast
39 minutes ago
- Entertainment
- Hypebeast
Closer Look: Yung Lean's '256 GB' Book
Earlier this week,Yung Leanrevealed the imminent release of his first book. Entitled256 GB, the book compiles, you guessed it, 256 gigabytes of content from Lean's iPhone hard drive from 2014 through 2024 – selfies, screenshots, notes, and other candid images included. Totalling 574 images (and 594 pages from front to back), the book is divided into nine color-coded chapters, with each spanning about 50 or so pages: red, orange, yellow, green, blue, purple, pink, black, and white. Housed in a black bound casing complete with red embossed lettering and a matching silk ribbon, the book opens with a title page, on which Lean lists the different iPhone models he shot the contents of 256 GB on: 6, 8, X, and SE. The next page lists out the chapters in order, followed by an entire table of contents of each image included in the book; titles include 'F*ck You,' 'Holy Trinity,' 'Air Jordan 12' and 'Boy life in EU.' To close out, Lean leaves a note that reads: 'I buy a lot of phones and lose a lot of phones. I spend more time in hotels than in the places I live in. It feels like collecting these photographs and memories. I hope it will be a bigger photograph of my life and maybe bring some inspiration and love to some. This is what I try to do.' Take an exclusive closer look at some of the pages of 256 GB in the gallery above and get your hands on a copy while they're still available at Lean'sworldaffairswebsite.
BBC News
an hour ago
- Business
- BBC News
The big change affecting European travel
The days of being charged additional fees for your hand luggage on flights could soon be a thing of the past – at least in the European Union. On 24 June, lawmakers voted in favour of a proposal allowing passengers to bring a small carry-on bag weighing up to 7kg (15.4lbs) on board their flight free of charge, even on budget airlines. Under the new rule, which could take effect as early as July 2025, travellers would be allowed to bring one cabin bag measuring up to 100cm on board their flight, as well as an under-the-seat personal item with a maximum size of 40x30x15cm at no additional cost. The proposed law still requires approval from 55% of EU member states, but if adopted, the new rules would extend to all flights within the EU, as well as routes to and from the EU. "Today's vote marks an important step toward fairer and more transparent travel," vice-chair of the EU Committee on Transport and Tourism (TRAN) Matteo Ricci said in a press statement. "[It introduces] concrete measures such as the clear definition of free hand luggage … a fundamental right to avoid unjustified extra costs." Previously, EU-based budget airlines like EasyJet, RyanAir, Wizz and others often charged substantial fees for hand luggage, depending on its size and weight. As a result, Spain's Consumer Rights Ministry fined five budget airlines €179m (£149m) for what it deemed "abusive practices" in November 2024. The Spanish ruling, along with pressure from consumer rights associations and passengers, has paved the way for the EU to push for what it considers fairer and more consistent hand luggage rules. The carry-on proposal is part of a larger effort by the European Parliament to increase protections and rights for travellers. To ensure that families can sit together without incurring additional costs, lawmakers also voted to prohibit airlines from imposing seat selection charges for children aged 12 and under. Lawmakers also want to change the way companies handle compensation and reimbursement requests by requiring ticket vendors or third-party retailers to inform passengers of the full cost of their flight at the time of booking – including intermediation or service fees – as well as the reimbursement process. Officials also want to ensure that travellers in the EU aren't just entitled to compensation when airline delays cause them to miss their connecting flights, but also when a delay causes them to miss their connection on another mode of transport (an airport bus, for instance) when the ticket is purchased through one operator. While the new proposals may seem like a victory for passengers, not everyone is in favour of enacting them into law. Airline industry representatives are strongly opposed to waiving hand luggage fees, saying that the cost of the bag will be folded into overall prices, making them higher for everyone in the long run. Critics suggest that the new rules essentially force travellers to bring along hand luggage, since the cost will be baked into their ticket with no opportunity to opt out. "Europe's airline market is built on choice. Forcing a mandatory trolley bag strips passengers of that choice and obliges passengers to pay for services they may not want or need," said Ourania Georgoutsakou, Managing Director of Airlines For Europe, Europe's largest airline association, in a statement. "What's next? Mandatory popcorn and drinks as part of your cinema ticket? The European Parliament should let travellers decide what services they want, what services they pay for and, importantly, what services they don't." -- For more Travel stories from the BBC, follow us on Facebook, X and Instagram.
The Diplomat
an hour ago
- Politics
- The Diplomat
Reframing the French Indo-Pacific: French Polynesia, a Model of Shared Sovereignty?
