Latest news with #Ganga-Jamuni
The Wire
5 days ago
- Politics
- The Wire
The War on Ganga-Jamuni Tehzeeb
The following is an excerpt from Ghazala Wahab's book The Hindi Heartland: A Study, published by the Aleph Book Company. The truth about Ganga-Jamuni that my neighbours referred to, comes from two sources. One is pedantic and another political. And they feed on each other. Bestselling author and lawyer, J. Sai Deepak claims to have busted the myth of Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb in his books. Thereafter, he has given numerous interviews and talks on the subject. In one interview, he says, 'This composite creature called the Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb is a relatively new construct in our public discourse, which can at best be traced to the period between 1916 and 1923. Not before, nor after.' In the same interview he says, 'Non-cooperation movement was launched to support the Khilafat, it was not for India's independence, that much is clear. Nobody can claim otherwise…this is a myth that needs to be busted and I have done that. Post-independence, the deification of this creature Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb must be laid at the door of distortion of history under Jawaharlal Nehru and the Marxist-Nehruvian coterie of historians that he put together. And then, to this particular cabal called IPTA (Indian People's Theatre Association), which had a lot of Marxist Muslims. And then Bollywood started to play a huge role in this. So, we are told that Mohammed Rafi sang bhajans and Naushad composed some of these bhajans. But I am not going to let a bhajan come in the way of my larger perspective of history.' 'The Hindi Heartland: A Study', Ghazala Wahab, Aleph Book Company, 2025. What seems like nit-picking on terminology is actually an attempt to discredit the notion of interdependent, mutually benign existence between Hindus and Muslims before the coming of the British in India. Hence, what starts as pedantic becomes political. In a recent talk, Sai Deepak says, 'Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb is not a product of a foreign religion's ability to coexist. It is a product of a convert Hindu's inability to give up his religion, his cultural roots, language. Nariyal phodna, diya jalana (breaking of coconut, lighting lamps) is not a sign of the accommodation of the outsider. It is the sign of passive resistance of the insider for a few generations, until it is completely scrubbed off his atman (soul).' Deepak is not the only one 'busting myths' about India's history of syncretism. Much before he emerged as a thought leader for a certain ideology, different analysts, commentators, and 'historians' have been busting this 'myth'. YouTube is full of videos on the subject. The insistence that Hindus and Muslims never lived in harmony is driven by the need to justify the present divisiveness by showing it as a historic continuum. In this, academics and writers pitch in with selective reading of history. For instance, Pavan K. Varma writes, 'Hindu civilization had never seen conquerors like the Islamic Turkic invaders, who were so blindly committed to the destruction of a culture, so fanatically driven by a belief in the superiority of their religion, so unrelenting in their hatred for those not belonging to it and so passionate about the need to convert the unbelievers.' Of course, Varma offers no historical evidence to support his sweeping statement. However, this emotional viewing of history is not new. In 1955, barely seven years after the brutal sundering of the nation, Hindi poet and essayist Ramdhari Singh Dinkar expressed somewhat similar emotions in his book Sanskriti ke Chaar Adhyay (Four Chapters of Culture), for which India's first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru wrote the foreword. The book also won the Sahitya Akademi Award in 1959. In the section on Hindu–Muslim coexistence in India, Dinkar rues the division between the two communities, writing that 'the mental problem of Hindus is that no matter how hard they try, they cannot forget the torture Islam inflicted upon them. And Muslims are caught in a bind thinking that they will now have to live as a minority in a country which they used to rule.' In the same chapter, he writes, though in the context of literature, and not religion, what is now echoed by people like Deepak. 