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The Star
2 days ago
- Politics
- The Star
Why South Africans are losing trust in their security forces
There is a quiet, growing disillusionment in South Africa. One that isn't expressed in protest or petitions, but in silence. People no longer expect the system to protect them — not from criminals, not from corrupt politicians, and indeed not if they decide to speak out. Confidence in the country's security cluster is in freefall, and the state's latest handling of Minister Senzo Mchunu's scandal has only deepened the sense that truth and accountability have no place in today's political landscape. On July 13, President Cyril Ramaphosa placed Police Minister Senzo Mchunu on special leave, following explosive allegations by KwaZulu-Natal police commissioner Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi. The commissioner accused Mchunu of colluding with criminal syndicates, interfering in politically sensitive murder investigations, and using his authority to disband a task team probing over a hundred unsolved political killings. The accusations, if true, represent one of the most brazen breaches of public trust by a sitting minister in recent memory. Yet despite the severity of the claims, Mchunu has not been fired. He hasn't even been suspended without pay. Instead, he's been quietly placed on paid leave while a commission of inquiry is established. And just like that, a man accused of undermining the very foundations of justice is allowed to retreat — salary and benefits intact — while the public waits, once again, for answers that may never come. The optics of this decision are catastrophic. At a time when public trust in the police has dropped to an all-time low — a recent HSRC survey found only 22% of South Africans have confidence in SAPS — the president's response appears more like damage control than leadership. And for whistleblowers, it sends a devastating message: the system doesn't just fail to protect you; it may actively reward those who put you in danger. This isn't a theoretical issue. Whistleblowers in South Africa operate in one of the most hostile environments in the democratic world. Those who expose corruption or criminal wrongdoing often face threats, intimidation, legal harassment, or even death. Babita Deokaran's assassination in 2021 was not just a tragedy — it was a signal that speaking out in this country can be a death sentence. Since then, government promises to strengthen whistleblower protection laws have amounted to little more than lip service. Draft proposals to reform the Protected Disclosures Act have yet to materialise into action. Civil society groups have repeatedly called for a comprehensive system that includes safe housing, financial support, legal assistance, and psychological care for whistleblowers. But those calls continue to go unanswered. Now, in the wake of the Mchunu scandal, the stakes have never been clearer. If a police minister can be accused of sabotaging investigations and remain in office, even temporarily, what hope is there for those who come forward with information that implicates people in power? A judicial commission, led by acting deputy-chief Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga, has been tasked with investigating the allegations. Its scope includes not just Mchunu's conduct, but broader issues of interference in the justice system by political actors. It is a necessary process, and if handled with urgency and transparency, it could restore some faith in the rule of law. But South Africans have seen this play before. Commissions that take months, sometimes years, to deliver findings. Recommendations that gather dust. Promises that fade into the next news cycle. The danger isn't just that whistleblowers will stop coming forward. It's that the public will stop caring. When accountability becomes a performance, people turn away. When justice is delayed indefinitely, it begins to resemble impunity. Ramaphosa came into office promising to clean up the state, rebuild trust, and restore integrity to public office. However, his leadership has often favoured caution over conviction. Political stability has come at the expense of moral clarity. At this moment, South Africans don't need another commission. They need a firm, unambiguous stand — a declaration that those who compromise justice will not be protected by proximity to power. It's not too late. The president can still act decisively. He can remove Mchunu from his position, demand expedited action from the inquiry, and push forward urgent reforms to protect whistleblowers. These are not radical demands — they are the minimum standard in any functioning democracy. The next whistleblower is out there. They might be a municipal clerk, a junior accountant, a medical officer, or a police officer with a conscience. They're watching the Mchunu case unfold. They're reading the silence. And they're asking themselves one very human question: is it worth it? Right now, the answer is uncertain. But if the president and his Cabinet fail to act swiftly and honestly, the silence that follows won't be peaceful — it will be the silence of a society giving up. *Mayalo is an independent writer and analyst. The views expressed are not necessarily those of IOL and Independent Media
