Latest news with #GallupPakistan
Arab News
14-07-2025
- Business
- Arab News
Public discontent grows in Pakistan's northwest province ruled by Imran Khan's party — Gallup
ISLAMABAD: A new Gallup Pakistan survey reveals a sharp decline in public satisfaction in the northwestern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province where the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party of former Prime Minister Imran Khan has ruled for over a decade, with residents citing poor infrastructure, widespread unemployment and lack of accountability The findings, based on face-to-face interviews with 3,000 residents across KP's seven divisions, offer a rare look at grassroots sentiment in a province that has long been a PTI stronghold. The survey was conducted in February and March 2025, with analysis completed by June. PTI first came to power in KP in 2013 and has governed the province since. Following the last general elections in 2024, the party formed the provincial government once again, even as its founder, Imran Khan, remains in jail on multiple legal charges he says are politically motivated. 'Despite 13 years of PTI governance, even its own voters are expressing disappointment,' the Gallup survey report said. 'Up to 49 percent of PTI supporters said no recent development had taken place in their area.' A majority of respondents, 59 percent, reported rising unemployment, while 67 percent said the government had failed to create jobs or business opportunities. Basic services remain uneven: 66 percent said gas was unavailable, and 49 percent reported poor or no electricity access. Facilities for youth are especially lacking: 77 percent said they lacked access to parks, 81 percent to libraries, and 70 percent to community centers. Corruption was a recurring theme across sectors. 52 percent of respondents believe development funds were misappropriated, and just 32 percent said they were used properly. Support for accountability was high even among PTI supporters. '71 percent of respondents, including 62 percent of PTI voters, support formal investigations into alleged corruption in mega projects during PTI's rule,' Gallup Pakistan said. A further 48 percent said corruption in government departments has increased, and 40 percent believe it is more prevalent in KP than in Punjab. HEEALTH CARD YES, GANDAPUR NO The PTI's flagship health insurance scheme, the Sehat Card, remains the most popular initiative, with 83 percent of respondents, 88 percent of them PTI voters, saying it has improved health care access. Yet only 38 percent of respondents said current KP Chief Minister Ali Amin Gandapur is performing better than his predecessors, and 47 percent said they would prefer to see Imran Khan in the role despite his ongoing imprisonment and legal battles. Half the respondents said Punjab's chief minister Maryam Nawaz Sharif is performing better than Gandapur. 'The contrast between continued support for PTI's welfare programs and disillusionment with current leadership signals a shift in political expectations,' the report observed. The disconnect between government and people on federal ties also comes up in the survey. The PTI-led government has been at odds with the federal administration since at least the 2024 election and even earlier, engaging in protests and public disputes. Yet the Gallup report shows '85 percent of KP residents favor stronger collaboration between the provincial and federal governments,' suggesting popular support for more cooperative governance. Another 60 percent of respondents said the KP government had 'wasted time in protests and demonstrations rather than focusing on governance.' The formal justice system is also under increasing public scrutiny. The survey found that 70 percent of respondents feel courts take too long to deliver justice, 50 percent consider the judiciary corrupt, and 53 percent believe court decisions are politically influenced. In contrast, traditional tribal dispute resolution mechanisms, or Jirgas, are gaining favor. '84 percent of those aware of the Jirga system support it, and 70 percent believe Jirga decisions are fair,' Gallup reported. In conclusion, the Gallup Pakistan survey shows that while PTI still enjoys loyalty from a core voter base, rising economic pressures, lack of development and demand for transparency have eroded its standing among the broader population. 'The survey offers a sobering assessment of public sentiment across KP. Despite strong backing for select welfare programs and the continued popularity of PTI among its base, citizens are increasingly frustrated with lackluster service delivery, limited job opportunities, corruption, and unfulfilled promises,' the concluding note in the survey report said. 'The overwhelming demand for accountability and equitable governance signals a critical juncture for provincial leadership and institutions.'
