Latest news with #EthiopianOrthodox
eNCA
5 days ago
- Politics
- eNCA
African armies turn to drones with devastating civilian impact
The Easter period usually offers a rare respite in Gedeb, in Ethiopia's deeply troubled north, but on April 17 death rained from the skies in this sleepy town caught up in a war between rebels and the army. On this important holiday for Ethiopian Orthodox and Protestant Christians, many families had gathered in the morning to repair the local primary school. But out of the blue, shortly before 11:00 am, "a drone fired on the crowd and pulverised many people right in front of my eyes", a resident told AFP. Ethiopia and many other African nations are increasingly turning to drones as a low-cost means of waging war, often with mixed military results but devastating consequences for civilian populations. Last year, Ethiopia carried out a total of 54 drone strikes, compared to 62 attacks in Mali, 82 in Burkina Faso and 266 in Sudan, according to data collected by the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED), a US-based monitor. According to one of two Gedeb residents contacted by AFP, the strike killed "at least" 50 people, and according to the second, more than 100 -- a figure corroborated by several local media outlets. It is one of the deadliest in a series of drone attacks since the conflict began in August 2023, pitting the Ethiopian army against the Fano, the traditional "self-defence" militias of the Amhara ethnic group. A shoe seller at the scene, whose nephew was killed instantly, also blamed an armed drone that continued to "hover in the air" some 20 minutes after the strike. "The sight was horrific: there were heads, torsos and limbs flying everywhere and seriously injured people screaming in pain," he recalled. Ethiopian authorities have not released any information about this attack in Amhara, where the security situation makes some areas very difficult to access and communications are subject to significant restrictions. The Ethiopian army's use of drones, which began during the bloody Tigray War (2020-2022), has since spread to the Amhara and Oromia regions amid multiple insurgencies. In the Amhara region alone, now the hardest-hit, at least 669 people have been killed in more than 70 drone strikes since 2023, according to ACLED data analysed by AFP. - Low-cost - Remotely piloted aircraft used for reconnaissance and strikes -- low-cost technologies now ubiquitous in current conflicts and particularly in Ukraine -- are generating massive interest in Africa. Some 30 African governments have acquired drones, according to data cross-referenced by AFP from the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) "Military Balance" and the Center for a New American Security's Drone Proliferation Dataset. For decades, wars in Africa had been fought on land, conducted primarily by light and mobile infantry units. "Drones offer sub-Saharan African militaries more affordable and flexible access to air power, which has been out of reach until now due to its cost and operational complexity," said Djenabou Cisse, a west African security specialist at the Foundation for Strategic Research. Countries like China, Turkey and Iran have the advantage of selling drones "without attaching any political conditionality related to respect for human rights", she added. Among African military commands, the most popular is undoubtedly the Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drone, which, along with its big brother, the Akinci, has dethroned the Chinese Wing Loong in recent years. The TB2 made a notable appearance in 2019 in Libya, the first African theatre of drone warfare, between the Ankara-backed Government of National Accord and its eastern rival, Marshal Haftar, equipped with Chinese weapons supplied by the United Arab Emirates. The following year, its deployment in the Karabakh region during the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and then in Ukraine starting in 2022, boosted its popularity. AFP/File | Adem ALTAN Orders soared and waiting lists grew. While contract details are kept secret, experts consulted by AFP estimate that a "system" of three drones costs nearly $6 million -- significantly less than the several tens of millions for a fighter jet or combat helicopter. This offsets its rather average performance, with a range limited to 150 kilometres. The TB2 is produced by private company Baykar, headed by the son-in-law of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. It "is now an integral part of Turkey's foreign policy, whose strategy is to export its military products worldwide," said Batu Coskun, a researcher at the Sediq Institute in Tripoli. The growing footprint of Turkish drones in Africa is partly due to the fact that unlike the West, Ankara is free from the cumbersome export control procedures for military equipment. "It's essentially at the president's discretion," he said. - Turkish