'The truth is that in comparison with the interest and knowledge that Hindus acquired of Urdu literature, the Muslim knowledge of Hindi literature is miniscule.' Despite this one-sided nature of the relationship, Dinkar offers a way forward. He writes that both the majority and minority communities must learn to trust one another again. However, 'it is important that one must not put the history behind the curtains, nor exaggerate the stories about Hindus' influence on Islam or Muslims' influence on Hindutva simply to encourage Hindu-Muslim brotherhood. History must be presented the way it was.' Interestingly, Dinkar chose to use the term Hindutva in 1955 instead of Hinduism, despite the term having been appropriated by Savarkar in his book Essentials of Hindutva in 1922. And then, offering the model of 'good Muslim' as opposed to 'bad Muslim', he writes, 'Muslims must understand that a person's religious devotion cannot be in opposition to his devotion to the country. People like Amir Khusrau, (Malik Mohammad) Jayasi, Akbar, (Abdul) Rahim (Khankhana) and Dara Shukoh were devotees of Islam, as well as Bharat.' Dinkar was not a proponent of extremist Hindu thinking, as Savarkar or founders of the RSS were. A Gandhian, a freedom fighter, and recipient of multiple literary awards in India, Dinkar was thrice sent to the Rajya Sabha by the Congress party between 1952 and 1964. Clearly, his views were the mainstream perspective in India at that time. Not a historian, his views were based on what he had read. The primary, and the most accessible sources of history at that point were those written by British historiographers. Among the most popular versions were the thirteen volumes of The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians compiled by Henry Miers Elliot and John Dowson published between 1867 and 1877. Reprinted several times, the book chronicles the history of India from the time the Arab traders landed on the subcontinent in the ninth century until the eighteenth century, by translating and interpreting the records of Arab and Persian writers. Quoting from the book's preface, Amita Paliwal, historian of medieval history, says, "These bombastic Bengali babus are here and clamouring how ill we are governed under the British rule. Let us show you how badly you were governed under the Muslim rule'. So, the translation of the Arabic and Persian history was done with the intention of showing how bad the Muslim rule was. It was a selective reading of India's past, done with the intention of sowing the seeds of communalism.' According to her, this recasting of India's past to show the British in a positive light was conceived in the aftermath of 1857. 'They felt that if these two qaums (communities) came together again, it would be detrimental to their rule,' she says. Putting Dinkar's writings in a context, Swapna Liddle says that Dinkar's writings were part of the Hindi movement of the Nagari Prachirini Sabha (see the chapter on language), which was a political movement. Dinkar's writings, according to her, reflected that movement which justified itself as opposing the hegemony of the Muslims who had imposed their culture on the Hindus. 'It was very much a part of the politics of that period. This understanding of history was required to feed into the politics of that time at various levels. It didn't matter if it was correct or not,' she says. Historian Manan Ahmed Asif has written two books, A Book of Conquest: The Chachnama and Muslim Origins in South Asia (2016) and The Loss of Hindustan, The Invention of India (2020) exploring the deliberate misrepresentation of India's past by British historians. In the latter he writes, 'In the colonial episteme it is the Muslim medieval that is demonised, elided, ignored and put up as the literal Dark Age between the Golden Age of ancient India and the modern liberal age of British rule.' British historiographers viewed Arab and Persian texts through two lenses. They accepted as truth the portions where the scribes lauded their emperors as 'Ghazi' (Islamic warriors), eulogizing their role as destroyers of idols. However, they dismissed their writings on administration and policies as superfluous or propaganda. To achieve this, Ahmed writes, 'The 'India' that colonial powers made was filled with cliched natives, invented temporalities, and religious antagonisms presumed to be factual and true. In contrast, 'Hindustan' was made to be figurative, a place of false harmonies, limited geographies, and forgotten languages. The philologists asserted the supremacy of texts such as the Manusmriti to contextualise 'custom' and law. Colonial historians sidelined Persian histories as demonstrative solely of Muslim despotism.' Curiously, Indian nationalists, including Nehru and Dinkar, accepted the colonial construct of Indian history, because as Professor Abhay Kumar Dubey says, giving the example of the South American continent, 'The colonial powers controlled the historical narratives of the lands they conquered to control the thinking of the natives.' Perhaps this explains why Nehru also looked at the reign of only Emperor Ashoka as India's 'Golden Age', which 'India' must aspire to reclaim. Ghazala Wahab is the editor of FORCE magazine. She has written Born A Muslim: Some Truths About Islam in India (winner of Book of the Year Award, non-fiction, at the Tata Literature Live and Atta Galatta), edited The Peacemakers, and Dragon On Our Doorstep: Managing China Through Military Power (with Pravin Sawhney). The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.
