Latest news with #EmpireWindrush
ITV News
23-06-2025
- Entertainment
- ITV News
How did people in the Midlands mark Windrush Day?
People across the Midlands gathered to mark Windrush Day and celebrate Caribbean culture. It's been 76 years since Empire Windrush brought hundreds of people from the Caribbean to the UK to take up jobs and rebuild Britain after the Second World War. Now every year, 22 June is set apart as a special day for those people. People gathered in Birmingham's Victoria Square for a special flag-raising ceremony and service. A carnival procession also took place. Fathia Warren, a Windrush flag carrier in Birmingham proceeded down the streets of Centenary Square to Victoria Square, and she told ITV Central: "We're celebrating every year to commemorate and be thankful for our elders that came from the Commonwealth to help Britain rebuild. "This is our way of just acknowledging them and saying thank you." Leicester's Windrush Tea Party event returned on Saturday. Despite fears the annual event would have to be cancelled because of funding concerns, the popular event returned, transforming the Museum Square into a celebration of Caribbean culture, music and community spirit. It's part of the city's wider commemorations of Windrush Day and honours the men and women of the Windrush Generation who helped rebuild Britain after the Second World War. The event included a Caribbean tea party, music and games. Students in Walsall also put on a special Windrush display to remember and pay homage to the generation. They produced a powerful documentary celebrating the achievements of the Windrush generation who came to the town in the 1950s and 60s. Members of the Caribbean community attended a special dinner and showing of a film called Paved With Gold. A mix of events took place all over the region to truly make the day special.
Metro
22-06-2025
- Metro
Interactive map shows where Windrush passengers settled across the UK
Today marks 75 years since HMT Empire Windrush docked in Tilbury, Essex. Since then the vessel has become synonymous with the wider history of migration to Britain. An interactive map at the National Archives in Richmond, south west London, details the individual migration patterns and stories of those who travelled on board in June 1948. From London to Birmingham and Devon to Norfolk, people from the Windrush settled across Britain. The interactive maps are created from passenger lists held at the archives and aim to give the general public a wider understanding about migration patterns from the Caribbean. The maps also feature the destinations passengers from the Empire Windrush's post-war predecessors – the Ormonde and the Almanzora, which docked in 1947, settled. Dr Lisa Berry-Waite, who is the National Archive's Migration and Citizenship Researcher, worked on the project and talked about the importance of this map. She said: 'It is really important in recognising and celebrating the contributions of black people to British society. 'With this new resource and this map we hope to engage audiences in thinking more about Caribbean migration to Britain in the post-War period and the Windrush generation's contributions to it. 'The map really highlights the geographical span of Caribbean communities across the UK and that legacy can still be seen today. 'In terms of how this map helps us understand this part of history today, many people from the Windrush migrated to Birmingham and still today there is a strong Caribbean culture in this city.' The Empire Windrush started its journey at Port of Spain (Trinidad), followed by Kingston (Jamaica), Tampico (Mexico), Havana (Cuba), and Bermuda, before crossing the Atlantic to reach Tilbury Docks. Researchers have then mapped areas every single passenger from The Windrush moved to upon docking in Tilbury. Dr Berry-Waite highlighted that some addresses would have been temporary prior to people moving somewhere permanent. 'People moved to cities, towns and villages across the country,' she said. 'Many people assume those from the Windrush ended up in London but from our research this was far from the case. 'Everywhere from Bodmin, to Brighton, Sunderland, Inverness, Glasgow, Wales, a whole geographical span. 'There are a range of motivations behind migration patterns as well. 'Some may have been meeting friends and family who had previously migrated from the Caribbean. Other people will have organised jobs beforehand. 'The occupation data we gained for the passenger list is also really interesting. 'It shows a diverse range of skills and professions passengers had from carpenters, to plumbers, to clerks, to hairdressers, to dressmakers and accountants. 'Many moved across after the Second World War to rebuild Britain such as the seven people on board who had their occupation down as nurse and went on to work for the newly formed NHS.' During Dr Berry-Waite's research she came across a passenger on board who went on to make a difference. Ena Clare Sullivan was a nurse who travelled over to Britain to work for the NHS on Class A of the Windrush and paid £48 for her ticket (£2,000 in today's value). Dr Berry-Waite talked more about her contribution to the country when she arrived on the Windrush. 'Her onwards address was listed as West Middlesex Hospital, so that's where she trained as a nurse,' she said. 'She worked there for eight years after her training and then went to work as a nurse in Stoke-on-Trent and then later in Manchester. More Trending 'Her story leans into this regional aspect of not everybody settling in London and travelling across the country. 'It also highlights the contribution of Ena in helping to set up and staff the newly formed NHS along with many other individuals as well.' The blog post which includes more information about the interactive map can be found on The National Archives website here. This article was originally published on October 21, 2023 Get in touch with our news team by emailing us at webnews@ For more stories like this, check our news page. MORE: Windrush activists rally government to save Notting Hill carnival MORE: 'Delightful' but lesser-known fishing village is the perfect spot for a UK seaside holiday MORE: Chilling joke made by mum-of-four before she died in skydiving accident
The Guardian
22-06-2025
- General
- The Guardian