military cooperation - After severing ties with former colonial ruler France, the military regimes of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger have turned to Turkish drones to attack jihadist fighters as well as separatists. In December last year, the Malian army eliminated a leader and several members of the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA), a pro-independence coalition, in a drone attack. In November 2023, drones played a decisive role in the recapture of the northern Malian city of Kidal from predominantly Tuareg rebels. A senior Malian officer praised the "discretion" of Turkish military cooperation. "When you pay for military equipment in the West, it has to go through political agreements, negotiations," he said, speaking on condition of anonymity. "With Turkey, we have a speed that we don't have elsewhere, not even in Russia or China," two countries that also supply military equipment, he added. According to a young Malian surveillance drone pilot, who also wished to remain anonymous, the Turkish aircraft "are easy to pilot, which means we don't need a long training period". In Chad, four Turkish drones have replaced French fighter jets at the forward bases they occupied until N'Djamena ended its military cooperation agreements with France at the end of 2024. The latter had repeatedly provided air support to help the Chadian government halt the advance of rebels threatening the capital. AFP/File | STRINGER The capital N'Djamena is equipped with only five Russian Sukhoi aircraft and as many ageing Mi-24 helicopters. Contrary to Franco-Chadian relations, "there is no military cooperation agreement (between N'Djamena and Ankara) but a trade agreement that allows us to acquire military equipment", a Chadian officer told AFP. Turks are present to provide technical assistance and the former French bases are "entirely in the hands of the Chadian military", the same source added. This flexible cooperation on drones clearly illustrates the desire of some African leaders to "assert their sovereignty and greater strategic autonomy". said researcher Djenabou Cisse. - 'Extreme fear' - On the ground, however, the tactical and strategic gains from the use of drones do not always materialise, several experts said. "Drones alone cannot defeat an adversary," Cisse said, adding: "We saw this in Libya, where both sides had sophisticated drones, and more recently in Sudan, where each side uses drones, but with very unequal capabilities." Planet Labs PBC/AFP | - "Not only have these countries failed to fully stabilise but conflicts have often become entrenched or even escalated," the researcher added. Drones are proving especially decisive in open terrain, when the enemy is unable to disperse and hide as is the case with jihadists in the Sahel, according to a detailed study by the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP). In Ethiopia, they helped turn the tide of the conflict in Tigray at a key moment, giving a decisive advantage to federal forces without, however, securing a definitive victory. In the summer of 2021, a large column of Tigray rebel forces, which reached within 200 kilometres of Addis Ababa and threatened to seize the capital, was stopped by the arsenal of drones deployed by the government. Analysis of satellite images by Dutch peace organisation PAX at several Ethiopian air bases confirmed the presence of TB2s and, more recently, the Akinci, as well as Chinese Wing Loongs and Iranian Mohajer-6s. These drones have "significantly increased the Ethiopian army's intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities, as they can prowl for nearly 24 hours, track enemy movements, identify their positions, provide targeting information or directly strike targets," Wim Zwijnenburg, a drone specialist for PAX, told AFP. While the fighting subsequently focused primarily on Tigray, it continued into 2022 and high tensions remain in the region despite the conclusion of a fragile peace agreement, while other hotbeds of violent insurrection have spread to Amhara and Oromia. Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, winner of the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize for his peace efforts with neighbouring Eritrea, is now regularly accused of indiscriminate abuses against the population. "The drones continued to target civilians despite the presence of sophisticated sensor systems, high-definition cameras and night vision," supposedly allowing for better threat identification, said Zwijnenburg, deploring "a lack of operator training or, in the worst case, a deliberate decision". In Gedeb, the small Amhara town targeted during Passover, residents contacted by AFP said there had been no fighting in the area in the run-up to the attack. They live in constant fear now. "We are ready to flee to the bush at any moment in the event of a sudden drone strike," said one of them. "We live in extreme fear."
