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Newsweek
12 minutes ago
- Politics
- Newsweek
Trump Has Given Back All Gains He Made With Gen Z in Six Months
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Once seen as a pivotal force in his 2024 comeback, young male voters are now expressing growing disappointment and disillusionment with Donald Trump's second term. A CBS News/YouGov survey published last weekend found that Trump's net approval among 18- to 29-year-olds had all but collapsed—from 55 percent in February to just 28 percent by July. The reversal is especially striking given how aggressively Trump's 2024 campaign targeted young men. His appearances on shows hosted by Joe Rogan, Theo Von, Andrew Schulz and Adin Ross—paired with a calculated push into the "manosphere" podcast ecosystem—helped him win this demographic by a 14-point margin over Vice President Kamala Harris, according to exit polls. It worked—until it didn't. Barely six months into his second administration, influential voices like Schulz and Rogan have raised both raised their concerns, as have many of the low-propensity voters who make up their audiences who are now expressing buyer's remorse across social media and in polling. A recent Harvard Youth Poll found that nearly half of young men believe Trump is hurting the economy. Only 17 percent say they trust Congress, while 70 percent believe elected officials are mostly motivated by self-interest. Another 37 percent say they are "struggling to get by," and a majority report feeling pessimistic about the future. And that survey was taken before accounting for public opinion on the Jeffrey Epstein saga that has blotted out news coverage this summer, morphing into a growing political problem for the White House. A packed crowd fills Madison Square Garden in New York, U.S., on Sunday, Oct. 27, 2024. The Republican nominee returned to his hometown for a rally at this iconic venue, rallying supporters with just over... A packed crowd fills Madison Square Garden in New York, U.S., on Sunday, Oct. 27, 2024. The Republican nominee returned to his hometown for a rally at this iconic venue, rallying supporters with just over a week left until Election Day on Nov. 5. More Photo by HOSSEIN FATEMI 'Trump Overpromised' Trump's winning campaign messaging tapped into frustrations over economic instability, identity politics and cultural marginalization. But now, months into his second term, a number of these voters are reconsidering their support — even as the president has delivered for his base on many of the culture war promises he made. Part of the disillusionment stems from a belief that Trump overpromised and underdelivered. Rachel Janfaza, a writer and researcher who has conducted listening sessions with Gen Z voters, told Newsweek that many young men she interviewed were frustrated by the disconnect between Trump's campaign rhetoric and real-world results. "They voted for him because he met them where they were," said Janfaza. "But the message has to match the messenger. They're not seeing results. Rent is still unaffordable, jobs are hard to come by, and they feel like their degrees are obsolete the moment they graduate." A Harvard Institute of Politics poll in April — just three months into the new administration — found that 47 percent of men aged 18 to 29 believed Trump was hurting the economy, with 40 percent saying they were worse off than during the Biden administration. SocialSphere polling earlier this year also showed Trump's economic approval among young men dropping 14 points in just two months. But the dissatisfaction appears to have since grown, and it extends beyond economics. Many young men expected Trump to act on uncovering conspiracy theories he amplified during the campaign—particularly those involving Jeffrey Epstein. "He promised to release the Epstein files, to expose the deep state—and they believed him," Janfaza said. "Now that he's in office and hasn't followed through, they're asking, 'Why not?'" Adin Ross / Getty Images Many are no longer willing to accept the administration's explanations. "It's not just that they're disappointed—they feel duped," she added. Up for Grabs Data from the Cooperative Election Study, one of the largest politically focused surveys in the U.S., suggests that although more young men voted Republican in 2024, they haven't become more conservative. In fact, they remain broadly progressive on issues like abortion rights, systemic racism, and immigration—indicating their shift may have been circumstantial, not ideological. Many online commentators refute that theory, suggesting the dissatisfaction among Gen Z with Trump is that he