IOL News
2 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Why South Africans are losing trust in their security forces
Hundreds marched on the streets of Durban on Tuesday, calling for "Hands Off Mkhwanazi". Image: Doctor Ngcobo/ Independent Newspapers There is a quiet, growing disillusionment in South Africa. One that isn't expressed in protest or petitions, but in silence. People no longer expect the system to protect them — not from criminals, not from corrupt politicians, and indeed not if they decide to speak out. Confidence in the country's security cluster is in freefall, and the state's latest handling of Minister Senzo Mchunu's scandal has only deepened the sense that truth and accountability have no place in today's political landscape. On July 13, President Cyril Ramaphosa placed Police Minister Senzo Mchunu on special leave, following explosive allegations by KwaZulu-Natal police commissioner Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi. The commissioner accused Mchunu of colluding with criminal syndicates, interfering in politically sensitive murder investigations, and using his authority to disband a task team probing over a hundred unsolved political killings. The accusations, if true, represent one of the most brazen breaches of public trust by a sitting minister in recent memory. Yet despite the severity of the claims, Mchunu has not been fired. He hasn't even been suspended without pay. Instead, he's been quietly placed on paid leave while a commission of inquiry is established. And just like that, a man accused of undermining the very foundations of justice is allowed to retreat — salary and benefits intact — while the public waits, once again, for answers that may never come. The optics of this decision are catastrophic. At a time when public trust in the police has dropped to an all-time low — a recent HSRC survey found only 22% of South Africans have confidence in SAPS — the president's response appears more like damage control than leadership. And for whistleblowers, it sends a devastating message: the system doesn't just fail to protect you; it may actively reward those who put you in danger. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ This isn't a theoretical issue. Whistleblowers in South Africa operate in one of the most hostile environments in the democratic world. Those who expose corruption or criminal wrongdoing often face threats, intimidation, legal harassment, or even death. Babita Deokaran's assassination in 2021 was not just a tragedy — it was a signal that speaking out in this country can be a death sentence. Since then, government promises to strengthen whistleblower protection laws have amounted to little more than lip service. Draft proposals to reform the Protected Disclosures Act have yet to materialise into action. Civil society groups have repeatedly called for a comprehensive system that includes safe housing, financial support, legal assistance, and psychological care for whistleblowers. But those calls continue to go unanswered. Now, in the wake of the Mchunu scandal, the stakes have never been clearer. If a police minister can be accused of sabotaging investigations and remain in office, even temporarily, what hope is there for those who come forward with information that implicates people in power? A judicial commission, led by acting deputy-chief Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga, has been tasked with investigating the allegations. Its scope includes not just Mchunu's conduct, but broader issues of interference in the justice system by political actors. It is a necessary process, and if handled with urgency and transparency, it could restore some faith in the rule of law. But South Africans have seen this play before. Commissions that take months, sometimes years, to deliver findings. Recommendations that gather dust. Promises that fade into the next news cycle. The danger isn't just that whistleblowers will stop coming forward. It's that the public will stop caring. When accountability becomes a performance, people turn away. When justice is delayed indefinitely, it begins to resemble impunity. Ramaphosa came into office promising to clean up the state, rebuild trust, and restore integrity to public office. However, his leadership has often favoured caution over conviction. Political stability has come at the expense of moral clarity. At this moment, South Africans don't need another commission. They need a firm, unambiguous stand — a declaration that those who compromise justice will not be protected by proximity to power. It's not too late. The president can still act decisively. He can remove Mchunu from his position, demand expedited action from the inquiry, and push forward urgent reforms to protect whistleblowers. These are not radical demands — they are the minimum standard in any functioning democracy. The next whistleblower is out there. They might be a municipal clerk, a junior accountant, a medical officer, or a police officer with a conscience. They're watching the Mchunu case unfold. They're reading the silence. And they're asking themselves one very human question: is it worth it? Right now, the answer is uncertain. But if the president and his Cabinet fail to act swiftly and honestly, the silence that follows won't be peaceful — it will be the silence of a society giving up. *Mayalo is an independent writer and analyst. The views expressed are not necessarily those of IOL and Independent Media