France 24
5 days ago
- Politics
- France 24
African armies turn to drones with devastating civilian impact
On this important holiday for Ethiopian Orthodox and Protestant Christians, many families had gathered in the morning to repair the local primary school. But out of the blue, shortly before 11:00 am (1400 GMT), "a drone fired on the crowd and pulverised many people right in front of my eyes", a resident told AFP. Ethiopia and many other African nations are increasingly turning to drones as a low-cost means of waging war, often with mixed military results but devastating consequences for civilian populations. Last year, Ethiopia carried out a total of 54 drone strikes, compared to 62 attacks in Mali, 82 in Burkina Faso and 266 in Sudan, according to data collected by the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED), a US-based monitor. According to one of two Gedeb residents contacted by AFP, the strike killed "at least" 50 people, and according to the second, more than 100 -- a figure corroborated by several local media outlets. It is one of the deadliest in a series of drone attacks since the conflict began in August 2023, pitting the Ethiopian army against the Fano, the traditional "self-defence" militias of the Amhara ethnic group. A shoe seller at the scene, whose nephew was killed instantly, also blamed an armed drone that continued to "hover in the air" some 20 minutes after the strike. "The sight was horrific: there were heads, torsos and limbs flying everywhere and seriously injured people screaming in pain," he recalled. Ethiopian authorities have not released any information about this attack in Amhara, where the security situation makes some areas very difficult to access and communications are subject to significant restrictions. The Ethiopian army's use of drones, which began during the bloody Tigray War (2020-2022), has since spread to the Amhara and Oromia regions amid multiple insurgencies. In the Amhara region alone, now the hardest-hit, at least 669 people have been killed in more than 70 drone strikes since 2023, according to ACLED data analysed by AFP. Low-cost Remotely piloted aircraft used for reconnaissance and strikes -- low-cost technologies now ubiquitous in current conflicts and particularly in Ukraine -- are generating massive interest in Africa. Some 30 African governments have acquired drones, according to data cross-referenced by AFP from the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) "Military Balance" and the Center for a New American Security's Drone Proliferation Dataset. For decades, wars in Africa had been fought on land, conducted primarily by light and mobile infantry units. "Drones offer sub-Saharan African militaries more affordable and flexible access to air power, which has been out of reach until now due to its cost and operational complexity," said Djenabou Cisse, a west African security specialist at the Foundation for Strategic Research. Countries like China, Turkey and Iran have the advantage of selling drones "without attaching any political conditionality related to respect for human rights", she added. Among African military commands, the most popular is undoubtedly the Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drone, which, along with its big brother, the Akinci, has dethroned the Chinese Wing Loong in recent years. The TB2 made a notable appearance in 2019 in Libya, the first African theatre of drone warfare, between the Ankara-backed Government of National Accord and its eastern rival, Marshal Haftar, equipped with Chinese weapons supplied by the United Arab Emirates. The following year, its deployment in the Karabakh region during the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and then in Ukraine starting in 2022, boosted its popularity. Orders soared and waiting lists grew. While contract details are kept secret, experts consulted by AFP estimate that a "system" of three drones costs nearly $6 million -- significantly less than the several tens of millions for a fighter jet or combat helicopter. This offsets its rather average performance, with a range limited to 150 kilometres (75 miles). The TB2 is produced by private company Baykar, headed by the son-in-law of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. It "is now an integral part of Turkey's foreign policy, whose strategy is to export its military products worldwide," said Batu Coskun, a researcher at the Sediq Institute in Tripoli. The growing footprint of Turkish drones in Africa is partly due to the fact that unlike the West, Ankara is free from the cumbersome export control procedures for military equipment. "It's essentially at the president's discretion," he said. Turkish military cooperation After severing ties with former colonial ruler France, the military regimes of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger have turned to Turkish drones to attack jihadist fighters as well as separatists. In December last year, the Malian army eliminated a leader and several members of the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA), a pro-independence coalition, in a drone attack. In November 2023, drones played a decisive role in the recapture of the northern Malian city of Kidal from predominantly Tuareg rebels. A senior Malian officer praised the "discretion" of Turkish military cooperation. "When you pay for military equipment in the West, it has to go through political agreements, negotiations," he said, speaking on condition of anonymity. "With Turkey, we have a speed that we don't have elsewhere, not even in Russia or China," two countries that also supply military equipment, he added. According to a young Malian surveillance drone pilot, who also wished to remain anonymous, the Turkish