hasn't gone far enough on promises like mass deportations. "Gen Z is so much further to the right than Trump they disapprove of his job because they feel he's not going hard enough," wrote one popular anonymous X account. Richard V. Reeves, founding president of the American Institute for Boys and Men, doesn't buy that explanation. He said the original swing toward Trump was mostly a reflection of a generational rejection of Democratic messaging. "Democrats just didn't compete for their vote," Reeves told Newsweek. "When they did reach out, it was as allies—never directly as men." He also dismissed the idea that 2024's backlash was rooted in anti-feminism, as some commentators suggested after the election. "It wasn't angry young men rebelling against feminism," he said. "It was a backlash against overreach—against being constantly told they were the problem." As Reeves pointed out, this discontent does not appear to be translating into strong support for Democrats. Put another way, the opposition is not benefiting from its opponents' missteps, as is usually the case. A Quantus poll conducted between June 30 and July 2 among 1,000 registered voters, suggests that young voters are feeling politically homeless, with 43 percent of Gen Z respondents saying that neither party represents American values. As Reeves put it: "They're not tribal. Their votes are up for grabs." Writing for Scientific American, Adam Stanaland came to a similar conclusion, arguing that young men's support for Trump was not just political—it was personal. "In a culture that equates 'being a man' with financial success and protection, their anger was a direct response to pressures and threats," he wrote. Polling backs up this volatility. Jean Twenge, a psychology professor at San Diego State University and author of Generations: The Real Differences between Gen Z, Millennials, Gen X, Boomers, and Silents, wrote in The Atlantic that Gen Z's partisan shifts are largely driven by independents breaking right—not by deeply rooted ideological change. "If young people's attitudes persist as they get older, Gen Z might never be pleased with how things are going in the country," Twenge said. "They'll want to 'vote the bastards out' in the next election no matter which party is in power".
Politico
7 hours ago
- Business
- Politico
Trump administration cancels pending loan for massive power line project
The Trump administration canceled the conditional loan guarantee on the same day it outlined its plans to dominate the global artificial intelligence race, including spurring the additional energy needed to achieve that goal. The administration has instead taken action to stunt wind and solar development, including a recent executive order designed to limit the ability of those projects to continue to utilize tax incentives under the GOP megalaw. The department said the conditions necessary to issue the loan guarantee for the Grain Belt Express project were 'unlikely to be met,' and it 'is not critical for the federal government to have a role in supporting' the project. The decision lands after Missouri GOP Sen. Josh Hawley said the administration would kill the financing at his urging. Hawley has opposed the Grain Belt project over its use of eminent domain on farmland. Hawley thanked President Donald Trump on X on Wednesday and called the would-be loan a 'boondoggle.' The project is expected to break ground next year and would provide sorely needed interregional transmission capacity, carrying 5 gigawatts of power across four regional grids. It has received approvals from regulators in all four states it is set to cross. Invenergy, the Chicago-based developer behind the project, did not immediately respond to a request for comment. The power line has largely been marketed as a wind project, but Invenergy is now looking to connect a new gas plant and possibly existing coal generation to the line and paint the project as a key component of the Trump administration's energy dominance agenda. The prior administration announced its intent to offer the loan guarantee in the final months of former President Joe Biden's term. Energy Secretary Chris Wright has repeatedly criticized the Biden administration's actions on billions of dollars of loans in its waning days but has said the loan office can play a vital role in supporting certain projects such as nuclear and critical minerals. DOE said Wednesday it is conducting a review of the office's portfolio, including the closed loans and conditional commitments made between Election Day 2024 to Trump's inauguration to ensure taxpayer dollars are being used to 'advance the best interest of the American people.'