The Diplomat
07-07-2025
- Politics
- The Diplomat
Hassan Abbas on the Resurgent Support for Pakistan Army's Rise, Post-Operation Sindoor
'The sense of external threat and national unity has led many Pakistanis to rally around the armed forces, although this resurgence in support may prove to be transient.' The Pakistan military's image has improved in the eyes of the Pakistani people following the four-day India-Pakistan military strikes in May. A recent survey conducted by Gallup Pakistan found that 93 percent of those polled felt their view of the military had improved following the clashes with India. There has been an outpouring of nationalist pride in the military, and the stature of Army Chief Gen Asim Munir, who was promoted to the post of field marshal and hailed as a 'savior' following the clashes, has grown further in the wake of his meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump. Only a few months ago, the Pakistani military was deeply unpopular in the country, despised for its role in the ouster and incarceration of Prime Minister Imran Khan, Pakistan's most popular politician, and its brutal crackdown on his supporters. That has changed since May. The military's newfound popularity has raised concerns over its possible assumption of a role in governance. Sharing his insights into the changed public mood in Pakistan vis-à-vis the military, Pakistani-American scholar, Hassan Abbas, a distinguished professor of International Relations at the Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies in Washington, D.C., said that while the current popularity of the military 'may seem to favor an enhanced military role [in politics],' 'support for the military tends to erode once political mismanagement or authoritarian overreach becomes apparent.' Pakistan's history suggests that the people will eventually push back against 'prolonged military interference in politics,' he told The Diplomat's South Asia editor Sudha Ramachandran. In a recent interview, you suggested that the terror attack at Pahalgam in Jammu and Kashmir may have been perpetrated by groups like the Islamic State of Khorasan (ISKP). What could have motivated such an attack, and do you believe India responded in a way that may have served the attackers' interests? In the absence of verifiable evidence, the mutual recriminations between India and Pakistan following the Pahalgam attack are not only unproductive but also risk obscuring the possibility of third-party involvement. It is imperative to consider the strategic calculus of transnational extremist groups, particularly the ISKP, which has demonstrated both intent and capability to launch high-profile attacks in the region. ISKP thrives on instability and confrontation between regional powers, especially India and Pakistan. An escalation in bilateral tensions serves its objectives in several ways: it diverts security resources away from counterterrorism, deepens sectarian and nationalist divides, and creates fertile ground for recruitment by heightening a sense of crisis. If indeed ISKP or similar entities orchestrated the attack, one could argue that India's immediate attribution of blame to Pakistan, without conclusive evidence, may have inadvertently validated the group's strategy—playing regional rivals against each other to carve out operational space. The group's motive would thus be to provoke military responses, undermine dialogue, and benefit from the distraction of two nuclear-armed states consumed by mutual hostility. There has been much speculation about the meeting between U.S. President Donald Trump and Pakistan's Chief of Army Staff General Asim Munir. What are your insights into this high-level interaction? The Trump-Munir meeting was indeed unexpected and, according to informed observers, was arranged through discreet channels — most likely between the White House and Pakistan's military or intelligence leadership. While exact details remain unknown, publicly available information and informed speculation suggest that Iran was a major point of discussion. Gen Munir's recent visit to Tehran alongside Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif gave him firsthand insight into the evolving regional dynamics, especially in the context of the Israel-Iran confrontation. Trump's reported remarks about Gen Munir's deep understanding of Iran underscore that the meeting likely focused on strategic stability in the Gulf, avoiding a full-scale conflict, and exploring Pakistan's role in regional de-escalation. It is also plausible that Pakistan reiterated its interest in renewing U.S.-Pakistan defense ties and conveyed its position regarding the recent military exchange with India. Furthermore, Trump likely advised restraint vis-à-vis India, while urging Pakistan to intensify counterterrorism operations against the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), ISK, and Kashmir-focused extremist factions. The meeting signaled that Washington seeks to retain functional ties with Islamabad—not only to avoid pushing Pakistan entirely into China's orbit but also due to Pakistan's nuclear status and its pivotal location in an increasingly volatile region. How has this meeting between Trump and Munir been perceived across different segments of Pakistani society, including political parties, the public, and the military establishment? The reaction within Pakistan has been largely positive, particularly among the general public and segments of the military establishment. There was a sense of national pride that Pakistan's military leadership was received with such importance by the U.S. president, signaling international recognition of Pakistan's strategic relevance. This favorable perception is also shaped by a broader decline in anti-American sentiment in recent years—a notable shift from earlier periods marked by deep skepticism of U.S. intentions. However, critical voices have emerged, especially among civil society actors, independent analysts, and some political commentators. Their concerns center on the timing of the meeting — immediately preceding U.S. military action against Iran's nuclear infrastructure — which some view as problematic. A few critiques, often conveyed through social media or in measured opinion pieces, have warned against Pakistan being perceived as a complicit actor in potential regional escalation. There is also strong speculation that Trump may have raised the Abraham Accords in an effort to coax Pakistan into normalizing relations with Israel—contingent, perhaps, on tangible progress in the Israel-Hamas ceasefire and renewed hope for a two-state solution. Pakistan can potentially move in this direction if Saudi Arabia takes the lead. Some critics argue that strong military-to-military ties between the U.S. and Pakistan have historically undermined democratic institutions in the country. Why then is the renewed momentum in U.S.-Pakistan relations being celebrated so broadly? This criticism, while not unfounded, often overlooks the broader historical context. U.S.