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The Journal
2 days ago
- Politics
- The Journal
The telling three-word answer that indicated how George Gibney plans to plead
Jane Moore reports from Orlando WHEN YOU WALK into the Four Courts on Dublin's Inns Quay, the building is usually bustling with life. Under the domed ceiling of the landmark building that houses Ireland's main courts, solicitors and barristers can be seen coming and going in their robes, with some lugging trolleys carrying boxes of files behind them. Those waiting for their cases to be heard are often seen occupying benches outside the numerous courtrooms, with members of the public – and members of the media – also found wandering the corridors of the 18th century building. This scene could not have been further from what The Journal encountered inside the US Middle District Court in Florida. Shortly before 9am on Friday morning (that's 2pm Irish time), there was no one to be found on the ground floor of the large, modern building on West Central Boulevard in downtown Orlando save for some friendly security staff, who informed me that electronics were not permitted beyond that point. In Ireland, journalists are not allowed to broadcast proceedings within a courtroom, though writing on a phone or a laptop is permitted. They frequently file their stories to the newsroom right from where they're sitting in court. In Florida, I was going to have to make do with the trusty pen and paper. After taking the lift to the fifth floor of the vast, light-filled federal building and walking along the gleaming black-tiled floor, I reached the double doors of courtroom 5C, where George Gibney was the only show in town. The former Irish national swimming coach was scheduled to appear at 10am for a detention hearing, having been arrested in Florida last week on foot of an extradition warrant from Ireland. Initially, he was all set to challenge this in the courts. Extradition requests are complex, and it was not clear whether this would be the end of a life on the run, or the beginning of a long, drawn-out process that would potentially not see him return to Ireland for years, if at all. But on Thursday, while I was less than halfway through a nine-hour flight to the Sunshine State to cover the hearing, freshly-filed court documents confirmed that he had agreed to be returned to Ireland. It is not known what changed his mind. Inside the courtroom, the 77-year-old was already in place waiting for the hearing to begin. He was sitting in a wheelchair in front of a desk on the right of the room speaking quietly to his defence lawyer Aisha Nash. Twice, he looked over at the three journalists sitting at the back of the wood-panelled room on the left. The large courtroom was almost empty, aside from staff and a security guard. Advertisement Seeing him sitting with his fingers intertwined in his lap, looking old and frail and wearing prison-issue clothes with flip flops and what appeared to be bandages on his feet, it was difficult to comprehend the crimes that he has been accused of, which span decades. Previous case collapsed Gibney was an internationally-renowned swimming coach in the 1980s and early 1990s. In Ireland, he enjoyed somewhat of a celebrity status and regularly appeared in the media as the celebrated Olympic coach in a decade where the country saw Gary O'Toole and Michelle Smith compete for medals. This came to an end in the early 1990s, after six swimmers came forward and made sworn statements to gardaí alleging that they had been abused by Gibney. In 1993, he appeared in court in Dún Laoghaire facing 27 charges of child sexual abuse beginning as far back as 1967 – though under Irish law, the media was not permitted to publish his name. What happened next is almost incomprehensible. His lawyers argued that the length of time since the alleged offences meant it could prejudice his right to a fair trial, that the dates of the alleged offences were not specific enough and that he could not hope to find witnesses to establish an alibi. Gibney's challenge was successful, and the case collapsed. He left Ireland to work as a swimming coach at a club in Edinburgh. But when parents discovered the allegations against him, he fled to the United States in 1995. He has been there ever since. In 2020, Gibney was brought back into the spotlight by the BBC and Second Captains podcast titled 'Where is George Gibney?' , which covered the history of the sexual abuse allegations against him. The ten-part series featured interviews with swimmers he allegedly abused as well as coaches he worked with and journalists who reported on his alleged crimes at the time, interwoven with the producers tracking him down to Altamonte Springs, a small city in Florida. The podcast prompted four women to come forward to gardaí and allege that Gibney had sexually abused them between 1971 and 1981. They were aged between eight and 15 when the alleged abuse took place. Their allegations are the reason why Gibney was sitting in an Orlando courthouse today. 