Yahoo
a day ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
Rce may bring 'earthquake moment' in NC politics
One of the most important — and closely-watched — races of 2026 may be a race you probably haven't heard anything about. It's one in which fewer than 100,000 North Carolinians will actually vote, but its outcome will affect everyone in the state. Senate leader Phil Berger, arguably the most powerful politician in North Carolina, is facing a rare primary challenge from Rockingham County Sheriff Sam Page in N.C. Senate District 26, which includes parts of western Guilford County. And if recent polls are to be believed, Berger has an uphill battle ahead of him. The primary, which isn't until March, has started early and gotten ugly. Berger started rolling out endorsements from politicians like U.S. Sen. Ted Budd two months ago. He's boasting about how much money his campaign has already raised. His campaign has a 'war room' account on X that launches missives at Page on a near-daily basis. (The account bills itself as 'the unofficial fan page and rapid response defender of NC Senate President Pro Tem Phil Berger and his reelection campaign.') That's the kind of thing you'd expect to see for national campaigns, but not so much for the state legislature. It's unusual, of course, because it's the first time Berger has faced a serious primary threat in more than two decades. But it also seems a bit unusual that a primary for a state legislative seat would become such an expensive and bare-knuckled affair — or that it would begin nearly a year before the actual election occurs. There have been some fierce primaries on the Democratic side, such as in 2022, when Gov. Roy Cooper endorsed the primary opponent of state Sen. Kirk deViere, or in 2024, when two Democrats that had occasionally sided with Republicans lost to primary challengers. But none have been quite as intense as this, said Chris Cooper, a political science professor at Western Carolina University. 'It's not that we've never seen primary challenges, even recently in North Carolina, but with this much on the line and this early and this nasty, it just feels like kind of the next level,' Cooper said. Starting the fight this early might seem a little silly. By the time polls actually open, voters aren't going to remember which congressman endorsed Berger in May 2025, or that Page deleted a social media post about school choice in June. But the fact that voters won't remember those details doesn't mean they don't matter, Cooper said. What happens now allows candidates to shape public perception of themselves and their opponent in a positive or negative way. And as Election Day nears, voters may already feel a certain way about the candidates, even if they don't remember exactly why. What makes this race particularly different, though, is the candidates involved. If it were anyone else, the fight might not be nearly this intense. Berger, obviously, wields immense power. But Page, too, is well-known in the district, having served as sheriff since 1998. He's also cultivated a national profile for himself by aligning closely with Donald Trump. As Cooper put it: 'This isn't David and Goliath. This is David and David going against each other.' For the first time in a long, long time, Berger is campaigning like it's a race he could actually lose. He's legislating like it's a race he could actually lose, too. Berger is the lead sponsor on seven bills this session, the most he's introduced since becoming Senate leader 14 years ago, Axios Raleigh reported. He's also been more publicly supportive of Trump's agenda. It's a fascinating pivot, considering Republican legislators generally don't have to campaign too hard for general elections, let alone primaries. The most powerful people in the legislature tend to be almost insulated by their own power, and they aren't used to having to fight this hard to keep it. That's the kind of thing that Page seems set on challenging — he thinks power in Raleigh is too concentrated and that Berger has lost touch with what matters to people back home. The outcome of the race could have major consequences. A Page victory would prove that even the most powerful politician in North Carolina isn't invincible. It would also mean unseating the man who has led the Senate since Republicans gained control of the legislature in the 2010 elections, and who has overseen the passage of every significant piece of legislation they've passed since. What would the Senate, and the legislature, look like without him? 'If Berger were to lose, that would be, I mean, a kind of an earthquake moment in North Carolina politics,' Cooper said. 'And the vast majority of us don't get any say.' Distributed by Tribune Content Agency.