Time of India
07-07-2025
- General
- Time of India
This 200-year-old Madhya Pradesh temple brings Hindus and Muslims together on Muharrum for a sacred ritual
In a moving show of communal harmony , Muharram processions in the small town of Bhander continue to honour a nearly two-century-old tradition: paying respects to Lord Krishna at the Chaturbhuj temple before proceeding toward Karbala. On Sunday, as 37 tazias (ceremonial Muharram tableaux) made their way through the streets of Bhander in Datia district, they paused outside the Chaturbhuj Maharaj temple — offering a 'salami' (salute) to the deity in a ritual that has long been part of the town's collective heritage. Built by a Muslim family, guarded by a shared faith What makes this tradition remarkable is that the temple itself was constructed nearly 200 years ago by a local Muslim family — the Hazaris — and even today, the site stands as a testament to the shared faith and culture known as Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb . "This year we had 37 tazias, and on the last day, the route passes first through Chaturbhuj Maharaj temple and then to the Karbala," Abdul Jabbar, head of the Bhander Karbala Committee , told ToI. "The tazias first pay 'salami' before moving ahead. The priest of the temple comes out and blesses the tazias." For 63-year-old Jabbar, the ritual is deeply personal. "I am 63 years old and I have seen it since my childhood. The idol at the temple was found centuries ago by a local Muslim family named the Hazari family in Sontalai, a pond situated in the town. The family then built the temple." Live Events He recounted a powerful tale passed down through generations — about the idol refusing to move unless a Hazari family member was present during the annual 'gyaras' holy bath. "Later, close to the country's Independence, only one elderly female member of the Hazari family was alive. She too was bedridden, and on gyaras when people couldn't lift the idol, she was somehow brought to the temple. The folklore says, 'here she prayed and told the idol, Ab uth jaana , koi nahi aa payega humare parivar se (from now on get lifted, no one from our family will be able to come now).' It is said, people were able to move the idol since then." From generation to generation, the legacy continues Ramesh Panda, the current temple priest, says his family has served at the temple for generations — and always with the support of the Muslim community. 'The temple has around 5 bighas of land donated by the Muslim family that built it. It's a nearly 200-year-old temple. My maternal grandfather used to be the priest there. After his death, my father became the priest, and after his death, I am the priest,' he told TOI. He also recalled times of communal tension, when the local Muslim community stepped forward to protect the temple. 'The temple was not only built by a Muslim family but guarded by Muslims. I remember decades ago there was communal tension. At that time, police arrived here but local Muslims came forward assuring the administration that they would guard the temple and no police or force was required,' Panda said.
Time of India
06-07-2025
- General
- Time of India
In true Ganga-Jamuni spirit, tazias pay ‘salami' to Lord Krishna in Bhander town
Bhopal: In a rare gesture of 'Ganga-Jamuni' tehzeeb in Bhander town of Datia district of Madhya Pradesh, tazias (Muharram tableaux) by the Muslim community first paid 'salami' to Lord Krishna before moving to Karbala on Sunday. This was not a rare occasion but an age-old ritual followed in the town. The approximately 200-year-old Chaturbhuj Krishna temple was constructed by a Muslim family in Bhander town. Ever since, it has become a tradition for the tazias to stop before the temple for 'salami' to Chaturbhuj Maharaj (Lord Krishna) before moving ahead. Bhander Karbala committee chief Abdul Jabbar told TOI, "This year we had 37 tazias, and on the last day, the route passes first through Chaturbhuj Maharaj temple and then to the Karbala. The tazias first pay 'salami' before moving ahead. The priest of the temple comes out and blesses the tazias." He added, "I am 63 years old and I have seen it since my childhood. The idol at the temple was found centuries ago by a local Muslim family named the Hazari family in Sontalai, a pond situated in the town. The family then built the temple." He continued, "Our elders used to tell us when we were kids that on 'gyaras' when temple idols come out for a holy bath, the idol used to come out only after at least one member of the Hazari family was present. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Start Here - 2025 Top Trend Local network access control Esseps Learn More Undo In their absence, even hundreds of men would not be able to lift or move the idol. Later, close to the country's Independence, only one elderly female member of the Hazari family was alive. She too was bedridden, and on gyaras when people couldn't lift the idol, she was somehow brought to the temple. The folklore says, 'here she prayed and told the idol, Ab uth jaana, koi nahi aa payega humare parivar se' (from now on get lifted, no one from our family will be able to come now). It is said, people were able to move the idol since then." According to the priest at the temple, who has been serving here for generations, the Hazari family not only built the temple but also donated land for it. "The temple has around 5 bighas of land donated by the Muslim family that built it. It's a nearly 200-year-old temple. My maternal grandfather used to be the priest there. After his death, my father became the priest, and after his death, I am the priest," says Ramesh Panda, 67. "The temple was not only built by a Muslim family but guarded by Muslims. I remember decades ago there was communal tension. At that time, police arrived here but local Muslims came forward assuring the administration that they