'All rise,' the bailiff said as Magistrate Judge Daniel C Irick entered courtroom 5C at 10.04am. All did rise, apart from Gibney, who put his two hands together in a prayer motion and nodded at the judge. After confirming that he had received the affidavit from Gibney's legal team in which he consented to be extradited to Ireland, Judge Irick asked that he be placed under oath and moved in front of a microphone so that he could hear him clearly. 'Mr Gibney is in desperate need of glasses,' defence lawyer Aisha Nash said when asked if her client had the affidavit in front of him. She told the judge that while he 'can't see too well', she had read through the document verbatim with Gibney and that he understood that he was waiving his right to a hearing and agreeing to be returned to Ireland. A telling response Judge Irick proceeded to go through the waiver with Gibney to confirm what he had sworn to. After each question the judge posed, Gibney looked from the bench to Nash, who then repeated the question to him. Related Reads George Gibney tells Florida court he intends to challenge the case against him in Ireland George Gibney agrees to be extradiated to Ireland 'as soon as possible' to face 79 charges Former Irish swimming coach George Gibney agrees to extradition from US to face 79 charges for sexual offences 'Do you admit that you are the individual whom charges are pending against?' the judge asked. 'Yes,' Gibney answered. He answered yes to almost every question in a low, somewhat hoarse tone, apart from to say 'no' when asked if he had a medical condition or mental issue, and when asked if he had been coerced in any way into his decision to waive his rights. But the answer that stood out from the 11-minute hearing came after the judge asked Gibney if he understood that he could challenge the extradition request. 'Oh, I will,' he said clearly. There was a brief moment of pause before his lawyer leaned in to clarify the question to him. She could be heard saying 'not here', and appeared to be explaining to him that while he was not challenging the extradition request to Ireland, he was free to challenge the case against him once he is returned. This was followed by a 'yes' into the microphone from Gibney in answer to the judge's question. His initial three-word answer was telling. From a man who has not been heard from for nearly 30 years, who is accused of sexual abuse dating back five decades, it was a clear indication that he intends to fight the charges. Before the hearing concluded at 10.15am, Judge Irick said Gibney had answered all of his questions appropriately, and he ordered that he be extradited to Ireland. All-but-one rose again as he left the courtroom, and Gibney was wheeled out by two US Marshals. He will remain in custody in Orange County Jail until his extradition. This is a process that can take months or sometimes years to finalise, but a source has told The Journal that the planning is well underway. It is expected that a date will likely be decided next week. Once he returns to Ireland, Gibney will be brought to court, hear the charges against him read aloud and asked how he intends to plead. If his telling response today is anything to go by, it looks likely that he already knows how he intends to plead. 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The Independent
7 days ago
- Politics
- The Independent
Court must avoid judiciary being dragged into super juniors ‘political contest'
The High Court ought to resist any attempt to bring the judiciary into a political contest being 'played as an away fixture', the court was told as it hears a challenge over the constitutionality of super junior appointments. The three-judge division of the High Court is hearing the case, brought by Sinn Fein TD Pa Daly, who is challenging the attendance of the so-called super junior ministers at Cabinet meetings. On Monday afternoon, the Attorney General (AG) Rossa Fanning told the court that the Constitution does not forbid the attendance of super junior ministers while simultaneously allowing the attendance of the Secretary General and the AG. Mr Fanning, SC for the Government, said Mr Daly is asking the court to write in a new constitutional provisional that is 'simply not contained' in the text. He claimed that Mr Daly is asking the court to enter the 'political thicket' and to intervene in the inner workings of Government. He said that the court ought to resist the applicant's attempt to have the judiciary involved in a political contest being 'played as an away fixture down in the Four Courts'. 'These proceedings are misconceived in a number of respects but there is one fundamental error on which they are premised,' Mr Fanning added. 'The error that affects this case is that he wrongfully conflates the attendance of government meetings with being a government minister on the other. 'The two concepts are entirely distinct. There is a significant difference in legal statutory powers and functions of government ministers on one hand and ministers of state on the other.' He added that statutory powers are delegated to ministers of state, and that the delegation is subject to the government ministers, which means, he added, that ministers of state remain under the supervision of senior ministers. He added that the invitation of super junior ministers to Cabinet meetings is underpinned by legislation, and that Cabinet meetings are one element of government decision making. He added that government policy is not formed at Cabinet in any 'real sense' . 