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Morocco World
06-07-2025
- Politics
- Morocco World
How Poland, Romania, and Hungary Reflect Europe's Populist Shift
Poland's recent presidential election and Romania's unexpected voter turnout reflect contrasting political trajectories. Yet beneath the surface, both countries—alongside the frequently defiant Hungary—reflect a broader European tension: can liberal values, EU integration, and youth empowerment withstand the surge of populism? In recent interviews with Morocco World News, students from these countries offered their views on the changing political landscape. Their voices reveal not just frustration, but a commitment to reclaiming democratic control. Romania: Standing Firm with Europe Romania's May 2025 presidential elections diverged significantly from the nationalist surge seen across much of Europe. Nicusor Dan, an independent centrist with a pro-European platform, defeated far-right rival George Simion with 54% of the vote. Youth turnout was key—with the eligible voter turnout at 65%, the highest in over two decades. This reflected a rejection of populist theatrics in favor of substantive governance in partnership with EU and NATO values. In an interview with MWN, one Romanian student offered a nuanced perspective: 'It's not necessarily an education problem—it's the willing ignorance of the population. […] The culmination of the challenging economic situation and geopolitical detachment of governments over the past decade [gives the] sense that the mainstream government has failed the common man, so they turn to more radical expressive individuals.' The students noted a pervasive distrust in traditional news outlets and the growing influence of social media that often distorts reality: 'There's a lot of distrust and lack of credibility in the news. The shift towards easily manipulated short form content can amplify misinformation.' While George Simion's AUR party has made gains in recent years, it appears to resonate more with older generations. 'Among students, not really,' another respondent said. 'The older generations tend to resonate with the traditional political norms of the past.' Perhaps most telling is the evolving stance on Europe. 'There is a growing anti-European sentiment, not necessarily among the youth. […] This extremism is based around sovereignty, that the EU wants to take control of Romania,' one student explained. '[AUR shifts] blame on globalisation and on Europe instead of taking accountability for the scars left by the communist past.' Nevertheless, the pro-EU resolve students share is stronger than ever—especially after the previous populist front‑runner, Calin Georgescu, was revealed to have benefited from Russian-backed social media campaigns. That scandal triggered a national investigation and a court annulment of the November 2024 election due to suspected foreign interference. Poland: Between Brussels and Warsaw Poland's June 2025 runoff saw Karol Nawrocki, a PiS-aligned conservative, narrowly elected with 50.89%. While formally independent, Nawrocki's views align with nationalist skepticism of Brussels—home to the EU headquarters—and opposes broader social liberalization. His election has created a palpable split. As one Polish student told MWN: 'I don't think it will be much different. […] Nawrocki [might] be a bit more aggressive than Duda [the current PiS President] in opposing the laws being passed by the liberal government. In terms of relationships with the EU, Poland will continue to be a bit more distant but there certainly won't be an anti-EU Brexit type sentiment [like in the UK].' The student continued by explaining Nawrocki's sentiment of resisting EU federalisation—an idea that the EU would turn into a centralized system of governance, similar to the likes of the US: 'I agree with the idea of not wanting to federalise the EU and bringing all of Europe under the watchful eye of Germany and France, which is what many Polish people believe,' the student explained, clarifying the growing tension of losing judicial independence. The student added a more critical note: 'However Nawrocki's election will definitely halt the more progressive stance proposed by the Prime Minister [Donald Tusk] and his government, and we likely won't be seeing any sort of 'westernisation' in terms of abortion rights or LGBT rights during his presidency.' Poland's stance on Ukraine also complicates the narrative. While the government has remained a vocal supporter of military aid, the student explained how nationalist rhetoric has crept into domestic discourse: 'There has always been a somewhat anti-Ukrainian sentiment in Poland due to historical factors and disagreements. The president-elect wishes to continue