would guard the temple and no police or force was required," he added. Bhopal: In a rare gesture of 'Ganga-Jamuni' tehzeeb in Bhander town of Datia district of Madhya Pradesh, tazias (Muharram tableaux) by the Muslim community first paid 'salami' to Lord Krishna before moving to Karbala on Sunday. This was not a rare occasion but an age-old ritual followed in the town. The approximately 200-year-old Chaturbhuj Krishna temple was constructed by a Muslim family in Bhander town. Ever since, it has become a tradition for the tazias to stop before the temple for 'salami' to Chaturbhuj Maharaj (Lord Krishna) before moving ahead. Bhander Karbala committee chief Abdul Jabbar told TOI, "This year we had 37 tazias, and on the last day, the route passes first through Chaturbhuj Maharaj temple and then to the Karbala. The tazias first pay 'salami' before moving ahead. The priest of the temple comes out and blesses the tazias." He added, "I am 63 years old and I have seen it since my childhood. The idol at the temple was found centuries ago by a local Muslim family named the Hazari family in Sontalai, a pond situated in the town. The family then built the temple." He continued, "Our elders used to tell us when we were kids that on 'gyaras' when temple idols come out for a holy bath, the idol used to come out only after at least one member of the Hazari family was present. In their absence, even hundreds of men would not be able to lift or move the idol. Later, close to the country's Independence, only one elderly female member of the Hazari family was alive. She too was bedridden, and on gyaras when people couldn't lift the idol, she was somehow brought to the temple. The folklore says, 'here she prayed and told the idol, Ab uth jaana, koi nahi aa payega humare parivar se' (from now on get lifted, no one from our family will be able to come now). It is said, people were able to move the idol since then." According to the priest at the temple, who has been serving here for generations, the Hazari family not only built the temple but also donated land for it. "The temple has around 5 bighas of land donated by the Muslim family that built it. It's a nearly 200-year-old temple. My maternal grandfather used to be the priest there. After his death, my father became the priest, and after his death, I am the priest," says Ramesh Panda, 67. "The temple was not only built by a Muslim family but guarded by Muslims. I remember decades ago there was communal tension. At that time, police arrived here but local Muslims came forward assuring the administration that they would guard the temple and no police or force was required," he added.
Time of India
06-07-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Khurshid calls for harmony amid row over kanwar route dhaba names
1 2 3 4 Agra: Amid tensions over dhabas named after Hindu deities in Muzaffarnagar, Congress veteran Salman Khurshid called for mutual respect and cultural understanding among communities, saying such gestures must not be viewed negatively when done respectfully. Khurshid was in Muzaffarnagar on Sunday to meet local Congress workers. Khurshid, former foreign minister, said, "If someone includes the deities or beliefs of others in their life as a mark of respect, especially during personal struggles, it should be seen positively." He was referring to the row around Pandit Ji Dhaba on Kanwar Route in Muzaffarnagar, where members of a Hindu outfit led by self-styled seer Swami Yashveer Maharaj allegedly attempted to pull down a staffer's pants to verify his religious identity. Khurshid said, "Whoever did something wrong in this matter, I would say, it was not right." He added, "We have lived together, and we believe in Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb. In this country, our identity is that of a citizen, linked to our beliefs and religion. But in our constitution, all religions have been given equal status. We all should respect this." On political matters, he addressed speculation around the India alliance ahead of the Bihar assembly polls. "The top leaders discuss the alliance from time to time. The alliance has not broken yet, and no one has said that we do not have an alliance. Whatever success we achieved in the elections through the alliance is in front of everyone. What is the contribution of Congress to it, and what is the contribution of Samajwadi Party? They all know it. Keeping in mind it our leaders will take further decisions on it."
The Hindu
19-06-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Rights activists demand withdrawal of award to Razakar
A gathering of civil rights groups under the banner of Association for Protection of Civil Rights on Thursday said giving an award to the film Razakar is a violation of the revolutionary spirit of Gaddar and an insult to Telangana's culture and history. 'Gaddar refused Nandi Awards twice. Instituting an award on his name is wrong. But handing over an award named after him to a divisive, mischievous and historically toxic movie like Razakar is plain wrong,' said N. Venugopal, speaking at a press conference in Hyderabad. 'The movie sows seeds of discord among the people of Telangana who have lived together with Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb,' said Mr. Venugopal, author and journalist, as he narrated how the movie sank at the box office. 'The Congress party, which opposed Razakar before its release due to its divisive content, has now endorsed its recognition through the State-backed Gaddar Awards. This contradictory stance has deeply hurt the sentiments of Muslims and secular-minded people across Telangana, who view the awards as an endorsement of communal propaganda,' said another speaker on the occasion. 'Revoke the Gaddar Award conferred on Razakar movie, and reassess the award selection process,' said a spokesperson for the Association for Protection of Civil Rights.
