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Lebanon's Diaspora Demands Full Voting Rights: Denying Equal Political Rights Is a Betrayal
Lebanon's Diaspora Demands Full Voting Rights: Denying Equal Political Rights Is a Betrayal

Ya Libnan

time13-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Ya Libnan

Lebanon's Diaspora Demands Full Voting Rights: Denying Equal Political Rights Is a Betrayal

By Ali Hussein Millions of Lebanese citizens live abroad—not by choice, but by necessity. They were driven out by war, corruption, economic collapse, and hopelessness. Yet despite the distance, they have never turned their backs on Lebanon. In its darkest hours, they became the country's lifeline, keeping it afloat with remittances, investments, and unwavering emotional and political support. Now, those very people are being told that their voices no longer matter. That their right to full political participation is negotiable. That their role is to send money, not to cast votes. This is nothing short of a betrayal. On July 2, 2025, the Lebanese Private Sector Network (LPSN) issued a powerful statement calling for the restoration of full voting rights to Lebanon's diaspora. 'The Lebanese diaspora must be granted the right to vote for all 128 members of Parliament based on the districts in which they are registered in Lebanon—not be limited to the six continental seats currently allocated to them,' the statement declared. The LPSN also emphasized that expatriates must continue to vote from their countries of residence, as they did during the 2022 elections. To deny them this right is to further alienate a population that has given more to Lebanon than many of its own politicians ever have. 'Restricting diaspora voting rights severs a vital connection between Lebanon and its global citizens,' the statement warned. And it's true. The diaspora's relationship with Lebanon is not symbolic. It is economic, social, emotional—and political. Amid years of failed governance and financial ruin, it was not the Lebanese state that came to the people's rescue. It was the diaspora. They wired money when salaries evaporated. They paid for food when families went hungry. They covered school fees, medical treatments, and emergency bills. Even after losing billions in Lebanon's bank collapse, they did not stop helping. Without the diaspora, entire regions of Lebanon could have faced famine. That is not an exaggeration. It is a fact. And yet, the political establishment, led by Speaker of Parliament Nabih Berri, continues to block a draft law that restores full voting rights to these same citizens. The draft law—already endorsed by 65 members of Parliament, a clear majority—would amend articles 112, 121, and 122 of the Electoral Law, which currently restrict the diaspora to electing just 6 out of 128 MPs. That is 4.7% representation for a population that, by many estimates, far exceeds the number of Lebanese currently living in Lebanon . Denying full rights to this global majority is not only unjust—it is undemocratic and dangerously shortsighted. This is not only unjust—it is dangerous. Lebanon cannot afford to alienate its diaspora. Not morally, not politically, and certainly not economically. The survival of the nation has been deeply tied to its sons and daughters abroad. 'If it weren't for the diaspora, Lebanon might not even exist today as an independent and sovereign country,' said one diaspora member. He is right. To continue denying them equal political rights is to ignore history—and jeopardize the future. Speaker Berri must stop obstructing the will of the people. Parliament must bring the draft law to a vote. And Lebanon must finally recognize the diaspora for what it truly is: not a separate category of citizens, but an essential pillar of the republic. The choice is clear: include them fully—or risk losing them forever.

Iraq's November elections: Al-Abadi Alliance hints at potential postponement
Iraq's November elections: Al-Abadi Alliance hints at potential postponement

Shafaq News

time29-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Shafaq News

Iraq's November elections: Al-Abadi Alliance hints at potential postponement

Shafaq News/ On Thursday, the Victory Alliance (Al-Nasr), led by former Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi, projected that political developments may lead to a shift in the November 11 parliamentary election date. Speaking to Shafaq News, alliance spokesperson Salam al-Zubaidi noted that the date had been officially announced by the government and endorsed by the Shiite Coordination Framework (CF). However, he cautioned that 'surprises' remain possible, pointing to the potential return of Muqtada al-Sadr's Patriotic Shiite Movement (Sadrist) and the conditions it could set, such as the early resignation of key executive officials. Although the timeline is currently supported by most political forces—the Independent High Electoral Commission (IHEC) and the government—al-Zubaidi stressed that no arrangement is 'entirely fixed.' He explained that if parliament reconvenes and efforts to revise the Electoral Law resurface, a postponement would become highly likely.

Three lists, one goal: Iraq's CF bets on split to win majority
Three lists, one goal: Iraq's CF bets on split to win majority