military support for Ukraine […] but the overall stance of the right wing is anti-immigrant, which of course impacts the way Ukrainian people are perceived in Poland.' This reflects the ongoing populist paradox: defending European borders while distancing from European values. Hungary: Populism Entrenched Hungary remains the most consolidated example of right-wing populist rule in the EU. Under Viktor Orban's Fidesz party, media freedoms, academic independence, and civil society space have all narrowed. One Hungarian student described a clear generational and class divide to MWN: 'Young Hungarians [are] generally empathetic towards the EU and Europe as historically there has been distrust in the Hungarian government. […] My friends live in Budapest, which generally is a left-leaning bubble of safety when it comes to politically induced hardship. They do not yet feel the impact of [Orban's] censorship. Rurally, the people fully support right-wing propaganda such as anti immigrant sentiment.' Orban's grip on media and civil society is no abstraction. 'Orban has taken over or taken down any largely available public media that opposed his leadership,' the student explained. When asked about Hungary's continued resistance to EU sanctions on Russia, the student expressed deep frustration towards the opportunistic leadership: 'Generally the sentiment is that Hungary's leadership is […] money hungry rather than actively malicious. Much of the propaganda is based on issues that are very minor and function as figureheads for the populist argument.' Another student echoed the pro-EU sentiment: 'Many of us want to be both European and Hungarian. Orban makes it seem like we have to choose. That's not how we want to see our country.' The Region at a Political Crossroads The responses from students across Eastern Europe point to a shared reality: the younger generation is not passive. They are watching, participating, and resisting. Poland's new presidency may stall liberal reform, but youth engagement—especially in urban settings—remains high. Romania's pro-European tilt proves that substance and transparency can still win elections. Hungary's students, even in a constrained civic space, are finding ways to make their voices heard. What links these perspectives is a sense of urgency and generational accountability. Students don't merely vote—they advocate, organize, and interpret the stakes through their lived experience. The European Outlook With far-right parties like France's Rassemblement National and Germany's AfD gaining momentum, the political decisions emerging from Eastern Europe are becoming increasingly influential. Poland and Hungary's defiance of EU rule-of-law mechanisms has long tested Brussels' resolve. Romania's pivot suggests that populist momentum is not inevitable—but rather subject to the strength of democratic participation. The expected 2029 European Parliament elections will offer a decisive gauge. But the direction Europe takes may rest on whether young people continue to speak out and turn up at the ballot box. As one Romanian student said, 'We understand what's at stake. This time, we made sure to be heard.' Tags: African immigration to Europepolitical shift in Europe
LeMonde
05-07-2025
- Politics
- LeMonde
For the first time in Romania, a Romani person has been appointed minister
With the victory of independent center-right candidate Nicusor Dan over far-right leader George Simion in the presidential election on May 18, a sense of renewal seemed to sweep through Romanian politics. But in the coalition led by the liberal Ilie Bolojan, which was sworn in on June 23, continuity has prevailed. Seven of the 16 ministers had already served in the previous government, and only two women received ministerial portfolios. One appointment stood out nonetheless, that of 41-year-old Petre-Florin Manole, the first Romani person to serve as a minister in the country's history, in charge of labor, family, youth and social solidarity. "The first openly Romani person to obtain a ministerial position – and not just any ministry," said Romani sociologist Ciprian Necula with satisfaction. The word "openly" is significant in Romanian, as many public figures avoid disclosing their Romani origins for fear of stigma. The 2021 census, which allowed people to declare their affiliation with one of the country's 19 national minorities, counted 569,477 Romani people out of a population of 19.1 million. In reality, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and Romanian authorities estimate the true number is two to three times higher.
The Guardian
02-07-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
The EU gave Romania's migrant workers the chance to build a new life. Why are they turning against it?