aircraft "are easy to pilot, which means we don't need a long training period". In Chad, four Turkish drones have replaced French fighter jets at the forward bases they occupied until N'Djamena ended its military cooperation agreements with France at the end of 2024. The latter had repeatedly provided air support to help the Chadian government halt the advance of rebels threatening the capital. The capital N'Djamena is equipped with only five Russian Sukhoi aircraft and as many ageing Mi-24 helicopters. Contrary to Franco-Chadian relations, "there is no military cooperation agreement (between N'Djamena and Ankara) but a trade agreement that allows us to acquire military equipment", a Chadian officer told AFP. Turks are present to provide technical assistance and the former French bases are "entirely in the hands of the Chadian military", the same source added. This flexible cooperation on drones clearly illustrates the desire of some African leaders to "assert their sovereignty and greater strategic autonomy". said researcher Djenabou Cisse. 'Extreme fear' On the ground, however, the tactical and strategic gains from the use of drones do not always materialise, several experts said. "Drones alone cannot defeat an adversary," Cisse said, adding: "We saw this in Libya, where both sides had sophisticated drones, and more recently in Sudan, where each side uses drones, but with very unequal capabilities." "Not only have these countries failed to fully stabilise but conflicts have often become entrenched or even escalated," the researcher added. Drones are proving especially decisive in open terrain, when the enemy is unable to disperse and hide as is the case with jihadists in the Sahel, according to a detailed study by the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP). In Ethiopia, they helped turn the tide of the conflict in Tigray at a key moment, giving a decisive advantage to federal forces without, however, securing a definitive victory. In the summer of 2021, a large column of Tigray rebel forces, which reached within 200 kilometres of Addis Ababa and threatened to seize the capital, was stopped by the arsenal of drones deployed by the government. Analysis of satellite images by Dutch peace organisation PAX at several Ethiopian air bases confirmed the presence of TB2s and, more recently, the Akinci, as well as Chinese Wing Loongs and Iranian Mohajer-6s. These drones have "significantly increased the Ethiopian army's intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities, as they can prowl for nearly 24 hours, track enemy movements, identify their positions, provide targeting information or directly strike targets," Wim Zwijnenburg, a drone specialist for PAX, told AFP. While the fighting subsequently focused primarily on Tigray, it continued into 2022 and high tensions remain in the region despite the conclusion of a fragile peace agreement, while other hotbeds of violent insurrection have spread to Amhara and Oromia. Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, winner of the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize for his peace efforts with neighbouring Eritrea, is now regularly accused of indiscriminate abuses against the population. "The drones continued to target civilians despite the presence of sophisticated sensor systems, high-definition cameras and night vision," supposedly allowing for better threat identification, said Zwijnenburg, deploring "a lack of operator training or, in the worst case, a deliberate decision". In Gedeb, the small Amhara town targeted during Passover, residents contacted by AFP said there had been no fighting in the area in the run-up to the attack. They live in constant fear now.
Yahoo
29-06-2025
- General
- Yahoo
How can interfaith cooperation create stronger communities?
For nine years, Father Fisehatision of the St. Mary Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church (EOTC) of Utah said he would cry every Sunday because of the conditions in which he and his fellow churchgoers had to worship. 'It was so small,' he said, adding that following the religious ceremony, the entire congregation would squeeze into his even smaller home to break their fast every Sunday. But now, 'if I cry this time, I cry because of happiness,' he said before his congregation and special guests on Saturday at the celebration of their new church building. Those involved in creating the new place of worship told the Deseret News that it was a long time coming, but with the support of interfaith and cultural groups, the community is stronger because of it. 'We are here today because about four years ago, on his official state visit to Utah, Kesis Tagay (head of the Inter-Religious Council of Ethiopia) decided to solve a long-standing challenge facing our communities,' Mike Mamo, Vice Chairman and Public Relations, St Mary EOTC, said. In 2021, Tagay asked Elder Ronald A. Rasband, a member of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles for The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, to help find a permanent meeting house for the Ethiopian Orthodox Christian community in Utah. 'Without hesitation or delay, Elder Rasband agreed,' Mamo said. 'This magnificent house of worship that you see today is a legacy of Elder Rasband's promise to all of you here in the congregation.' With the assistance the church had from donors in Utah like The Stirling Foundation, the finished church in North Salt Lake was filled with merrymaking, food and dancing as now its members had the room to celebrate in their new place of worship. For the past four years, prayers and fasts have been made for the success of the church building, Nicole Stirling, of The Stirling Foundation, said during the celebration ceremony. 