French Polynesia is a pivotal element of France's strategy in the Pacific – and offers a compelling case study for shared sovereignty within the French Republic. As Emmanuel Macron wrapped up his visits to Vietnam, Indonesia, and Singapore – where he delivered the keynote address at the Shangri-La Dialogue at the end of May – the French president reaffirmed the Indo-Pacific's strategic importance for both France and Europe. In a context of growing geopolitical uncertainty and renewed unilateralism, Macron emphasized France's commitment to a stable, multipolar order grounded in international law, freedom of navigation, and inclusive multilateralism – an international posture shared with key partners such as India, Japan, and ASEAN. Building on this common strategic vision, and as the only remaining European Union (EU) member state with sovereign territories in the Indo-Pacific, France seeks to position its diplomacy not only as a national actor but also as a standard-bearer for European engagement in the region. The exercise of sovereignty is precisely what underpins France's specificity and credibility as a resident power. The French Indo-Pacific overseas collectivities (FIPOCs) – La Réunion, Mayotte, les TAAF (or South Antarctic Lands), New Caledonia, Wallis and Futuna, French Polynesia, and Clipperton – which together have a population of 1.65 million inhabitants, play a central role in the construction and elaboration of a credible strategy. Notably, 93 percent of France's Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) lies in the Indian and Pacific Oceans, making it the second largest EEZ in the world after that of the United States. There are also around 200,000 French expats residing in countries of the region, more than 7,000 French subsidiary companies operating in the region, and 8,000 military personnel stationed permanently. The assimilation of the FIPOCs into a single geostrategic Indo-Pacific framework is a logical step for a state seeking to assert itself as a legitimate actor in the region. However, despite some common geographical, economic, and political characteristics, grouping the FIPOCs into a single macro-region does not fully reflect the diversity of contexts and geopolitical challenges specific to each territory. A comprehensive and nuanced understanding of local contexts is thus essential to fully comprehend the complexity of France's Indo-Pacific engagement. This series will explore each of the FIPOCs separately to understand their characteristics, role in France's Indo-Pacific strategy, and potential friction points between national and local drivers. You can view the full series here; today, we focus on French Polynesia. Encompassing five archipelagos and 118 islands, French Polynesia is a pivotal element of France's strategy in the Pacific. Its exclusive economic zone (EEZ), covering nearly 4.8 million square kilometers, accounts for almost half of the total French EEZ – which is the second largest globally. Beyond its maritime significance, French Polynesia offers a compelling case study of how post-colonial legacies, nuclear trauma, and political evolution have shaped a successful model of shared sovereignty within the French Republic. Colonial Imprint and Nuclear Legacy Eastern Polynesia was among the last regions on Earth to be explored and settled by humans. In the case of French Polynesia, archaeological evidence suggests an initial wave of settlement beginning around 800 CE in Tahiti, between 800 and 900 CE in the Marquesas and Gambier Islands, around 1000 CE in the Tuamotu atolls and the eastern parts of the Society Islands, and approximately 1100 CE in the Austral Islands. French influence began formally in 1842 with the establishment of a protectorate, in a context of heated rivalries between French and British colonial power in the region. The territory underwent a major transformation in the 1960s, when France established its Pacific Experimentation Center (CEP), triggering a wave of modernization – and deep trauma. Between 1966 and 1996, France conducted 193 nuclear tests, including 41 atmospheric and 152 underground at Moruroa and Fangataufa (Tuamotu archipelago). These experiments left lasting social and environmental scars. Although long taboo in Paris, the nuclear legacy has since entered public debate. The current political party in power, the pro-independence Tavini Huiraatira, has historically opposed nuclear testing and pushed for transparency and reparations. In 2010, a national law established a right to compensation for individuals recognized as victims of French nuclear testing. In a gesture of appeasement and openness, the French state granted access to the Moruroa site in March 2024 to a high-level Polynesian delegation, including President Moetai Brotherson, marking a shift from opacity to cautious transparency. The change is a rational response considering the evolving political dynamics between Paris and Papeete. Increased Autonomy French Polynesia's political evolution reflects France's gradual accommodation of demands for self-government. From a protectorate (1842–1880) to a colony (1880–1946), and then an overseas territory (1946–2003), the territory has undergone significant institutional transformations. Today, as an overseas collectivity, it enjoys broad autonomy, with its own laws and institutions – including a president, a government, and a parliament – managing key areas such as the budget, foreign investment, and resource exploitation. While sovereign competencies – such as national defense, justice, public order, internal security and currency issuance – remain under the authority of the French state and are implemented by the High Commissioner, foreign affairs may, in certain cases, be the subject of shared competence. A Quiet Model? French Polynesia represents a rare example of international agency of a non-state actor, as it holds formal membership in several interregional organizations, including the Pacific Islands Forum, the Pacific Community, and the Polynesian Leaders Group. Successive presidents of French Polynesia have engaged in high-level meetings with foreign heads of state – a development that underscores the territory's growing diplomatic autonomy. This trend was exemplified by then-President Edouard Fritch's attendance at the first U.S.-Pacific Island Country Summit in 2022, and Brotherson's visit in 2023 to Washington for the second summit, where he met with U.S. President Joe Biden. This ad hoc model of shared competences in foreign affairs can at times create ambiguity. While French Polynesia is at the forefront of France's Indo-Pacific ambitions, local voices – including Brotherson – have expressed skepticism about the wider strategy. But this ad hoc relationship often functions harmoniously, as French presidents have repeatedly associated their counterparts from French Polynesia in the France-Oceania Summits, and even during presidential trips abroad, such as President Macron's visit to Vanuatu in 2023. Despite the enduring legacies of sensitive issues, including the public health consequences of nuclear testing, French Polynesia offers a relatively stable model of negotiated autonomy within the French constitutional order. The most recent example came when Brotherson and French President Emmanuel Macron jointly announced at the U.N. Ocean Conference in Nice that nearly the entire EEZ of the archipelago – 4.55 million sq km, or 47 percent of France's EEZ – would be designated as a Marine Protected Area (MPA), in a mutually beneficial act of environmental diplomacy. Shared sovereignty in French Polynesia diverges from the impasse faced by New Caledonia, suggesting that calibrated devolution and respectful partnership can reconcile historical grievances while maintaining continued political association.