It would be reasonable to assume that people who move from one EU country to another in search of work and opportunity are among the union's most reliable supporters. Freedom of movement within the 27-nation bloc is, after all, one of the big advantages of EU citizenship. But Romania's diaspora has recently upended that theory. With about a quarter of its 19 million citizens living abroad, mostly in western Europe, Romania has the largest diaspora in the EU. About two-thirds are economic migrants: picking fruit in Andalusia, caring for elderly people in Vienna, laying bricks in Brussels. In 2023 alone they sent home €6.5bn in remittances, almost 3% of Romania's GDP, sustaining communities across the country. In Romania's tense presidential re-run in May, the pro-Europe candidate, Nicușor Dan, carried the election, seeing off his far-right Eurosceptic challenger, George Simion, in the decisive round. After months of political chaos, the outcome drew sighs of relief across the EU. Complacency would be deeply unwise, however, because among Romanian voters abroad, Simion was the clear winner, scoring nearly 70% of the vote in diaspora-heavy countries such as Germany, Italy and Spain. For years, Romania's diaspora mostly supported centrist, pro-European candidates. So why would nearly 1 million of them embrace a candidate who questions Romania's place in the EU? Simion's inflammatory past statements about the EU include: 'We don't want to be secondhand citizens of this new Soviet Union.' Among Romanians working abroad, such sentiments appear to have struck a chord. The answer, for me, lies in years of political neglect: from Bucharest, host countries and Brussels alike, many Romanians feel invisible and unheard. The pandemic and the cost-of-living crisis deepened their discontent, which the far right has fanned and weaponised through disinformation and emotional manipulation, turning it into a potent political force. 'I know how hard it was for you to leave – your parents, your children, your roots,' Simion said in a campaign video addressed to diaspora voters in April. 'You are our nation's greatest wealth. Without you, we cannot rebuild anything that will endure.' Despite their crucial role in the prosperity of Romania and the EU at large, these migrant workers remain politically marginalised and underrepresented. The Turkish diaspora's support for Recep Tayyip Erdoğan offers a cautionary parallel: alienation abroad can harden into authoritarian sympathy at home. Had the Romanian election been solely an indictment of the country's political establishment, Dan, with a record of fighting corruption as Bucharest's mayor, would surely have won more diaspora votes than Simion. But the opposite happened, because this vote was perceived to be more about dignity, recognition and a deep emotional reckoning than it was about anti-establishment credentials. For decades, the state's message to Romanians abroad has been blunt: send remittances, give us your vote, but don't expect representation. For years, state-funded organisations that supposedly support Romanians abroad have done little to meet the pressing needs of workers in host countries, such as legal aid, or Romanian language classes for children. Governments of the countries Romanians typically move to have not done much better. Despite theoretically enjoying equal treatment with workers in the host countries and protection from discrimination, Romanians in practice often face exploitative conditions, social exclusion and scant access to public services. For many of them, the promise of European opportunity has become a reality of European marginalisation. The pandemic made matters worse, as many, especially those in precarious or seasonal work, were excluded from social protection, healthcare and financial aid in their host countries, while Romanian authorities actively discouraged them from returning home. Rising inflation and the cost-of-living crisis led to remittances falling sharply in 2024. This dual alienation created fertile ground for the far right – which Simion has exploited since founding AUR (the Alliance for the Union of Romanians) in 2019. True, by the 2024 presidential race, Simion's outsider appeal had faded, and he finished fourth in the first round of voting. But Simion was eclipsed by another ultra-nationalist, Călin Georgescu, who called the EU a 'pile of shards'. Georgescu also channelled diaspora discontent, but with even more radical language. Rejecting the 'diaspora' label, he called workers abroad 'the other Romania', saying they were the country's biggest investor and urging them to return. On social media, his promises were turbocharged by disinformation. Sign up to Headlines Europe A digest of the morning's main headlines from the Europe edition emailed direct to you every week day after newsletter promotion It worked: in November 2024, Georgescu unexpectedly won the presidential election's first round. Romania's constitutional court annulled the election, citing foreign interference. Georgescu was consequently barred from entering the rescheduled 2025 race. For many abroad, this felt like yet another elite betrayal, which allowed Simion to inherit his base. With Dan now president, the diaspora's grievances are still simmering. A