'This building will stand as a beacon and a representation of that interfaith effort, the common cries upon the Lord for people to be able to worship God.' The event centered on the idea that peacebuilding is fundamental to strengthening a community. Special guest Pastor Tadesse Adugna, who is the Head of the Seventh-Day Adventist Church in Ethiopia and a member of the Inter-Religious Council of Ethiopia, told the Deseret News that one of the responsibilities religious groups hold around the world is to foster peace among themselves. Church in Ethiopia and a member of the Inter-Religious Council of Ethiopia, told the Deseret News that one of the responsibilities religious groups hold around the world is to foster peace among themselves. 'We have to,' he said. 'We support one another, because Jesus lived for others, not for himself. That is all about Christianity, supporting one another. So we work on the betterment of other people.' That means, he noted, the purpose is to create peace and uplift, not to convert and to change opinions. Elder Pepper Murray, an Area Seventy for The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, on Saturday reiterated Adugna's words, telling the Deseret News that the focus should not be on the 'difference of doctrine' but rather on 'building bridges of friendship and understanding.' 'And in this world where religious freedom is threatened more and more, it's important for us to strengthen those friendships and bonds and build those bridges,' Murray said. 'Strengthening a congregation like this strengthens us all. The strength of the community makes us better, makes the community better, makes them better. So in partnership, we can do so much more than we can in individual silence or different areas of interest.' Since the bridge has been built between the Church of Jesus Christ and the EOTC, Father Fisehatision said he sees more things in common between the two faiths than differences. He's attended the church's semiannual general conference twice, has experienced The Tabernacle Choir at Temple Square, met with the missionaries on multiple occasions and has established close relations with leaders of the church in his community. It was shared that just as Ethiopians are cared for in Utah, members of the Church of Jesus Christ will likewise be looked after in Ethiopia.
Yahoo
10-05-2025
- General
- Yahoo
America the Beautiful: Remembering the heritage of freedom of faith, conscience and belief for all
May 10 (UPI) -- May 9th, my children and I brought our balls and bikes to the neighborhood park on the perfect spring afternoon. Cotton candy clouds dotted the clear blue sky, the sun shined warmly and a small breeze gracefully shook birch leaves. The park has an amphitheater. In the summer, it hosts open concerts in the evenings, sometimes families gather for big picnics. I've seen weddings held there, as the park is right behind the town courthouse. Today, a sea of people covered the amphitheater lawn in concentric semicircles: grandmothers, mothers, grandfathers, fathers, teenagers, little toddlers and babies. They were dressed in translucent, pure white, cotton shawls. It was as if the clouds had come down to earth. Looking closer, we saw colorful variations under their traditional white shawl. Some wore full white wrap-around dresses and white button down shirts decorated with crosses. Some women wore bright orange, green and yellow dresses under their pure white shawls. Some of the younger boys wore sweatshirts and khakis, an ensemble they completed with their white shawl wrapped around their shoulders. Together, they raised their voices in prayer and song -- openly carrying out a worship service in the local park. Later, my son played a pick up basketball game with a few of the boys. They explained that it was "Mother Mary's Birthday." May 9th, Ethiopian Orthodox Christians celebrate the Nativity of the Virgin Mary, Lideta Maryam. I was moved to witness this sight. What a beautiful nation I live in. Here, in this nation families can openly and safely carry on the traditions, garments, and faith from their home country, and pass them down to their children. This nation is built on layers and layers of immigrants from around the world, people seeking to raise their families in peace, to pursue opportunity, to live with dignity with their fundamental freedoms and rights safeguarded and honored. I come from Flushing Queens. Nestled next to the Margret Carmen Green in downtown Flushing is the Bowne House. The unassuming house is the historical site where the Flushing Remonstrance was signed in 1657. The Remonstrance was a citizen declaration standing up for the freedom of worship and assembly for all, "Jews, Turks, Egyptians," "Presbyterian, Independent, Baptist or Quaker." Today, the neighborhoods around Parsons Boulevard would make the signers proud. A Catholic Church, the Free Synagogue of Flushing, the Hindu Temple Society, a Russian Orthodox Church, the Sheik Center of New York and the Muslim Center are just a few of the notable houses of worship that operate side by side. This is the beauty of the nation. America the Beautiful -- from the white clad Ethiopian Orthodox Christians carrying on the traditions that they carried with them from their home country when they came here to pursue freedom and opportunity, to the Americanized versions of the faiths from the old country, the Free Synagogue and the Baptists, to those who embrace an indigenous faith, and those who choose no faith, this nation is beautiful. From sea to shining sea, this nation protects the conscience of all people, and allows them to shine and sparkle in their unique color, and seek to live and build a nation befitting the call of our conscience to the best of our ability.