IOL News
2 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Erosion of public trust in South Africa: Understanding the crisis and potential solutions
Experts say that the trust deficit in most government institutions, if not all, is a systematic issue. Pictured is South African president, Cyril Ramaphosa. Image: Supplied South African citizens have had enough of poor service delivery, high levels of crime, corruption, unresponsive government, and public institutions; they believe that they have been taken for granted for too long. As a result, public trust and confidence in government and public institutions are at their lowest at present, experts say. A recent survey by the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) revealed that South Africans' trust in government institutions has declined, with the police recording 22%, the lowest since 1998. There is a trust deficit in almost all government institutions, including the Parliament. Professor Purshottama Reddy, a Public Governance expert from the University of KwaZulu-Natal, stated that the tolerance levels of the citizenry have reached their limit with compounded issues of poor municipal service delivery, notably load shedding, water outages, inflated municipal billing, and urban decay. Reddy said the erosion of public trust in South Africa's government has gradually occurred over three decades, but has significantly accelerated in the past decade. 'It started with the ushering in of coalition governments at the local level from around 2016, 2017, the deliberations of the Zondo Commission, and finally leading up to the May 2024 elections. 'I think that developments in the past week (the explosive allegations by KZN Police Commissioner Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi against police minister Senzo Mchunu, whom he accused of involvement in criminal syndicates) were the straw that broke the camel's back,' he said. He added that public institutions should be open and transparent in all their operations to restore confidence in the populace. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ 'All government activities should be open and transparent. The processes for appointments, suspensions, and dismissals, decision-making should be inclusive, and provision should be made for greater diversity in terms of different ethnic groups, as well as political representation, like what we are having now in the government of national unity. 'Some of the transgressors in some of the more widely publicised cases should be tried and sentenced. And that should send a strong message that the government is quite serious about curbing the scourge of corruption, reducing crime, and more importantly, enhancing service delivery, particularly concerning basic services,' Reddy said. He added that the anti-corruption agencies, oversight bodies, and the office of the public protector can be strengthened by appointing individuals strictly on merit. That is, people who have the qualifications, experience, expertise, and are independent. They should be firm, decisive, and undertake their tasks without favour or fear. But how did we get here? Reddy said that in 1994, when the ANC took over, the first decade of democracy went extremely well because many public functionaries, both politicians and officials, were very dedicated and sincere. He added that the first public functionaries had the requisite experience and qualifications, and they occupied senior positions, resulting in a very effective government. 'There was a high level of trust in the government then. The rot began in the second decade of democracy when some younger politicians and public servants came in. There were also a lot of political appointments to positions because of their standing in the political party, or some role they played in the struggle. The level of dedication and sincerity in terms of serving the communities was reduced somewhat. 'A lot of us did not have any problems with the people that were involved with the struggle being appointed, and so on. But, once these people were appointed, they brought in a whole lot of their friends and relatives, who did not have the qualifications, experience, which constituted a problem. And to a certain extent, this compromised service delivery,' Reddy said. He added that major governance challenges began in the second decade of democracy. These included poor service delivery, corruption, high crime levels, a lack of political and management will, a lack of inclusivity and diversity, unfulfilled promises of economic growth and job creation, and unethical leadership by public functionaries, as well as the absence of a merit-based system. 