Politico
a day ago
- Business
- Politico
Republicans make a last gasp in Virginia as Winsome Earle-Sears looks to shake up her campaign
With little more than 100 days until Election Day, Earle-Sears is banking on a staff shake-up to help steady the campaign. 'At the end of the day, this is just … refocusing for the last push,' said one person close to the campaign who, like others in this story, was granted anonymity to speak freely about staff reshuffling. The person characterized the move as a positive change that most staff welcomed, arguing the reports of the campaign being in peril are overblown. ''Let's rip off this tabloid Band-Aid and move on' is kind of the overall vibe,' the person added. It's not the first staff change to hit the beleaguered campaign. Following mounting pressure from fellow Republicans — including some within Trump's orbit who have referred to campaign staff as 'amateurs' — the campaign made changes, including the reassignment of her campaign manager, Will Archer, a pastor with no political experience. (People familiar with the campaign say he will continue in a role focused on voter outreach.) Richard Wagner, Earle-Sears' political director, has left the campaign, NBC News reported. On top of the personnel shake-ups, Earle-Sears has run into controversy. Earlier this year the Earle-Sears campaign blasted a fundraising email comparing DEI to American slavery, where she remarked: 'Slaves did not die in the fields so that we could call ourselves victims now in 2025.' Last week, a publication called Dogwood released an audio clip of Earle-Sears in which she appeared to acknowledge the cuts to the federal workforce negatively impacting her standing with voters, telling supporters that she and Spanberger were 'neck and neck' before her Democratic opponent brought up DOGE repeatedly and began opening up a lead. Northern Virginia is home to a lot of federal workers who were targeted by DOGE, and in March the progressive Meidas Touch Network released a different recording in which Earle-Sears appeared to be downplaying the severity of the DOGE cuts.
Yahoo
a day ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
Trump as foil disappears from Andrew Cuomo's rebooted New York mayoral bid
Andrew Cuomo framed himself as President Donald Trump's foil during the Democratic mayoral primary in New York City, adamant that his past record standing up to Trump as governor positioned him as the party's best choice to defend the city during Trump's second term. But as the former governor reboots his campaign for a third-party general election bid, after losing the Democratic primary to state Assemblyman Zohran Mamdani, Trump is taking a back seat. In about a half-dozen interviews conducted in his first few days as a general election candidate, Cuomo has hardly referenced Trump, pivoting questions about the president back to the race at hand. Instead, Cuomo and his campaign are framing him as more concerned about policy and campaigning across New York City — after criticism that his primary campaign was too closed off to the media and that his opponent drew his strength from meeting voters where they are, both physically and on key issues like affordability. With 16 weeks to go until Election Day, Cuomo is making it clear he wants to run this race differently. Cuomo framed the Trump presidency as a unique threat to New York City's well-being during the Democratic primary, with his campaign describing the president as 'at the city gates' in a campaign ad that highlighted Trump's decision to call National Guard troops into California. He had gone on to say that 'we need someone experienced to slam them shut.' Addressing a crowd at the National Action Network, a group helped by civil rights activists and MSNBC host Rev. Al Sharpton, weeks before the election, Cuomo hit Trump at the top of his remarks as an 'existential threat' who is 'worse than he was in his first term,' taking personal credit for Trump never sending federal troops to the city in 2020. That message was typical of one of the key points Cuomo hit on the stump and in debates. Then, when Cuomo announced plans to run in the general election with a social media video last week, Trump didn't receive a direct mention. A promise to 'take on anyone who stands in the way' of the city's prosperity could have been a reference to the president, but it could have also been a veiled attack on his general election rivals. Trump virtually never came up in the high-profile media interviews Cuomo did in the past week. When reporters referenced Trump's recent comments about the race (he said Cuomo should 'stay in' because he has a 'good shot' at winning), Cuomo used the comments to criticize his mayoral opponents, with a brief wave at the anti-Trump message he put at the center of the campaign during the primary. 'We have a long history together, the president and myself, we have a lot of back and forth. I fight for New York against Washington, I fought for New York against President Trump,' Cuomo told WABC-TV of New York, framing Trump's comments as simply 'his analysis of the race.' Most of Cuomo's announcement video and interviews focused on policy and strategy, dripping with implicit and explicit acknowledgments that he made mistakes during his primary campaign and won't make them again. Cuomo's campaign did not respond to multiple requests for comment on the change in strategy. 