'It is the last stop in the government chain,' he added. Earlier the court was told that super junior ministers are acting as a 'collective authority' with ministers at Cabinet, in breach of the constitution. Sinn Fein leader Mary Lou McDonald and Donegal TD Pearse Doherty were in court on Monday alongside Mr Daly. Mr Daly argues that Article 28 of the Constitution of Ireland limits the number of government members to 15. The super junior ministers appointed include Fine Gael's Hildegarde Naughton, as well as Independents Sean Canney and Noel Grealish. Fianna Fail's Mary Butler is also a minister of state attending Cabinet. Senior government ministers are appointed by the president of Ireland on the advice of the taoiseach of the day, and with the approval of the Dail. Super junior ministers are appointed by the government on the nomination of the taoiseach. Feichin McDonagh SC told the three judges that the legal basis of their appointment was exactly the same as the other ministers of state who do not attend Cabinet. He added that there is no legal basis for the appointment for 'ministers of state who regularly attend Cabinet'. 'That creature simply does not exist under legislation,' he added. He said he has queried with the respondents about what exactly is a minister of state who regularly attends government meetings. 'One would have thought following exchange of meetings there might be some consensus, but there does not appear to be a consensus,' Mr McDonagh said. He told the court it was not possible to address the issues unless the court knows what a super minister is. 'The designation of super junior by taoiseach was in some way an exercise of executive power of the state,' he added. He said it is suggested in the respondent's affidavit that there is an office called minister of state who regularly attends government, which Mr McDonagh said does not exist. He added that a decision to pay an allowance to super juniors does not change that position. 'Four super juniors now get an allowance and we challenge the provisions in that legislation to allow that,' he added. 'There is minister of state who is told by taoiseach they can regularly attend government (meetings) and if they come into that category they get 16,000 euro a year. 'But it is not an office, not enacted under the constitution and there is no underpinning to suggest that the office is being created.' He also queried the meaning behind the words under Article 4.1, in which it states that the Government shall meet and act as a collective authority. 'What does collective authority do? They meet and with the others (ministers) they collectively act. Who is acting collectively? It is the government along with the super junior ministers,' Mr McDonagh added. 'There will be government decisions taken and government acting collectively. 'In that scenario there are extra individuals who are there present in the counsel of chamber. They are taking a full role in the formulation and formation of government policy, thereby acting as a collective authority and there is no dispute between the parties as to that being what is happening. 'The government is formulating policy and taking countless decisions and undoubtedly purporting to act as a collective authority. 'You cannot unscramble that egg. If you have government meeting with super juniors speaking to perspective government decisions and a consensus is arrived at, that decision is no less than a government decision than one that has been voted on. 'That decision is arrived at following a process of mixing yolks to getting into scramble egg and that cannot be unscrambled.' Earlier, Ms McDonald said the Government has broken the rules. Speaking outside court, Ms McDonald said: 'This is a challenge to a Government who we believe have played fast and loose with the Constitution in a bid to secure a grubby deal with Michael Lowry and to retain office, Fianna Fail and Fine Gael, we believe are acting in defiance of the Constitution. 'There are four so-called super junior ministers who attend Cabinet. The Constitution, in our view, is very clear. The Cabinet amounts to 15 members, and we believe that the Government is breaking the rules. 'They've broken the rules because at all costs, Micheal Martin and Simon Harris wish to remain in government, so they cut this deal, as you know, with Michael Lowry, and we are here now to challenge that action and to seek clarity.' Mr Daly brought the constitutional challenge against the Government in the High Court regarding the appointment of super junior ministers. The case challenges what Mr Daly says is a 'deeply problematic and unconstitutional practice that has taken root in recent decades'. He said: 'This case is a constitutional challenge aimed at protecting the integrity of our system of government under Bunreacht na hEireann with which Fianna Fail, Fine Gael and the Lowry-led Independents are playing fast and loose.'