'We also saw a large number of coalitions being established at the local level, and that also created a great deal of instability in local government, because there should be guidelines governing these coalitions. 'The first of the major considerations should be service delivery. It shouldn't be a question of what is in it for the political party or the individual in terms of positions of mayor, deputy mayor, Speaker, or being on the executive. So, those are the root causes that have resulted in a decline in public trust in South Africa,' Reddy said. Dr Ngqapheli Mchunu, a senior researcher at the Human Sciences Research Council and one of the survey's authors, said while trust in the SAPS is low, at 22% in the year 2024/2025, it is not necessarily a matter of the police or SAPS trust being low in an isolative manner. It is a systemic issue because almost all the other institutions are low. Factors such as corruption, inefficiency, and a lack of sustainability contribute to the erosion of trust. Perceptions of corruption have a pull-down effect on almost all institutions because citizens will not necessarily apply or adopt a nuanced perspective to peel all the layers and get to the root problem. That process takes too long and it's too complicated, Mchunu said. 'Local government is low on trust, provincial government, national government, and even trust in political parties is very low. A trust deficit has happened in the country's democracy, and most institutions, if not all. 'We run the risk of having an illegitimate state of government in the sense that people need to endorse the state or state institutions. The minute that does not happen, people are not likely to comply or support state initiatives or projects, which essentially rely on citizens to embrace and buy into the idea of whatever it is the state is seeking to achieve,' Mchunu said. He added that an example would be the 2021/2022 national lockdown caused by Covid-19, where a lot of state guidelines were not necessarily followed, after the allegations of Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) corruption emerged. He said citizens want to see action. They want to see change; they want to see service delivery. And the minute that does not happen, while at the same time, they are reading about certain individuals getting bribed, tenders, corruption scandals in the millions and billions. That obviously ends up shaping the negative perceptions that citizens have, even though that may not have been a view that they held from the outset. Once we begin to see more positive news, like investigations or certain people being held accountable for their crimes. We will then see a rise in the popularity of SAPS, Mchunu said. Professor William Gumede from the Wits School of Governance said the government needs to take the public trust issue seriously and not respond in the same way they did in the past, where they would issue a statement and say that they are aware of the issues. 'Now, they must try to do better by bringing in the capacity of the Government of National Unity partners that are not ANC partners, bringing in the capacity outside government, where you have businesses, civil society, and professionals, and also come up with more pragmatic policies rather than ideological policies. They must come up with policies that are pro-economic growth and that can create employment,' Gumede said. 'Political will is at the heart of everything. This is the moment where the ANC must choose between itself as a party and the country. So far, the ANC has chosen the ANC; they have not chosen the country. Not choosing the ANC means not appointing ANC people who are corrupt or incompetent, just for the sake of the unity of the ANC,' Gumede said. Naledi Kuali, executive director of Defend Our Democracy, said failure to hold corrupt officials and dismantle criminal networks has resulted in a severe loss of public trust, an environment where the government is viewed as endorsing corruption. 'It is one thing for people to know corruption and state capture exist; it is another for service delivery to be so poor that people are so gravely and intimately affected by it in their everyday lives. It shows a contempt for the people and an unwillingness to be held to the promises made. Communities have stopped looking to leadership for assistance, which manifests in resentment and hopelessness towards our democracy,' Kuali said. She said accountability and transparency are effective in rebuilding public trust, adding that leadership needs not only to distance themselves from corruption but lead in a way that makes it unsustainable for the actor. Reuben Coetzer, spokesperson for Free SA, said South Africans are weary of watching inquiry after inquiry, only to see the implicated promoted, protected, or quietly forgotten. 'The credibility crisis is not just about one minister or one commission. It's about the erosion of democratic trust. We need prosecutions, resignations, recoveries of stolen funds, and above all, leadership that respects the intelligence of its people,' Coetzer said. According to the 2025 Edelman Trust Barometer South Africa report, business and NGOs remain the most trusted institutions in South Africa, with 68% and 63% respectively.