Shafaq News

time26-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Shafaq News

Three lists, one goal: Iraq's CF bets on split to win majority

Shafaq News/ Iraq's Shiite Coordination Framework (CF) announced, on Saturday, plans to contest the upcoming parliamentary elections, scheduled for November 11, with three separate electoral lists to maximize its chances of securing a parliamentary majority. Alaa Nima al-Bandawi, a member of the Parliamentary Security and Defense Committee within CF told Shafaq News that the Framework's main factions agreed to distribute their candidates across different constituencies to secure more seats and ease the process of forming the next government. 'The approach aims to enhance the Framework's parliamentary strength, and a formal coalition would likely be formed after the election results are announced to reflect each faction's electoral weight and popular base,' he explained. Commenting on reports of defections from the alliance, al-Bandawi said recent developments were "protest withdrawals" rather than formal exits, sparked by discontent over Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani's secret meeting with Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa in Qatar. He emphasized the Framework's cohesion and expressed optimism that it would remain intact beyond the elections, crediting it with supporting the current government and securing a large bloc in parliament. Al-Bandawi ruled out amendments to the Electoral Law ahead of the vote, warning that changes could delay the election and burden the government with additional costs. Tensions within the Coordination Framework surfaced earlier this week during a meeting marred by the absence of some leaders and disputes over internal and external policies. Sources told Shafaq News that Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq leader Qais al-Khazali skipped the meeting, while State of Law Coalition leader Nouri al-Maliki left early due to disagreements, particularly regarding Iraq's growing ties with Syria. A planned electoral alliance within the Coordination Framework, known as Tahaluf al-Qarar (Decision Alliance), appeared to falter even before its official launch. Efforts to form the new united front were reportedly derailed by disputes between al-Sudani and Hadi al-Amiri, head of the Badr Organization. Negotiations also broke down with Ahmad al-Asadi, leader of the Sanad Bloc, over disagreements concerning the leadership of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) and the proposed PMF law, which was recently withdrawn from parliament. Sources previously told Shafaq News that the Decision Alliance aimed to bring together al-Sudani's Al-Furatain Movement, al-Amiri's Badr Organization, and Falih al-Fayyadh, the head of the PMF. Talks were also underway to include al-Asadi, Abu Alaa al-Wala'i of the Sayyid al-Shuhada Brigades, and the Huqooq Movement, affiliated with Kata'ib Hezbollah. While these factions once formed the backbone of the Coordination Framework, widening rifts have pushed groups like the State of Law Coalition, Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq, and the National Wisdom Movement (al-Hikma) to consider running independently in the upcoming elections, with the possibility of regrouping after the results.

IHEC: No proposals to amend Election Law
IHEC: No proposals to amend Election Law

Shafaq News

time24-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Shafaq News

IHEC: No proposals to amend Election Law

Shafaq News/ The Iraqi High Election Commission (IHEC) has not received any proposals to amend the current Electoral Law, a senior official confirmed on Thursday. Nebras Abu Souda, assistant spokesperson for the commission, told Shafaq News that the body is proceeding under the existing law — the Third Amendment No. 12 of 2018 — with all preparations and procedures based on this legal framework. If any amendments are proposed, Abu Souda added, the commission will be officially notified through the proper channels. 'Only after that will IHEC review the proposed changes and assess their impact on the election timetable.' The Iraqi Cabinet has scheduled the next parliamentary elections for November 11, 2025, amid disputes over the Election Law. Some blocs are pushing for changes, while others—particularly Sunni factions—reject any amendment, arguing it would violate the constitution and rulings by the Federal Supreme Court.

Former Iraqi PM calls for Electoral Law reform
Former Iraqi PM calls for Electoral Law reform

Shafaq News

time20-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Shafaq News

Former Iraqi PM calls for Electoral Law reform

Shafaq News/ On Sunday, Former Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi called for reforms in Iraq's electoral system, urging the adoption of a permanent legal framework and the establishment of a politically independent electoral commission. In an article published by Asharq Al-Awsat, al-Kadhimi outlined three core flaws he believes have repeatedly undermined Iraq's elections: repeated changes to Electoral Law before each vote, disregard for demographic shifts, and the absence of consistent rules for representation. He warned that ruling parties have routinely altered electoral laws to serve their own interests, distorting voter intent and reshaping the political scene to their advantage. These practices, he argued, have led to a disconnect between election outcomes and the actual will of the people, highlighting the need to align seat distribution with Iraq's demographic and geographic realities—not by expanding the number of seats, but by ensuring that allocation is based on population data. Al-Kadhimi criticized the inconsistent application of the one-MP-per-100,000-citizens rule, pointing out that its uneven enforcement has led to disproportionate representation for some provinces while excluding others. He proposed a fixed formula grounded in demographic criteria to close these gaps. To ensure long-term stability, he called for a permanent electoral system with objective, evolving criteria. His proposed model is based on proportional representation, dividing parliamentary seats into three categories: winners by highest votes, quotas for women and minorities, and compensatory seats to correct regional imbalances. He also proposed fixed electoral districts determined by population, with boundaries reviewed only when significant demographic shifts occur, helping maintain stability while remaining responsive to change. Voting System Addressing Iraq's broader debate over the voting method for the upcoming November 11 elections, al-Kadhimi advocated for a system where political parties present ranked lists of candidates per district, allowing voters to choose individuals from within those lists. This model, he explained, would dilute single-list dominance and open space for independent candidates who cross the electoral threshold. He stressed the need for a clearly defined and uniformly enforced electoral quotient to ensure balanced competition between independents and political blocs. On electoral conduct, al-Kadhimi urged stronger safeguards to prevent 'the misuse of public funds and early vote-buying disguised as outreach campaigns,' warning that such practices not only strain public finances but also erode trust in the electoral process. Reflecting on Iraq's 2021 elections, he described them as the most transparent in the country's modern history, crediting the Independent High Electoral Commission. To preserve and build on that credibility, he recommended insulating the commission from political control by selecting members from outside party circles, preferably judges appointed in consultation with the judiciary.

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