BreakingNews.ie
7 days ago
- Politics
- BreakingNews.ie
Court must avoid judiciary being dragged into super juniors ‘political contest'
The High Court ought to resist any attempt to bring the judiciary into a political contest being 'played as an away fixture', the court was told as it hears a challenge over the constitutionality of super junior appointments. The three-judge division of the High Court is hearing the case, brought by Sinn Féin TD Pa Daly, who is challenging the attendance of the so-called super junior ministers at Cabinet meetings. Advertisement On Monday afternoon, the Attorney General (AG) Rossa Fanning told the court that the Constitution does not forbid the attendance of super junior ministers while simultaneously allowing the attendance of the Secretary General and the AG. Attorney General Rossa Fanning. Photo: Niall Carson/PA. Mr Fanning, SC for the Government, said Mr Daly is asking the court to write in a new constitutional provisional that is 'simply not contained' in the text. He claimed that Mr Daly is asking the court to enter the 'political thicket' and to intervene in the inner workings of Government. He said that the court ought to resist the applicant's attempt to have the judiciary involved in a political contest being 'played as an away fixture down in the Four Courts'. Advertisement 'These proceedings are misconceived in a number of respects but there is one fundamental error on which they are premised,' Mr Fanning added. 'The error that affects this case is that he wrongfully conflates the attendance of government meetings with being a government minister on the other. 'The two concepts are entirely distinct. There is a significant difference in legal statutory powers and functions of government ministers on one hand and ministers of state on the other.' He added that statutory powers are delegated to ministers of state, and that the delegation is subject to the government ministers, which means, he added, that ministers of state remain under the supervision of senior ministers. Advertisement He added that the invitation of super junior ministers to Cabinet meetings is underpinned by legislation, and that Cabinet meetings are one element of government decision making. He added that government policy is not formed at Cabinet in any 'real sense' . 'It is the last stop in the government chain,' he added. Earlier the court was told that super junior ministers are acting as a 'collective authority' with ministers at Cabinet, in breach of the constitution. Advertisement Sinn Féin leader Mary Lou McDonald and Donegal TD Pearse Doherty were in court on Monday alongside Mr Daly. Mr Daly argues that Article 28 of the Constitution of Ireland limits the number of government members to 15. Sinn Féin are here today to challenge Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael blatant stroke politics. We believe they are playing fast and loose with the Constitution to grease the wheels of their grubby deal with Michael Lowry and load the Cabinet with so-called 'Super Junior' Ministers. Pa… — Mary Lou McDonald (@MaryLouMcDonald) July 7, 2025 The super junior ministers appointed include Fine Gael's Hildegarde Naughton, as well as Independents Sean Canney and Noel Grealish. Fianna Fáil's Mary Butler is also a minister of state attending Cabinet. Advertisement Senior government ministers are appointed by the president of Ireland on the advice of the taoiseach of the day, and with the approval of the Dáil. Super junior ministers are appointed by the government on the nomination of the taoiseach. Feichin McDonagh SC told the three judges that the legal basis of their appointment was exactly the same as the other ministers of state who do not attend Cabinet. He added that there is no legal basis for the appointment for 'ministers of state who regularly attend Cabinet'. 'That creature simply does not exist under legislation,' he added. He said he has queried with the respondents about what exactly is a minister of state who regularly attends government meetings. 'One would have thought following exchange of meetings there might be some consensus, but there does not appear to be a consensus,' Mr McDonagh said. He told the court it was not possible to address the issues unless the court knows what a super minister is. 'The designation of super junior by taoiseach was in some way an exercise of executive power of the state,' he added. He said it is suggested in the respondent's affidavit that there is an office called minister of state who regularly attends government, which Mr McDonagh said does not exist. He added that a decision to pay an allowance to super juniors does not change that position. 