Campaigner calls for judge-led public inquiry into Windrush scandal
A founder of Windrush Day has called for a public inquiry into the scandal amid this year's 'bittersweet' celebrations of Black Britons and their contribution to national life. Patrick Vernon, who campaigned for the national day for nearly a decade before the government adopted it, said the mistreatment, detention and removal of Black Britons wrongly accused of being in the UK illegally had not been treated seriously enough. Unlike the Post Office and infected blood scandals, Windrush was the subject of an independent review, which can recommend improvements but doesn't have the power, scope and formal standing of a statutory public inquiry. Windrush Day 2025, which falls on Sunday, marks the 77th anniversary of the arrival of the Empire Windrush, the vessel that brought passengers including ex-servicemen from the West Indies to new lives in the UK. They were the first of tens of thousands of workers from former British colonies who played a key role in rebuilding Britain after the second world war. A minute's silence will be held at this year's events – after 12 months in which pioneering members of the postwar generation have died, including two passengers on the Empire Windrush. The thinktank British Future said it was 'a powerful reminder of their courage – and why it's vital they are remembered in British history today'. Vernon said the deaths of elders and the injustice to Windrush survivors meant the commemorations were 'bittersweet'. He said: 'We are witnessing the end of a living era. Significant Windrush pioneers have passed, two of whom were on the Empire Windrush – Alford Gardner, 98, and John Richards, who passed away at 96. 'We've lost Lord Herman Ouseley, who was born in the UK but was part of that generation; Sir Geoff Palmer; Nellie Brown, who died this month at 111, and Clover Samuels, the photographer. By the time we reach the 80th anniversary, how many of the original Windrush pioneers will be left? 'We need to make sure their stories are reflected in the national curriculum, encourage families to start documenting the elders and more oral history – at local regional and national level.'There needs to be a public inquiry. The last review made good recommendations, but because of the way people have been traumatised by the scandal, re-traumatised by the compensation scheme, died before they can be compensated, made homeless, or remain in the Caribbean and Africa, we need a judge-led, independent inquiry that has access to all the documents and can subpoena people. 'A lot of Windrush people are asking 'why are we treated differently? If the Post Office and infected blood scandals can have a public inquiry, why can't we?'' Sign up to The Long Wave Nesrine Malik and Jason Okundaye deliver your weekly dose of Black life and culture from around the world after newsletter promotion At a Downing Street garden party on Wednesday to celebrate Windrush Day, with a steelband and rum cocktails, Keir Starmer, the prime minister, described the Windrush scandal as a 'devastating injustice', condemning the 'humiliating treatment of people who'd done so much for our country', saying he recognised that 'the justice victims deserved had not been delivered.' The Home Office has appointed the Rev Clive Foster as Windrush commissioner to advise on improving the compensation scheme. It says it is 'determined to ensure victims are heard'. Windrush Day events across the country include: a Caribbean festival in Alexandra Park, Manchester; the Big Caribbean Lunch in Windrush Square, Brixton; Forgotten Heroes, a production in Bristol about Black second world war veterans; and former footballers Gary Bennett, Howard Gayle and Reuben Agboola meeting supporters at the Fans Museum, Sunderland.
Yahoo
12-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Mass migration isn't Britain's lifeblood. It's an economic disaster
Within hours of stepping up as Reform chairman on Tuesday, David Bull triggered his first media controversy by remarking that 'immigration is the lifeblood of this country – it always has been'. As popular as this sentiment is with Britain's politicians, it isn't true today and it certainly wasn't in the past. From 1066 through to the end of the Second World War, the population of Britain has been marked by relative stability. As a crude illustration, as late as 1951 the total non-White population of Great Britain was estimated at about 30,000 people, or about 0.07pc of the population. Today it's roughly 20pc, and on course to pass 50pc by the end of the century. In other words, the population changes induced by migration over the past seven decades are essentially without parallel in 1,000 years of British history. Even within this modern period, however, it's not quite right to say that migration has been Britain's lifeblood. It would be more accurate to say it's been the default policy of a state that keeps repeating its mistakes. A brief summary of the last 70 years might fairly cast British migration policy as a mixture of blunders, unintended consequences, and myopic pursuit of short-term objectives, right from the arrival of the Empire Windrush in 1948. As other writers have pointed out, while the narrative promoted today is 'you called and we came', internal government communications show that efforts were made to dissuade Caribbean migration in ways that wouldn't imperil the precarious bonds with Britain's colonies. Shortly after the ship's arrival, Britain adopted a sweeping nationality act that permitted anyone with a passport issued by the British government to enter the country. This act, while 'never intended to sanction a mass migration', combined with policies aimed at attracting workers in specific fields to create a mass inflow. Now, where have we heard that before? Then, as now, policy revolved around the needs of the NHS – newly established in 1948 – which had outstripped training capacity and needed workers. Then, as now, the role of migration in propping up a state approach to healthcare which would otherwise have failed was indispensable. But while important to the health service, the proportion of total migration accounted for by this demand was relatively small. By 1958, 210,000 non-white Commonwealth migrants were living in the UK. In