IOL News
3 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Trust in police at all time low
The Human Sciences Research Council's (HSRC) revealed that only 22% of the citizens trust the police. Image: Armand Hough/Independent Newspapers ONLY 22% of citizens trust the police, representing the lowest level of trust in 27 years, according to the Human Sciences Research Council's (HSRC). Their study released this week, days after KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi lifted the lid on the alleged malfeasance in SAPS, which also implicates Police Minister Senzo Mchunu who has since been placed on special leave. Mkhwanazi also implicated senior SAPS officials in corruption during his recent media briefing, claiming police have failed to act on evidence tying firearms to high-profile killings, including those of prominent South African artists. He accused Mchunu of sabotaging critical crime-fighting efforts by ordering the disbandment of the Political Killings Task Team, a unit established in 2018. Mkhwanazi alleged that Mchunu, in collaboration with Deputy Commissioner General Shadrack Sibiya, withdrew 121 case dockets from the team, leaving them untouched at SAPS headquarters in Pretoria, despite five being ready for arrests. He also claimed that Mchunu was in constant communication with criminal syndicates, naming a businessman, Vusimuzi 'Cat' Matlala, and an associate, Mr Brown Mogotsi (also referred to as Mahodi or Maki in various statements), as key players funding Mchunu's political activities. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Sibiya, like Mchunu was placed on special leave Tuesday as Mkhwanazi's allegations now form part of a judicial commission of inquiry to be headed by acting Deputy Chief Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga. The HSRC survey also found that well-publicised instances of police abuse or failure can also seem to reduce public confidence, while perceptions of police corruption also had a strong, negative effect on police confidence. Mkhwanazi's allegations represent another decisive moment for policing in South Africa, the outcome of which will have a significant bearing on the project to rebuild public trust, said the HSRC. "Not once during this 27-year interval did more than half the adult public say that they trusted the police. This suggests that the issue of police legitimacy is by no means a new one. "Over the 1998 to 2010 period, the average level of trust in the police was relatively static. It ranged between 39% and 42% in all but a few years. This was followed by a sharp decline between 2011 and 2013, following the Marikana massacre of August 2012. However, confidence had almost returned to the 2011 level by the time of the 2015 survey round. The 2016 to 2020 period was characterised by modest fluctuation between 31% and 35%. The hard COVID-19 lockdown experience, which including instances of police brutality in enforcing lockdown regulations, did not appear to have had an aggregate effect on confidence levels based on the 2020 survey results." In 2021 public trust in the police dipped to a low of 27%, and the HSRC attributes this to the July 2021 social unrest. "This was followed by a further 5 percentage point decline to 22% in 2022, with the 2023 and 2024/25 confidence levels almost unchanged, which may reflect increasing rates for certain crimes. The 2022, 2023 and 2024/25 figures are the lowest recorded in 27 years." Experts said it was deeply concerning that the public's trust in police continues to decline. Independent crime and policing consultant, Dr Johna Burger, said the declining levels of trust and confidence in the SAPS over the last two decades were predictable, adding that the National Development Plan of 2012, Parliament's Detective Dialogue Report of September 2012 and the 2018 report by the Panel of Experts on how to strengthen and improve the SAPS are some of the reasons for this decline as none of the recommendations were implemented. 'The SAPS has, over the years, and in many instances, abused its own appointment and promotion policies, enabling them to appoint persons into senior positions for which they were not suitably qualified. The recent highly publicised appointment of a female brigadier from outside the police in Crime Intelligence is a good example." Cape Times
IOL News
3 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Trust in South African police hits record low, survey reveals
A recent survey revealed that trust in SAPS is at an all time low. The findings come amid a growing political crisis following damning allegations by KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi against Police Minister Senzo Mchunu. Police trust in South Africa has reached its lowest level in 27 years, according to a Social Attitudes Survey released by the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC). The findings come amid a growing political crisis following damning allegations by KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi against Police Minister Senzo Mchunu. The survey shows that only 22% of South Africans expressed confidence in the police in 2022, with similarly low levels recorded in 2023 and 2024/25. This marks the worst confidence ratings since data collection began in 1998. 'A majority of the adult public never expressed trust in the police,' said Dr Benjamin Roberts, HSRC research director and principal investigator of the study. 'The findings are expected to inform interventions aimed at restoring public faith in the police. By adopting a more community-focused and accountable approach to policing, we can work towards creating safer and more secure communities for all South Africans.' Between 1998 and 2010, trust levels hovered between 39% and 42%. Confidence fell sharply after the 2012 Marikana massacre and dipped even lower following the July 2021 unrest, when only 27% of respondents expressed trust in the police, he said.