'Four super juniors now get an allowance and we challenge the provisions in that legislation to allow that,' he added. 'There is minister of state who is told by taoiseach they can regularly attend government (meetings) and if they come into that category they get 16,000 euro a year. 'But it is not an office, not enacted under the constitution and there is no underpinning to suggest that the office is being created.' He also queried the meaning behind the words under Article 4.1, in which it states that the Government shall meet and act as a collective authority. 'What does collective authority do? They meet and with the others (ministers) they collectively act. Who is acting collectively? It is the government along with the super junior ministers,' Mr McDonagh added. 'There will be government decisions taken and government acting collectively. 'In that scenario there are extra individuals who are there present in the counsel of chamber. They are taking a full role in the formulation and formation of government policy, thereby acting as a collective authority and there is no dispute between the parties as to that being what is happening. 'The government is formulating policy and taking countless decisions and undoubtedly purporting to act as a collective authority. 'You cannot unscramble that egg. If you have government meeting with super juniors speaking to perspective government decisions and a consensus is arrived at, that decision is no less than a government decision than one that has been voted on. 'That decision is arrived at following a process of mixing yolks to getting into scramble egg and that cannot be unscrambled.' Earlier, Ms McDonald said the Government has broken the rules. Speaking outside court, Ms McDonald said: 'This is a challenge to a Government who we believe have played fast and loose with the Constitution in a bid to secure a grubby deal with Michael Lowry and to retain office, Fianna Fail and Fine Gael, we believe are acting in defiance of the Constitution. 'There are four so-called super junior ministers who attend Cabinet. The Constitution, in our view, is very clear. The Cabinet amounts to 15 members, and we believe that the Government is breaking the rules. 'They've broken the rules because at all costs, Micheal Martin and Simon Harris wish to remain in government, so they cut this deal, as you know, with Michael Lowry, and we are here now to challenge that action and to seek clarity.' Mr Daly brought the constitutional challenge against the Government in the High Court regarding the appointment of super junior ministers. The case challenges what Mr Daly says is a 'deeply problematic and unconstitutional practice that has taken root in recent decades'. He said: 'This case is a constitutional challenge aimed at protecting the integrity of our system of government under Bunreacht na hEireann with which Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Lowry-led Independents are playing fast and loose.'
Irish Times
05-07-2025
- Politics
- Irish Times
Black Death, Newgrange and the American Revolution: a virtual trove of Irish history rediscovered
The latest tranche of records from the Virtual Record Treasury of Ireland (VRTI) has 175,000 new documents lost in a fire at the Four Courts in Dublin during the Civil War in 1922. Pieced together from copies of documents lost in the fire from archives around the globe, the treasury was launched three years ago. Some of the archivists involved choose their favourite documents from this release. The Black Death On Tuesday, October 7th, 1348, the exchequer in Dublin abruptly shut down. The Black Death, which had probably reached Ireland in the late summer, had finally overwhelmed ordinary life in the city. READ MORE For the next five weeks, as the disease raged through the population, the clerks did not do any of their usual tasks of taking and making payments on the Government's behalf. Only on November 12th, 1348 did individuals start to come back to the Exchequer and business slowly resumed as the city tried to come to terms with what had happened. The Dublin chronicler, Friar John Clyn, wrote: 'These cities of Dublin and Drogheda were almost destroyed and wasted of inhabitants and men so that in Dublin alone, from the beginning of August right up to Christmas (1348) 14,000 men died.' The rolls say simply 'nulla' – nothing, repeated again and again down the right-hand side. When the clerks came to write up this roll at the end of the financial year in September 1349, writing this section must have been an unwelcome reminder of an all-too-recent terrifying time. – Dr Elizabeth Biggs, research fellow, VRTI Handwritten notes from the