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Irish Times
24-07-2025
- Politics
- Irish Times
A Marshall Plan is needed for loyalist communities, and so much more
The Twelfth of July passed off mostly peacefully, even if the effigy of mannequins dressed up as immigrants burned on a loyalist bonfire in Moygashel near Dungannon will leave a lingering bad taste in the mouth. The hostility towards outsiders displayed by the bonfire, however, holds important messages not about those who have come to Northern Ireland for a better life, but, rather, about some of those who never left. For some loyalists, outsiders threaten to dilute identity and a way of life, with feelings most acute where they feel most neglected, or most affected by the changes that have taken place around them. The offensiveness of the bonfire in the Tyrone village is an expression of hopelessness and desperation, attempting by way of a tribal display to declare who they are, rather than who they are not. Moygashel provokes two observations about loyalism, one where identity exists in a cycle of hopelessness and despair and another that demands urgent attention because of that hopelessness and despair. One should not, and must not, assume that the feelings represented by the bonfire speak for all loyalism, but they do point to a sickness at the heart of loyalist culture. too often dismissive, isolating and extreme. This is not just about emotion, but something buried deep in the heart of loyalist communities, supported by the continued existence of loyalist paramilitary groups. The formal process of engagement with loyalist paramilitaries now being mooted by the Irish and British governments offers hope that extreme elements can be confronted, or, better again, disbanded. The independent 'expert' body – announced, but not yet set up – that will get a year to report on the disbandment of paramilitary groups in Northern Ireland raises the prospect that serious action might follow. Importantly, though, the disbandment case must be so overwhelming that it exposes the futility of the argument made so often that paramilitary groups are needed to maintain communal safety and order in loyalist communities. Effigies of migrants in a boat burn atop a bonfire at Moygashel, Co Tyrone. Photograph Niall Carson/PA Everyone must see the benefits of such change, especially loyalist communities themselves and those within them who would most object, and resist efforts to bring about disbandment. For that to happen, the conversation must move far beyond condemnation and calls for tougher policing. Instead, real action is needed with deadlines and objectives that will be honoured, not just promised. Graham Spencer, University of Portsmouth Better policing is required to stop the criminality and exploitation that continues to blight poor loyalist districts and both remain the most obvious signs of the reach of paramilitaries in those communities. The report that ensues from whoever is chosen by Dublin and London to lead the scoping work should be clear on what is demanded of the paramilitaries, but, also, Stormont and London. So, what is needed? First, a group that brings together loyalist AND unionist leaders, along with a business and enterprise group involving loyalists and key business figure to drive economic progress in long-forgotten communities. Equally, efforts should be made to attract significant US/European investment in technology, manufacturing, sports and creative industries into loyalist areas, backed by assistance from Stormont and the Northern Ireland Office Loyalist communities should drive efforts to tackle sectarianism, while a civic forum should be established, too – along with a body whose job it should be to gather oral testimony from those who have lived in these communities for generations. Politicians, business, both local and international business, unionist politicians must also step up to the plate, using the 2018 transformation statement made by the three loyalist paramilitary groups as a template to lay out who should do what, and when. Importantly, loyalist paramilitaries must look honestly at their own histories, and, with help, give an honest and serious account of what they, The Troubles and the subsequent peace process did to their communities. Critical self-reflection is key. If change is to come, the focus must be on the lives that can in future be led in loyalist communities, rather than people seeking to win arguments about the disappearance of the paramilitaries themselves, if that can be brought about. Since the Belfast Agreement, loyalist leaders have claimed their role has shifted from paramilitarism to work in the community, but that 'transition' has come to mean a process without end. Good work on education and community programmes does exist within loyalist communities, but the contradictory and never-ending problem of transition is heightened when they continue to recruit new members. Significantly, the notion of transition is itself problematic in loyalist communities – or in unionism more generally – where there is no tradition or appetite for it. Here, transition means change and change means loss. The emphasis has always been on preservation and holding ground and the idea of transition risks being dangerous precisely because it is a criticism about what one has and so what one is. Change presented as 'transition' may be liked by conflict resolution theorists, but life is more complicated in a society where the architecture built up in conflict stubbornly continues to exist long after the guns have fallen silent. Yet without a structured and planned change loyalist communities will remain stuck in a cycle of hopelessness and despair. In such an environment the expression of identity as increasingly confrontational and hostile should come as no surprise. Graham Spencer is emeritus professor of social and political conflict at the University of Portsmouth
Irish Times
09-07-2025
- Politics
- Irish Times
Unionism must offer a positive future, not hark back to a past that was often dark and divided
Northern Ireland's unionist political leaders have shared many stages in the past to oppose the Anglo-Irish Agreement, restrictions on Drumcree marches in the 1990s, or the various chapters of Brexit . On each such occasion, those watching may have understood what those unionist leaders were against, but they will rarely have been sure about the future they offered to those listening to them. Is it possible, however, to imagine unionist leaders putting forward a positive, optimistic, generous, open vision of a Northern Ireland content inside the United Kingdom with the same energy and purpose? Or, to put it more bluntly, can political unionism paint a vision of a better future for everyone in Northern Ireland, rather than presenting itself often as being unable to do much about a worsening one? READ MORE The reason this is so difficult to imagine is because political unionism for decades has always struggled miserably to deal with the tension caused between hankering after the past, and being fearful about the future. For many of them, the former evokes memories of belonging and security, but the latter surely requires creativity, reflexivity and imagination to meet the uncertainties of the world to come. Graham Spencer, emeritus professor of social and political