-Pakistan military cooperation has indeed shaped the country's strategic orientation since the 1950s, starting with alliances like SEATO and CENTO and later deepening during the Afghan Jihad in the 1980s. These alliances yielded significant economic and military benefits for Pakistan, albeit often at the cost of civilian oversight and democratic consolidation. It is true that much of this cooperation unfolded under military regimes, sidelining elected governments. However, there have also been notable exceptions. The U.S. played a quiet but constructive role in facilitating democratic transitions — such as the rise of Benazir Bhutto as prime minister in 1988 — and major aid packages like the Kerry-Lugar-Berman Act were delivered during civilian governments. Today, many Pakistanis view renewed engagement with the U.S. not through an ideological lens but as a pragmatic necessity — especially given the country's economic distress and security challenges. The celebration of renewed ties thus reflects both strategic calculations and public desire for international legitimacy and stability, rather than a rejection of democratic values. This revival or warming of U.S.–Pakistan relations also suggests that Pakistan is seeking to strike a balance in its ties between China and the U.S. Recent developments — including India-Pakistan clashes, the Munir-Trump meeting, and the Iran-Israel conflict — have improved the Pakistani military's public image. How do you interpret this shift? The Pakistani military's image had taken a significant hit in recent years, particularly due to its controversial role in the ousting of former Prime Minister Imran Khan and its heavy-handed treatment of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) senior and mid-level leadership. Widespread public disillusionment followed, with unprecedented levels of criticism directed at the military, both online and in street protests, leading to severe backlash from law enforcement and intelligence agencies. However, the recent military skirmishes with India, especially what is perceived domestically as a tactical victory — including the downing of several Indian aircraft — have sparked a surge in nationalist sentiment. Pakistan's Operation Bunyan-un-Marsoos (translated as 'unbreakable wall' in response to India's Operation Sindoor), which showcased Pakistan's defensive capabilities and strategic preparedness, has helped rehabilitate the military's image. The sense of external threat and national unity has led many Pakistanis to rally around the armed forces, although this resurgence in support may prove to be transient. Public sentiment shifted dramatically after Operation Sindoor, with growing support for the military's role. Are Pakistanis now more accepting of a larger military footprint in political affairs? At present, public tolerance for an expanded military role in governance has indeed increased, largely due to national security concerns and the perception that the military is a stabilizing force amid regional turmoil. However, such support tends to be cyclical and situational. Pakistan's historical experience demonstrates that prolonged military interference in politics eventually triggers public pushback. Every military ruler — from Ayub Khan to Musharraf — ultimately exited under pressure and public discontent. While the current climate may seem to favor an enhanced military role, it would be premature to interpret this as a permanent shift in public attitudes. Pakistanis generally aspire to democratic governance, and support for the military tends to erode once political mismanagement or authoritarian overreach becomes apparent. Given his current popularity and institutional control, do you see Gen Munir being tempted to stage a formal coup? Or does he already wield sufficient power without one? Gen Munir is arguably in a more commanding position than many past military rulers, yet he has not needed to formally seize power. Through strategic alliances with the leadership of the Pakistan Muslim League (PML-N) and the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), the military has maintained de facto control without overtly undermining the constitutional order. This civilian-military alignment — where two of the country's three major political parties appear aligned with the armed forces — is highly unusual by Pakistani standards. While this arrangement has provided short-term stability, it raises questions about sustainability. Political volatility in Pakistan has historically defied expectations, and such alignments, if perceived as undemocratic, could fuel public backlash or fragmentation within the ruling coalition over time. While nationalism is surging in Pakistan, how have ethnic minorities — particularly in Balochistan — responded to this wave of military pride and assertiveness? Balochistan remains a complex and restive region, with its own political dynamics and historical grievances. While urban centers in the province have witnessed participation in nationalist fervor, this trend has not fully penetrated rural or insurgency-affected areas, where skepticism towards the central government and military remains high. The current regional instability — particularly the Iran-Israel confrontation — has created both risks and opportunities for Islamabad. On the one hand, it enables renewed focus on border control and counter-smuggling operations, which may curtail militant mobility. On the other, it offers the federal government a strategic opportunity to reset its approach toward Balochistan by pursuing reconciliation with disaffected groups and investing in meaningful political inclusion and development. Without such outreach, the underlying causes of unrest will persist. Does the recent shift in power dynamics mark the end of the road for Imran Khan and the PTI? Despite the sustained crackdown on the PTI leadership and Imran Khan's ongoing legal challenges, the party retains popular support and remains a formidable political force. In any free and fair electoral contest, the PTI is likely to perform strongly. However, the political environment is currently shaped by security concerns stemming from India-Pakistan tensions and regional instability involving Iran and Israel. The IMF has also helped bring in some financial stability lately. The apparent consensus among key power brokers to allow the current government — effectively a PML(N)-PPP coalition — to serve its full term until 2029 reflects a calibrated political arrangement. At the same time, both parties maintain significant national constituencies, and Bilawal Bhutto, in particular, appears to have a promising political future ahead. That said, Pakistan's political history is replete with sudden shifts, realignments, and popular upheavals. Imran Khan's political future cannot be written off, and the PTI's resilience — coupled with public discontent over economic and security conditions — may well redefine the political landscape in the future.