real shift is required: Romania must treat its diaspora as a political constituency in its own right, with sustained engagement and representation. At the EU level, a similar rethink is needed: diasporas must be recognised not just as economic agents, but as full political actors. Action will certainly be difficult in an era where the far right is advancing not just at home, but in Brussels. The surge in votes for far-right parties in the 2024 European elections made that clear. But the warning signs are flashing red. Leaders from Bucharest to Brussels only have a narrow window to respond. The alternative – continued far-right mobilisation of diaspora communities – threatens not just individual countries, but the European project as a whole. If the EU cannot maintain the loyalty of its own migrant workers, its long-term survival must surely be in doubt. Raluca Besliu is a Romanian journalist based in Brussels
BreakingNews.ie
27-05-2025
- General
- BreakingNews.ie
Populist frontrunner in Romania's cancelled election to step back from politics
Calin Georgescu, the populist whose bid for Romania's presidency last year resulted in the annulment of an election in the European Union and Nato member country, has announced he is stepping away from political life. Mr Georgescu upended Romania's political landscape last November when he ran as an independent and unexpectedly surged to frontrunner in the first round of the presidential election, going from an obscure candidate to beating the incumbent prime minister. Advertisement 'I choose to be a passive observer of public and social life,' the 63-year-old said in a video posted online late on Monday. 'I choose to remain outside any political party structure … I am not affiliated with any political group in any way.' Calin Georgescu, centre, upended Romania's political landscape last November (Vadim Ghirda/AP) Despite denying any wrongdoing, Mr Georgescu was barred from the tense election rerun held in May, won by pro-EU candidate Nicusor Dan, who was officially sworn in on Monday. Mr Dan, a mathematician and former Bucharest mayor, beat the hard-right nationalist George Simion, who became Mr Georgescu's nominal successor. Advertisement Mr Georgescu said he had made his decision to take a step back following the conclusion of the presidential race, which for him indicated 'the sovereignist movement has come to a close'. 'Even though this political chapter has ended, I am convinced that the values and ideals we fought for together remain steadfast,' he said. 'My dear ones, I have always said that we would make history, not politics.' The outcome of Mr Georgescu's success in last year's chaotic election cycle sent shockwaves through Romania's political establishment. It also left many observers wondering how most local surveys had put him behind at least five other candidates. Advertisement Mr Georgescu was barred from the tense election rerun held this month (Andreea Alexandru/AP) Despite what appeared to be a sprawling social media campaign promoting him, Mr Georgescu had declared zero campaign spending. A top Romanian court then made the unprecedented move to annul the election after allegations emerged of electoral violations and Russian interference. In February, prosecutors opened criminal proceedings against Mr Georgescu, accusing him of incitement to undermine the constitutional order, election campaign funding abuses, and founding or supporting fascist, racist, xenophobic, or antisemitic organisations, among other charges. He was due to appear at the prosecutor's office in Bucharest on Tuesday. Advertisement Once a member of Mr Simion's hard-right Alliance for the Unity of Romanians, Mr Georgescu left the party in 2022 after a period of infighting. He was accused by colleagues of being pro-Russian and critical of Nato, the US-led military alliance to which Romania belongs. He sparked controversy for describing Romanian fascist and nationalist leaders from the 1930s and 1940s as national heroes. He has also praised Russian president Vladimir Putin in the past as 'a man who loves his country' and has questioned Ukraine's statehood, but he claims not to be pro-Russian. The presidential election was won by pro-EU candidate Nicusor Dan (Andreea Alexandru/AP) After Romania's decision to cancel the election last year, Mr Georgescu became a cause celebre among nationalists, with support coming from figures such as US vice president JD Vance and tech billionaire Elon Musk — who both criticised Romania for annulling the vote. Mr Georgescu has argued the election was 'cancelled illegally and unconstitutionally', and after he was barred from the May rerun, he accused the authorities of 'inventing evidence to justify the theft' of the elections. Advertisement Earlier this year, thousands of protesters took to the streets of Bucharest in a show of support for Mr Georgescu, who cemented his status as a persecuted anti-system candidate, railing against a corrupt political class. 'I deeply understand what many of you have gone through: you suffered, you were harassed, humiliated, wronged, and marginalised,' Mr Georgescu said on Monday, adding that he might return to politics 'if a serious opportunity arises that could bring real benefits to Romania and the Romanian people'.