conflict at the University of Portsmouth Political unionism remains stuck between these two poles, harking back to a past that cannot be recovered, but unable to use its own heritage to demonstrate unionism's relevance to today. This problem became especially acute after the 1998 Belfast Agreement: Sinn Féin used that moment to develop a transformed image through new forms of political representation. In the wake of the agreement, divided unionists, though, largely stood still, unable to mobilise the hope and expectations of the moment to demonstrate the value and benefit of change that it could bring. [ Unionists must ask themselves: 'is this as good as it gets?' Opens in new window ] Not surprisingly, unionism's tendency to avoid building a future of co-operation and powersharing has meant it has been unable to develop productive social and political relationships since. If these failings are not confronted and addressed, unionism's social and political significance will continue to diminish, reduced to a relic of missed opportunities, undermining the value of the union as they do. Without working to create and shape a future of possibilities and advancements the political message offered by unionist leaders of all hues, to different degrees, is stuck between pessimism and depression. How might this be addressed? Firstly, Northern Ireland's unionist parties should work together and agree a set of principles that emphasise public and social responsibilities, rather than focusing on differences and divisions. So, perhaps, I can offer a few ideas. Create employment opportunities through better education and investment; Be open to ideas for change wherever they come from; Commit to citizenship and civic responsibility through fairness, decency and respect; Adopt creative and pragmatic approaches to divisive social and political issues; Confront sectarianism, discrimination and prejudice; Build social cohesion based on social justice and democratic values; Develop relations with those outside of the Union to support change; Promote the common good; Recognise and encourage difference; Prioritise accountability and a commitment to public service. Bearing in mind that the devil is not in the detail but, as always, lies in the interpretation, one can debate, I fully accept, the meaning and definition of the principles that are outlined here. However, one should not lose sight of the main goal, which is to promote the validity and integrity of unionist politics through social co-operation rather than through division, as happens too often today. [ My generation must decide what unionism means to us. There's no Tardis to bring us back to 1955 Opens in new window ] By focusing on the delivery of and commitment to public service and accountability, a new and decent politics could emerge in Northern Ireland that goes beyond the limiting demands of tribal appeal. Important, too, is the need for recognition that any demonstrable delivery of such principles must be based on maximising benefits for all and not some at the expense of others. These principles to build a decent society are not only hard to argue against, but they would encourage unionism to think beyond divisions of identity and geography and work to achieve a common good. Unionism must rethink everything if it wants to hold on to what it cherishes, but especially it must rethink the language it uses – which is often negative, antagonistic, sometimes downright unpleasant. Words like 'safeguarding' are defensive, but 'transforming', for example, concentrates on the positive, while 'making Northern Ireland work' implies that the place does not. Instead, say 'making Northern Ireland better for all'. Communicating fear in a bid to generate solidarity would do little to meet the challenges and opportunities facing Northern Ireland as it faces the years ahead even if it were a far less complicated place than it is. The reinforcement of a sense of loss and defeat does give meaning to group identity but seeing the world in hard black and white, or win or lose, does nothing to generate collaboration. Without examples of effective and respectful collaboration to address problems, fears become more entrenched, further exacerbating the divisive atmosphere in which they thrive. Declarations of certainty may be reassuring but they are unrealistic and cement polarisation. Unionism must recognise that much of what it has been doing is self-defeating, offers nothing news and only hinders change. By meeting social needs and demonstrating a commitment to serving the public as a whole, political unionism could begin to become a more expansive and progressive force for good in Northern Ireland. If it were to try, it could chime with both the challenges and opportunities of today, rather than harking back to a past that is gone. Whether unionist politicians can see, or be made to see, value in this is another matter entirely.
BBC News
25-03-2025
- Health
- BBC News
Derbyshire nurse's autism diagnosis aged 50 was a 'huge relief'
"Hearing those words was a huge relief in many ways," says Graham Spencer, a psychiatric research was 50 when he was diagnosed with autism but he suspected he was neurodivergent for many years beforehand, so it came as "no great surprise" when he was 53, Graham said he found social situations difficult as a young man but also had a deep passion for things he was interested in."I'm the same person but I am happier. You get comfortable in your own skin as you get older... we're all on a voyage of self-discovery," he told the BBC. Speaking after Neurodiversity Celebration Week, Graham said he could relate to Chelsea and England full-back Lucy Bronze, who recently spoke for the first time about her own diagnosis in who is a clinical lead at Derbyshire Healthcare NHS Foundation Trust and works at Royal Derby Hospital, said his work in mental health has helped him, like Lucy who said her condition helps her as an elite his own journey, Graham said: "Something was different... slightly different in the way you think than people around you and perhaps when I was younger that was an uncomfortable feeling."The diagnosis has been incredibly helpful in understanding how you think. Happiness in life is the relationship with your own mind." 'Clarity' Graham explained that he noticed he had repetitive behaviours and "likes a routine". He would "get a little bit stressed" if his routine was changed at the last minute."People have methodical minds, they are pattern seekers and system thinkers," he knowing he was different, Graham said he is glad his diagnosis came later in life."It is clarity. What we know about autism is expanding all of the time... the timing [of my diagnosis] came at the perfect time."As a young man, I don't think my mind would have processed the information as regularly as I have done now. "I don't think I'd have been ready for it many years ago." What is autism? People with Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) experience core difficulties which are common across the spectrum. These may include:Difficulty interpreting the behaviour and intentions of other peopleIntense interestsA tendency for compulsive or repetitive behavioursFinding relationships challengingFinding changes to routines difficultHaving trouble describing emotionsHaving difficulty with back-and-forth conversation.