Business Recorder
26-06-2025
- Business
- Business Recorder
Consumer Confidence Index
EDITORIAL: The Consumer Price Index (CPI) was calculated at its peak since 2022 based on interviews conducted April-May 2025 by Dun and Bradstreet Pakistan and Gallup Pakistan — confidence in the overall economic environment and individual company's financial conditions. Dun and Bradstreet's main objective is to provide information to businesses (including credit information reports, business ratings and compliance solutions) but has limited followers on the internet — around 14,000 followers on Linkedin — who, one can assume, are largely if not entirely from the business community, which is not identified as large-scale, medium scale or small scale, or a combination of the three. Gallup Pakistan has been collecting and collating data on political, social and economic subjects. The combined effort of these two agencies to calculate CPI would, one may assume, provide insights into the opinions of the business community as well as the general public. The conclusion that CPI has peaked since 2022 at 96.2 January-March 2025 against 88.1 April-May 2025 (with 100 defined as neutral benchmark and a score below indicative of consumer pessimism) was reached. Two observations are in order. First, there is a need to clarify whether there was any hint of influence or coercion used to measure three-month data against only two months, especially as the calculation was not of key macroeconomic indicators that may have provided useful ins and outs for the budget formulators. And secondly, while the score remains under 100 which indicates pessimism as opposed to optimism yet it would be interesting to get clarity as to why the 8 percentage point improvement is being highlighted at a time when the budget itself is being dismissed by many an economist as lacking realism. Be that as it may, the consumer sentiment was premised on four indications: (i) household financial situation; (ii) macroeconomic situation; (iii) unemployment; and (iv) household savings. And this makes the claim of an improvement in sentiment baffling as the household financial situation remains a source of concern for those employed in the private sector as pay has been frozen or at best raised at less than the rate of inflation for the past five years — a condition which excludes the 7 percent of the country's total workforce employed by the government budgeted each year to receive a pay rise higher than inflation at the taxpayers' expense. The macroeconomic situation has improved as growth was in the positive realm in the outgoing fiscal year; however, it must be borne in mind that the country's foreign exchange reserves remain hostage to 16 billion-dollar rollovers with China reportedly agreeing to 1.8 billion dollar rollover but resistant to reschedule concessional loans, preferential buyers credit, and credit from Export Import Bank of China. While our rupee-dollar parity remains remarkably constant yet there are growing concerns that the International Monetary Fund may seek a more stringent condition than a differential between the market and the interbank rate. Unemployment is above 20 percent according to independent economists and household savings largely banked in the National Savings Centre are projected in the budget 2025-26 to fall from 164 billion rupees in 2024-25 to 141.2 billion rupees next fiscal year. This is due to the expected reduction in the discount rate which, in turn, an expectation that has led to a massive containment of mark-up payments — from 54.5 percent of the total current expenditure as per the revised estimates of 2024-25 to a commendable though unrealistic 50.3 percent in 2025-26. To conclude, sentiments do respond to market conditions but are susceptible to change at a moment's notice as was evident in 1997 Asian Financial crisis. In Pakistan the State Bank of Pakistan routinely conducts business sentiment surveys, quoted in the Monetary Policy Statement which for the past year has been claiming that business sentiment has improved and will fuel productivity; however, the large-scale manufacturing sector (LSM) index has remained in the negative realm for the past three years. Surveys have their own relevance in all countries but there is a need to align market sentiment with key LSM data in Pakistan for greater credibility. Copyright Business Recorder, 2025
Express Tribune
25-06-2025
- Business
- Express Tribune
Consumer confidence at highest since 2022