Associated Press
27-05-2025
- Politics
- Associated Press
Calin Georgescu, frontrunner in Romania's canceled election, announces withdrawal from politics
BUCHAREST, Romania (AP) — Calin Georgescu, the controversial populist whose bid for Romania's presidency last year resulted in the annulment of an election in the European Union and NATO member country, announced he is stepping away from political life. Georgescu upended Romania's political landscape last November when he ran as an independent and unexpectedly surged to frontrunner in the first round of the presidential election, going from an obscure candidate to beating the incumbent prime minister. 'I choose to be a passive observer of public and social life,' the 63-year-old said in a video posted online late Monday. 'I choose to remain outside any political party structure … I am not affiliated with any political group in any way.' Despite denying any wrongdoing, Georgescu was barred from the tense election rerun held in May, won by pro-EU candidate Nicusor Dan, who was officially sworn in on Monday. Dan, a mathematician and former Bucharest mayor, beat the hard-right nationalist George Simion, who became Georgescu's nominal successor. Georgescu said he made his decision to take a step back following the conclusion of the presidential race, which for him indicated 'the sovereignist movement has come to a close.' 'Even though this political chapter has ended, I am convinced that the values and ideals we fought for together remain steadfast,' he said. 'My dear ones, I have always said that we would make history, not politics.' The outcome of Georgescu's success in last year's chaotic election cycle sent shockwaves through Romania's political establishment. It also left many observers wondering how most local surveys had put him behind at least five other candidates. Despite what appeared to be a sprawling social media campaign promoting him, Georgescu had declared zero campaign spending. A top Romanian court then made the unprecedented move to annul the election after allegations emerged of electoral violations and Russian interference. In February, prosecutors opened criminal proceedings against Georgescu, accusing him of incitement to undermine the constitutional order, election campaign funding abuses, and founding or supporting fascist, racist, xenophobic, or antisemitic organizations, among other charges. On Tuesday, he was due to appear at the prosecutor's office in Bucharest. Once a member of Simion's hard-right Alliance for the Unity of Romanians, Georgescu left the party in 2022 after a period of infighting. He was accused by colleagues of being pro-Russian and critical of NATO, the U.S.-led military alliance to which Romania belongs. He sparked controversy for describing Romanian fascist and nationalist leaders from the 1930s and 1940s as national heroes. He has also praised Russian President Vladimir Putin in the past as 'a man who loves his country' and has questioned Ukraine's statehood, but he claims not to be pro-Russian. After Romania's decision to cancel the election last year, Georgescu became a cause célèbre among nationalists, with support coming from figures such as U.S. Vice President JD Vance and tech billionaire Elon Musk — who both criticized Romania for annulling the vote. Georgescu has argued the election was 'canceled illegally and unconstitutionally,' and after he was barred from the May rerun, he accused the authorities of 'inventing evidence to justify the theft' of the elections. Earlier this year, thousands of protesters took to the streets of Bucharest in a show of support for Georgescu, who cemented his status as a persecuted anti-system candidate, railing against a corrupt political class. 'I deeply understand what many of you have gone through: you suffered, you were harassed, humiliated, wronged, and marginalized,' Georgescu said Monday, adding he might return to politics 'if a serious opportunity arises that could bring real benefits to Romania and the Romanian people.'