Irish House of Commons debate about the American Revolution, now in the Library of Congress in Washington. The American Revolution Why do thousands of pages of Irish parliamentary debates survive in the Library of Congress, Washington, DC? Long after the Act of Union of Great Britain and Ireland ended the existence of the Irish Parliament in 1801, a collection of diaries containing shorthand notes of debates and their transcriptions (pictured above side by side) were purchased by the Library of Congress in 1876. Created by, or for, Henry Cavendish, from 1776-1789, the diaries provide the only first-hand account of the debates of the Irish House of Commons during the period of the American Revolution and Legislative Independence. – Dr Joel Herman, research fellow, VRTI One of the first ever references to Newgrange comes from document dated from the 1690s. Discovery of Newgrange Newgrange , central to our understanding of Ireland's ancient past, was only rediscovered in the 1690s. The Dublin Philosophical Society, embracing new scientific methods, informed the Welsh antiquarian Edward Lhuyd of a mysterious 'cave' in Co Meath. Lhuyd conducted the first archaeological investigation of Newgrange, observing 'barbarous sculptures', cells, a stone cistern, and bones in the chamber. Though a Roman coin was found, Lhuyd doubted Roman origins, citing the tomb's crude design. [ Newgrange tombs not just burial places for elite, new study shows Opens in new window ] He also dismissed Viking involvement, noting the Irish annals placed their arrival after Roman times. Curiously, local legends of pagan rituals suggested a lingering folk memory from prehistoric times. Lhuyd's work, alongside the Dublin Philosophical Society's, signalled a shift toward modern historical inquiry, blending folklore, manuscript research, observation and early scientific reasoning. – Dr Eamon Darcy, Maynooth University A letter from 1661 relates to a proposed meeting of Franciscans in Mayo or Donegal hoping for a more tolerant attitude from Charles II. A plea for tolerance This letter, written in Irish, was discovered on the person of a Neale MacDavid when he was arrested between Donegal Town and Barnesmore Gap in August 1661. Alarmed, the arresting officer struggled to find someone to translate it. When he did, he sent the letter straight to his superiors in Dublin, who forwarded it to London. It is now among the intelligence files in the State Papers Ireland at the National Archives, UK. What had alarmed the authorities? The letter relates to a proposed meeting of Franciscans in Mayo or Donegal. With Oliver Cromwell dead and Charles II now in power, they hoped to reorganise their order under a more tolerant government. The original translation and the enclosing papers all survive. – Dr Neil Johnston, the National Archives, UK A letter from Anne Macartney to her cousin, Sir George Macartney, Chief Secretary in Dublin, about a duel he allegedly fought with Lord Moira, an Irish peer and political opponent. Racism and a duel In December 1769 Anne Macartney wrote to her cousin, Sir George Macartney, Chief Secretary in Dublin, about a duel he allegedly fought with Lord Moira, an Irish peer and political opponent. " . . . I am shocked to death about you. I have just heard you have fought a duel with Lord Moira, and are wounded . . . my God I hoped you had lived too long from the Hottentots to be affected by anything they could utter." Hottentot was a racist label historically applied to the Khoikhoi peoples of southern Africa. Here, Anne Macartney is describing not Africans, but Irish people – she hoped George Macartney had outgrown the influence of the 'native' Irish. Born in Antrim and educated at Trinity College Dublin, George Macartney identified as English. Although tensions ran high between him and Lord Moira, this duel never actually took place. But the rumour reflects the political heat. However, Macartney would fight real duels during his diplomatic career. In the 1780s he fought two duels – one in India and another in London. In both, he was wounded; the second time, seriously. Macartney is remembered for describing the British Empire as one on which 'the sun never sets'. He died in 1806, without children. – Dr Timothy Murtagh, Research Fellow, VRTI This map, produced as part of the 1891 Census, shows the 'rateable valuation' of land across Ireland. Where was the richest farmland? This map, produced as part of the 1891 Census, shows the 'rateable valuation' of land across Ireland. Local taxes were calculated on this assessment of local land values. Landowners in northwest Donegal and Meath paid very different rates. As these local taxes paid for local welfare, the policy ensured that poorer, overcrowded regions fared worst in times of crisis like the Great Famine. This map, from a few decades later, suggests that the basic problem remained. But modern statistics-gathering and printing of strong visuals, such as coloured maps and diagrams in the census report, helped make a case for land reforms in the late 19th and early 20th century. – Dr Ciarán Wallace, co-director, VRTI