'Unless you've been living under a rock, you probably know that the Democratic primary did not go the way I had hoped,' Cuomo says in the video, amid video of him shaking hands with people in the city. Going on to criticize Mamdani's 'slick slogans, but no real solutions,' Cuomo says he's focused on a city with 'lower rent, safer streets, where buying your first home is once again possible, where child care won't bankrupt you.' And in interview after interview, Cuomo pitched proposals for issues such as lowering rent, building more housing, addressing public transportation and other proposals completely divorced from the politics of clashing with the Republican president. The focus on policy comes after many Democrats credit Mamdani's emphasis on the issue of affordability in the city, as well as his social media and engagement strategy, for his upset victory over the far more established Cuomo. In an interview with NY1, Cuomo sought to go after Mamdani's perceived strength on the issue of affordability by panning his solutions as unrealistic. 'I agree with him on the problem — and by the way, he didn't figure out the problem,' Cuomo said, referencing the quixotic 2010 gubernatorial campaign of Jimmy McMillian, who ran against Cuomo on his slogan, 'The rent is too damn high.' And later, he responded to a question about why he ignored the warning signs of his campaign by admitting he 'did not run a good campaign,' saying it was 'uncharacteristic' of him to run a 'very non-aggressive campaign' considering how he's been tagged as 'too aggressive, too difficult, too hostile' throughout his career because 'all the geniuses said I was way ahead for the entire campaign, so the campaign played it safe.' 'There was no inspiration to it, there wasn't enough positivity to it. But the campaign itself was just not good, not good in aggressively communicating the affirmative, or frankly, in debunking the simplicity of his solutions,' he said. 'Three word solutions are great on social media. Yeah, except in reality, they are all BS.' Shedding the anti-Trump messaging for a more policy-oriented one comes not just after a campaign Cuomo himself admitted was lacking, but it also comes as the race opens up to the wider New York City electorate facing a complicated choice between the Democrat Mamdani, two independents in Cuomo and Mayor Eric Adams (who dropped out of the Democratic primary after the Trump administration dismissed federal corruption charges he had been facing) and Republican nominee Curtis Sliwa. Basil Smikle, a New York Democratic strategist who previously served as the executive director of the state Democratic Party for a portion of Cuomo's governorship and ran Ray McGuire's 2021 mayoral campaign, told NBC News that he understands "Cuomo's need to push Donald Trump to the back burner and speak more positively about himself and what he'll do for New York," particularly amid a need to bring out "more conservative voters who would come out in a general election." But he warned that Cuomo's decades in politics will make it harder for him to reboot. "Are you going to lose more people than you gain by not attacking Trump, by trying to be too cute by half and say: 'I want people to get to know [me] better?' We know you, we know you were governor, we know why you resigned. What is it about Cuomo 2.0 that makes him a better, more relatable candidate?" Smikle said. Sam Raskin, a New York Democratic strategist who worked for Democratic mayoral hopeful Scott Stringer in the primary, told NBC News that while both the 'text and subtext' of Cuomo's launch video show that he recognizes he needs to embark on a different strategy this time, that it remains to be seen whether the campaign addresses the issues with the 'substance' too, because Mamdani didn't just connect with voters because of his style. 'Cuomo is adjusting in certain ways but I have yet to see an overall vision and an overall idea of what exactly Andrew Cuomo is going to do for New Yorkers and what exactly he is going to deliver," he said. Mamdani and his campaign have responded to the reset by accusing Cuomo and his campaign of imitation, needling his comments about housing affordability and arguing that voters won't buy any reset. 'What we found is that New Yorkers knew those answers three weeks ago, they will know those answers in November,' Mamdani said during a rally with a labor union shortly after Cuomo's announcement, discussing pension issues, according to video from a New York Daily News reporter reposted on social media by the candidate's campaign. The schedule demands of having to reboot the campaign so quickly after the late June primary could also be an issue for Cuomo, added Raskin, the Democratic strategist. "Not a lot of time has passed between election night, when we saw him last, and the new and improved Andrew Cuomo out on the street," he said. This article was originally published on