the same year, of 8,272 junior doctors in Great Britain 3,408 had been born elsewhere. Other figures, frustratingly only for 1965, suggest that there were about 5,000 Jamaican nurses and other workers staffing hospitals. Combine these figures, and you get an estimate of about 4pc of the new population working in the NHS. Allow for dependents and missing data, and you might hit 10pc. Either way, to claim that the entirety of mass migration was justified by the NHS was well short of the mark. Similarly, a narrative of labour shortages was constructed that took as granted a nationalised, unionised economy with rife overmanning, built to obtain full employment. Comparisons of vacancy lists to unemployment naturally resulted in the conclusion that labour was needed; the unwillingness of the Government to relax its grip on the economy or exchange rates meant that other routes to adjustment were difficult to follow. In other words, migration in the post-war period was in part essential to the state's ability to carry out its plans, and in other part an unintended consequence of those efforts. By 1962, the Government was taking steps to restrain the inflow, wary of the scale of the political backlash it had triggered. Usually, history doesn't repeat itself. Westminster, however, is gifted with a wonderful form of amnesia, and has managed to do so not once but twice. First we had the New Labour loosening of migration policy in pursuit of ill-defined fiscal goals, alongside an unwillingness to restrict movement for newly joined EU member states. Predictions that 13,000 workers a year would arrive from Eastern Europe turned out to be off by a few thousand percentage points, and eventually popular unrest again led to legal changes, this time in the form of Brexit. Yet almost the moment Boris Johnson took office he set about repeating the mistakes of his predecessors, implementing the greatest liberalisation of Britain's borders in decades. The reasoning is almost painful to read: worries over shortages of workers even as the ranks of the economically inactive swelled, issues with pay in care homes downstream of government cuts to local authority budgets, the need to prop up a university sector which had seen tuition fees frozen, the NHS trotted out as the symbolic argument for migration when just 3pc of the 1.2m inflow in 2022 consisted of doctors and nurses. And again, following vehement expressions of popular dissatisfaction, we find ourselves with a government promising long overdue action, and an opposition seeking to capitalise on this sentiment. There is a limit to how many times a country can repeat a mistake without doing lasting damage. Research from the Office for Budget Responsibility has made perfectly clear that staying on our current course is unaffordable. Without reforms to Indefinite Leave to Remain, the care worker element of migration from 2021 to 2024 could cost the exchequer a lifetime sum of £61bn to £84bn on its own. The sheer size of the failure means that it must be at least partly undone, and Labour has made some noises about doing so. But it would be a mistake to assume that everything before 2020 was good. Previous waves of migration have amply demonstrated how selecting the wrong migrants can lead to costs that linger for generations. Despite large flows of recent migration – which tends to be fiscally positive in the years before workers age – it is still the case that black and Asian households in Britain receive more in state benefits than they pay in taxes, suggesting that previous migrants and their descendants may not have had the economic success we might have hoped for. Similarly, certain groups remain highly dependent on social housing. The grand experiment of the post-war era is over. The results are in. Immigration might be the lifeblood of the British state, but it is hard to argue that it's been an unequivocal success for the British people. The efforts to make it central to our shared understanding of history are less about genuine interest in our island story than they are justifying the mistakes of generations of politicians, the forging of a US-style narrative of a nation of immigrants for a very different country. This isn't a game Reform needs to play. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
Telegraph
12-06-2025
- Politics
- Telegraph
Mass migration isn't Britain's lifeblood. It's an economic disaster
Within hours of stepping up as Reform chairman on Tuesday, David Bull triggered his first media controversy by remarking that 'immigration is the lifeblood of this country – it always has been'. As popular as this sentiment is with Britain's politicians, it isn't true today and it certainly wasn't in the past. From 1066 through to the end of the Second World War, the population of Britain has been marked by relative stability. As a crude illustration, as late as 1951 the total non-White population of Great Britain was estimated at about 30,000 people, or about 0.07pc of the population. Today it's roughly 20pc, and on course to pass 50pc by the end of the century. In other words, the population changes induced by migration over the past seven decades are essentially without parallel in 1,000 years of British history. Even within this modern period, however, it's not quite right to say that migration has been Britain's lifeblood. It would be more accurate to say it's been the default policy of a state that keeps repeating its mistakes. A brief summary of the last 70 years might fairly cast British migration policy as a mixture of blunders, unintended consequences, and myopic pursuit of short-term objectives, right from the arrival of the Empire Windrush in 1948. As other writers have pointed out, while the narrative promoted today is 'you called and we came', internal government communications show that efforts were made to dissuade Caribbean migration in ways that wouldn't imperil the precarious bonds with Britain's colonies. Shortly after the ship's arrival, Britain adopted a sweeping nationality act that permitted anyone with a passport issued by the British government to enter the country. This act, while 'never intended to sanction a mass migration', combined with policies aimed at attracting workers in specific fields to create a mass inflow. Now, where have we heard that before?