Irish Times
30-06-2025
- General
- Irish Times
Worldwide interest expected as 19th-century Irish census records recovered and put online
The fire that destroyed the Public Records Office during the Irish Civil War also destroyed 700 years worth of records. Chancery records detailing British rule in Ireland going back to the 14th century and grants of land by the crown along with thousands of wills, title deeds and parish registers were incinerated when a fire broke out in the grounds of the Four Courts, which held the PRO, on June 30th, 1922. By common consent the worst loss of all was the pre-famine 19th-century census records. In an act of unparalleled archival vandalism the British authorities had destroyed the 1861 and 1871 census records so that they could not be used for the 'gratification of curiosity'. The 1881 and 1891 censuses were pulped during the first World War because of the shortage of paper. The British saw the censuses as purely a numbers game, not a valuable archive for future research. That left the pre-famine censuses of 1821, 1831 and 1841 still intact, but these were almost entirely destroyed in the fire. READ MORE The Virtual Treasury project was set up to try to recover as many of the lost documents as possible. Hundreds of thousands of documents have been retrieved where copies have been found in archives elsewhere, but the census records were always the priority. Thanks to years of work on the part of Brian Gurrin, the treasury's population and census specialist, some 60,000 names and counting have been recovered from 19th-century censuses. Four volumes from the 1821 census survived the fire, including the entire records for the Aran Islands, and have been in the National Archives of Ireland since. The Aran Islands was entirely Irish-speaking at the time, but the names are all recorded in English. They were available previously on microfilm, but that necessitated a visit to the National Archives. 'Brian's detective work has given them a whole new lease of life,' said Zoë Reid, the keeper of manuscripts at the National Archives of Ireland. They have now been digitised. Other copies have been found from diligent genealogists who would copy census records for research purposes. 'We talk about 60,000 names, but there are many, many more to go in. We haven't finished the process,' said Mr Gurrin. Virtual Record Treasury co-director Ciarán Wallace added: 'When we go to county libraries as part of a roadshow, the first question is, 'have you found the census yet?'. We have put a huge effort into finding anything we can of the censuses,' he said All the census names have been looked at individually and entered by hand. No machine learning or AI was used. All the census data has been consolidated in the population portal. Everywhere that a name or names have been recovered is denoted with a pin where users can zoom in to reveal the details. The interest is not only within Ireland. Tens of millions of people, especially in the United States, are descended from 19th-century Irish emigrants. Half of all visitors to the virtual treasury come from abroad. The census records are part of 175,000 new historical records that will be available from Monday, June 30th, the 103rd anniversary of the Public Records fire. The project has been led by Trinity College Dublin and supported by the Department of Culture, Communications and Sport and the National Archives of Ireland. Also included in the release is the Age of Revolution portal which includes contemporary accounts from the Irish House of Commons about the American revolution and the 1798 rebellion, five million words of Anglo-Norman (1170-1500) Irish history translated into English and more than 10 million words on governing Ireland in the dramatic years following Cromwell's death. Virtual Record Treasury academic director Dr Peter Crooks described the recovery of 60,000 census names as a 'tremendous achievement. What we have uncovered after years of painstaking archival work will help families across the world trace their story deeper into the Irish past.' He added: 'The scale, scope and significance of these materials is remarkable. They will be of huge interest to anyone exploring Ireland's story as a global island.'