Listen to article The overall Consumer Confidence Index (CCI) recorded a notable increase of 9.2% over the previous quarter and exhibited a substantial 24.6% improvement compared to the same period last year. According to the 18th edition of the Pakistan Consumer Confidence Index (CCI) for Q4 FY2024-25 — based on interviews conducted during April-May 2025 by Dun & Bradstreet Pakistan in collaboration with Gallup Pakistan — consumer confidence regarding both the overall economic environment and individual financial conditions has improved. The CCI report assesses consumer sentiments across four key areas: Household Financial Situation, Country's Economic Situation, Unemployment, and Household Savings. This index offers insights into the "Current Sentiments," reflecting economic shifts experienced in the past six months, as well as "Future Expectations," ie, expected changes in the next six months. The CCI is measured on a scale ranging from 0 to 200, with 100 serving as the neutral benchmark. A score below 100 indicates consumer pessimism, whereas a score above 100 reflects optimism. The latest survey results reveal that the CCI stands at 96.2 points, marking an improvement from the previous quarter's score of 88.1. This upward shift reflects growing optimism among consumers, particularly in their financial outlook and expectations for the future. "The CCI report serves as a critical reference for policymakers, financial institutions, and businesses. This quarter, we have observed a continued upward trajectory in consumer confidence, supported by improvements in financial sentiment and future expectations," said Muhammad Zubair Qureshi, Chief Business Officer of Dun & Bradstreet Pakistan. "The fact that the Future Confidence Index has surpassed the 100-point benchmark for the first time since the launch of this report is a significant indicator of growing public optimism. However, persistent concerns around employment emphasise the need for sustained economic reforms and inclusive job creation strategies," he added. The Net Indicator for Household Income increased significantly from 98.3 to 110.0, reflecting a rise in consumer confidence regarding future income. Similarly, the Household Financial Situation registered the highest Net Indicator this quarter, with over half of the respondents expecting their financial conditions to improve or remain stable. Consumer expectations for Household Savings also improved, with 57% anticipating either stability or growth in the coming months. Despite improvements in financial optimism, concerns about employment persist, with 61% of respondents perceiving a rise in unemployment over the last six months. However, the overall confidence levels have improved compared to the previous cycle, with 57% of consumers expecting economic conditions to improve or remain stable. A demographic analysis revealed that consumer confidence improved across all segments. The highest rise in optimism was recorded among respondents under the age of 30, who showed an 8% increase in confidence compared to the previous year, followed by male respondents. "In Q4 2025, consumer confidence has continued its upward trajectory. The CCI is now at its highest level since Gallup & Dun & Bradstreet began tracking it in 2022," said Bilal I Gilani, Executive Director of Gallup Pakistan. "For the first time, the Future Confidence Index has crossed the 100 mark — a key threshold indicating that more Pakistanis are optimistic about the economy's future than those who are pessimistic. These are all positive and vital signs for our economic outlook," he added.
Express Tribune
19-06-2025
- Health
- Express Tribune
Fake news
According to the research company Gallup Pakistan, more than half of our population is growing up in an online world — where falsehood spreads faster than the truth. According to a 2023 study by the Digital Rights Foundation, more than 70% of Pakistan's social media users have unknowingly shared misleading information. From fake health tips to conspiracy theories and political propaganda, misinformation has quietly spread everywhere. This is not only affecting their critical thinking skills but also their behaviour. It can lead to anxiety, political polarisation, and identity confusion. Our youth are increasingly quoting TikTok videos and viral posts as facts. Many are unable to distinguish between reality and viral fiction. To overcome this growing crisis, digital literacy should be taught like a regular subject — in schools, colleges, and even universities as most students don't even know how to verify online information. Social media platforms and influencers also need to be held responsible for what they post. T here should be proper awareness campaigns, and the government and educators should work together to guide young people. The youth should be trained to verify sources, question narratives, identify bias, and tell the difference between credible and manipulated content. If we want a future built on truth and awareness, we must teach our youth digital literacy. Sobia Mirpurkhas