Yahoo
28-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
How the Supreme Court could respect religious families without undermining public education
As the Supreme Court prepares to rule in Mahmoud v. Taylor, the national conversation is charged. Some see the case as an attack on inclusive education. Others view it as a necessary defense of religious liberty in the public school system. But the truth, as is often the case, lies somewhere in the middle. If the justices are careful, they can craft a decision that affirms constitutional protections without unleashing the chaos that some fear. At the heart of the case are several families in Montgomery County, Maryland, who object to new curricular materials introduced in elementary schools. These include picture books that celebrate same-sex marriage and gender identity exploration. The parents — primarily from Muslim and Ethiopian Orthodox communities — asked for the right to opt their children out of these lessons. The school district denied those requests and ended its longstanding opt-out policy. The petitioners are not claiming their children should be shielded from every idea they find challenging. Rather, they argue this is not a case of passive exposure to diverse viewpoints. The books are not merely available in the classroom. Teachers are required to use them, and children as young as four are encouraged to reflect on their meaning. Some materials suggest that gender is 'assigned' at birth and may change based on feelings. Others imply that disagreeing with these ideas is hurtful or unfair. In short, the petitioners contend this is not just about hearing ideas — they say it's about compelled participation in a moral framework that contradicts their faith. For example, one family pulled their daughter, who has Down syndrome, out of school after the opt-outs were revoked, sacrificing $25,000 in special education services. Another family moved in with grandparents to afford private school. Most of the families had no real alternative. They also point to what they describe as targeted religious animus. When these families organized to express their concerns, school officials accused them of using religion as 'an excuse for hate.' A young Muslim girl who spoke at a school board meeting was described as 'parroting her parents' dogma.' The parents were labeled as aligning with 'xenophobes' and 'white supremacists.' The message, they say, was clear: some beliefs were welcome, and others were not. The school board says the curriculum promotes inclusion and respect. Officials argue that allowing religious opt-outs could stigmatize LGBTQ students and complicate classroom management. They also suggest that the logistics of widespread opt-outs would be unworkable. The lower courts sided with the school district, reasoning that mere exposure to ideas — even those that conflict with a family's beliefs— does not amount to coercion or a substantial burden under the Free Exercise Clause. But during oral argument, several justices expressed skepticism. If other parts of the curriculum allow religious accommodations — such as opting out of music or health classes — why, they asked, were objections to the gender identity materials treated differently and denied outright? The inconsistency raised questions about whether the district's policy was truly neutral and generally applicable, or whether it singled out certain religious objections for less favorable treatment. If the court concludes that strict scrutiny applies, the district will likely face an uphill battle defending its policy. Still, the court need not issue a broad ruling. It could limit its decision to the elementary school context and the specific facts at hand, emphasizing the district's uneven application of opt-out policies and the documented hostility toward certain faith-based objections. Instead of establishing a general right to opt out of any controversial material, the court could simply reaffirm a basic principle: public schools must treat religious beliefs with consistency and respect. Some worry this will open the floodgates. What happens when parents object to lessons on slavery, feminism or climate change? But those fears may be overstated. Courts still require that claimants show sincere religious beliefs and a substantial burden —not just discomfort or disagreement. And most schools that offer opt-outs already do so without any sign of educational breakdown. More importantly, this case is not about censoring LGBTQ identities or banning inclusive stories. It is about whether public schools can recognize and accommodate families who are trying, in good faith, to raise their children according to their deepest convictions. We don't need to pretend those parents are always right, or that their views will go unchallenged in a diverse society. But if the First Amendment means anything, it must protect the ability to dissent without being excluded from public life. A modest ruling in Mahmoud v. Taylor would not entitle every parent to veto what happens in school. It would simply remind school districts that the Constitution requires them to treat religious beliefs with fairness and respect. In a time when our cultural debates are growing more polarized, that's a principle worth upholding.
