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War is good for business — the nexus between organised crime and sexual violence in conflict
War is good for business — the nexus between organised crime and sexual violence in conflict

Daily Maverick

time19-06-2025

  • Daily Maverick

War is good for business — the nexus between organised crime and sexual violence in conflict

Sexual violence in conflict does not arise from opportunistic violence. Instead, it is organised, calculated and embedded in the business models of criminal groups. Sexual violence in conflict is not incidental, but a deliberate, profit-driven violence embedded in the business models of organised crime, thriving on weak global accountability and a fragmented international response. For years, academics and activists around the globe have evaluated the cost of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), which is estimated at $1.5-trillion globally a year. Despite this staggering figure, sexual violence continues to devastate communities, and persists in peacetime, during conflict and after conflict. Emerging research shows that sexual violence has become increasingly profitable. According to the International Labour Organization's 2024 report, human trafficking generates an estimated $236-billion in annual profits, a 37% increase since 2014. Forced commercial sexual exploitation accounts for more than 73% of these total illegal profits. Eurídice Márquez, a specialist at the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, says that areas facing economic crises and instability increase the risk of vulnerable populations falling victim to human trafficking, particularly regarding high rates of sexual exploitation, sexual enslavement, forced marriage and the recruitment and exploitation of child soldiers. Sexual violence in conflict does not arise from opportunistic violence. Instead, it is organised, calculated and embedded in the business models of criminal groups. According to the Uppsala Conflict Data Program, conflicts involving organised crime groups accounted for 79% of the total deaths in non-state conflicts. Despite a decline in overall deaths from organised violence in 2023 since rising in 2020, the figure remains extremely high and a record high since the 1994 Rwandan genocide. The result is an insidious continuation of conflict where sexual violence remains not only tolerated but also incentivised. Conflict not only generates and facilitates violence, but also creates a lucrative market for criminal economies, involving all conflict actors, including state actors and rebel groups, as complicit beneficiaries. Organised crime groups, including transnational gangs and enterprises, focus primarily on economic gain rather than political objectives during conflict. This fuels global illicit dealings, posing threats to bodily integrity and international security. Human trafficking occurs in almost every country in the world, but it is particularly rampant during and after conflict. This crime involves the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of individuals by means such as abduction, abusing power and vulnerability, deceiving, coercing, committing fraud, using force or paying benefits to individuals or groups controlling victims for exploitation. Illegal activities flourish in conflict zones because of their high-profit, low-risk environment. These conditions arise from fragmented state resources, the breakdown of law and order and chaos, leading to low-risk opportunities and greed. Also, the high profitability of various commodities during conflict raises the profile of sexual trafficking and human trafficking alongside drug trafficking. Organised criminal groups exploit displaced individuals, missing people and those experiencing food, housing and educational insecurity, profiting from what conflict leaves most vulnerable: human lives. The International Organization for Migration reports that 72% of human trafficking victims are women and girls. For millions of women and girls, the social, economic and political precarity during conflict makes them commodities in the global criminal marketplace. Increasingly, boys are exposed to sexual exploitation and the devastation of conflict-related sexual violence, but this continues to go underreported and unseen. This leaves the experiences of men, boys and individuals who identify outside the male-female binary marginalised. Organised crime involving sexual violence encompasses the criminal exploitation of individuals, often through coercion, manipulation or deception, to engage in sexual activity. Sextortion definitions are often corporatised, with research focused on the 'peacetime' environment, concerning young job-seekers, the workplace, universities and the targeting of teenagers and university students on online platforms. However, sextortion is also visible during conflict, masked in the phenomena of child marriages, forced marriages, abductions and recruitment. From the Hope for Justice investigations and casework it was identified that 'the diversification into human smuggling and trafficking is a simple business decision for [the crime groups] who have no regard for human life and make no distinction between drugs and human commodities'. Organised crime influences armed conflicts by increasing tensions and competition for illicit profits and territorial control. Therefore, in many circumstances, the end of conflict is not profitable. At present, the global response is fragmented. Sextortion, sexual trafficking and conflict-related sexual violence are treated as separate issues. Accountability mechanisms are weak, with few international frameworks targeting the intersection of organised crime and gendered violence during conflict. While prosecuting sexual crimes has progressed (albeit slowly), disputes over definitions, case selection and heard and unheard voices persist. International treaties and principles must recognise the role of organised crime and how conflict has become a marketplace for illicit activity. More investment in research in this nexus is necessary to develop interventions for addressing and eliminating sexual violence in conflict. We need accountability mechanisms involving anti-trafficking efforts to follow the networks profiting from conflict-related sexual violence, and dismantle this economy of violence. DM

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