Latest news with #Hindu-majority
The Diplomat
8 hours ago
- Politics
- The Diplomat
India's Monarchy Fantasy in Nepal Is a Strategic Mirage
The vision of a pro-India monarch is a dangerous misreading of Nepal's history, its political complexities, and the implications for India's regional interests. In recent months, pro-monarchy demonstrations have flared across Nepal, with some protesters carrying posters of Indian Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. These symbolic gestures are not incidental. They signal a growing ideological intersection between Nepal's royalist nostalgia and India's rising Hindu nationalism. For some in India's ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) – and its ideological mentor, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) – the return of a Hindu monarchy in Nepal is being framed as both a civilizational triumph and a strategic necessity. But this vision is a dangerous misreading of Nepal's history, its political complexities, and the implications for India's regional interests. For India, the idea of a culturally aligned, Hindu-majority monarchy in Nepal appears attractive amid the growing Chinese presence in the region. Proponents argue that a Hindu king could serve as a bulwark against Beijing, foster cultural affinity, and stabilize a politically turbulent neighbor. This narrative has gained traction among Indian right-wing commentators and politicians alike, echoing similar ideological currents across the subcontinent. But this fantasy is historically flawed and strategically shortsighted. Nepal's monarchy was never the steadfast Indian ally it is now nostalgically remembered as. After King Tribhuvan's exile and return with Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru's support in 1950, hopes for a constitutional monarchy in Nepal were high. Yet these hopes were quickly dashed. King Mahendra's 1960 royal coup dismantled the nascent democracy, suppressed pro-India politicians, and aligned Nepal closer to China – a pattern that recurred with his son, King Gyanendra, during his 2005-08 power grab. Rather than strengthening ties with India, these monarchs often positioned themselves in opposition to Indian influence, using Hindu nationalism to consolidate internal power and assert sovereignty. Gyanendra's regime, in particular, alienated New Delhi and created fertile ground for Chinese strategic inroads. Far from a stabilizing force, Nepal's monarchy repeatedly proved to be a source of autocracy and diplomatic estrangement. The renewed royalist fervor in Nepal is often conflated with calls to re-establish a Hindu state. But not all supporters of a Hindu identity in Nepal support restoring the monarchy. The Nepali Congress, one of the country's largest democratic parties, has formally endorsed the idea of a Hindu state, while opposing monarchical rule. This distinction is crucial. While monarchy implies authoritarian rule, calls for a Hindu state are more about cultural assertion – especially amid growing anxieties over federalism, secularism, and demographic change. Still, both narratives stem from widespread public frustration with Nepal's current political system. Since the monarchy's abolition in 2008, no elected government has completed a full term. Federalism, while progressive in theory, is seen by many Nepalis as creating more inefficiency and corruption, summed up in the popular quip: 'Earlier we had one king, now we have 761.' This disillusionment is the fertile ground on which royalist and theocratic fantasies grow. The BJP-RSS establishment's embrace of Nepal's monarchists reflects more than strategic calculation; it is rooted in a shared ideological affinity for majoritarian nationalism and centralized religious authority. Figures like Yogi Adityanath – who symbolize the fusion of Hindu religiosity and political power – are seen by Nepal's royalist right as aspirational models. The imagery of Adityanath at Nepal's protests is a visual manifestation of this ideological export. Yet India's historical actions have not always helped its image in Nepal. Two unofficial blockades – one in 1989 and another in 2015 – inflicted economic hardship and deepened resentment. Meanwhile, perceptions of Indian interference in Nepal's domestic politics remain strong, further complicated by conspiracy theories (such as India's alleged role in the 2001 royal massacre) that, while baseless, are emotionally potent. These legacies have allowed China to position itself as a 'non-interfering partner' and expand its footprint through infrastructure investments, soft power, and engagement with Nepal's security apparatus. In contrast, India's growing ideological alignment with monarchy risks alienating democratic forces within Nepal and undermining its long-term influence. Restoring a monarchy in Nepal won't fix the structural issues that fuel instability: youth unemployment, rural poverty, and elite-driven governance. Over 4 million Nepalis now work abroad, and remittances equate to nearly 30 percent of GDP. Nepal's economy remains heavily dependent on India, especially for trade, electricity, and transit infrastructure. India has made quiet but substantial investments in this sector – from the 900 MW Arun-III hydropower project to completed railway links like Jaynagar–Bardibas. Cross-border electricity transmission lines and the BBIN (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal) initiative could position Nepal as a clean energy exporter in the region. These are the kinds of practical integrations that truly stabilize bilateral relations – not ideological posturing. Meanwhile, Nepal's elected communist leaders – despite occasional anti-India rhetoric – have maintained functional ties with New Delhi. Leaders like Pushpa Kamal Dahal and current Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli may wave nationalist flags, but their electoral legitimacy requires ongoing engagement with India. Even critics of federalism are not necessarily calling for a return to monarchy, but rather for reforms that make democracy deliver. Ultimately, betting on monarchy is not a foreign policy strategy – it's an ideological fantasy. If India wants to compete with China and maintain long-term influence in Nepal, it must invest in pluralism, economic cooperation, and democratic consolidation. The imagery of Yogi Adityanath in Kathmandu may excite some in Nagpur, but it alarms many in Nepal – and even more in India's diplomatic community. India's strength in South Asia has always come from its democratic model, not its imperial ambitions. Replacing that model with nostalgia for crowns and gods will only open the door further to adversaries who offer infrastructure without interference, and partnership without prescriptions.
India Today
5 days ago
- Entertainment
- India Today
Janaki vs censorship: Are all names synonymous to Sita too holy for hardship?
Daughter of Janak, Janaki, aka Sita – the wife of Lord Ram – who thus must remain untainted, even from that of any fictional assault. At least by the reasoning of the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) in Mumbai, which reportedly said that a 'God's name should not be given to a woman who was assaulted.'This is about the release of the Malayalam movie 'Janaki Vs State of Kerala' starring Union Minister of State Suresh Gopi. The release has been paused following the censor board's demand that the name Janaki be changed, because it refers to the goddess it seems as if the CBFC has decided that no woman bearing any name synonymous with Sita can be portrayed as an assault survivor on screen. Because clearly, the best way to honour our goddesses is to pretend that mortal women who share their names exist in some sanitised bubble where nothing unpleasant ever happens to But let's follow this logic to a natural has 108 different names. Goddess Lalitha – a supreme manifestation of Shakti within the broader Hindu pantheon – has over 1,000 names. Does that make at least 1,108 names out of bounds for any sort of fictional hardship?But what if you walk through a typical Indian Hindu-majority neighbourhood? Would you not come across anyone who has at least one of these 1,108 names? Do we even know how many women are named Lalitha, Lakshmi, Saraswati, Parvati, Durga, Kaveri, Ganga, Radha, Rukmini, or any of the countless variations?advertisementBy the CBFC's brilliant logic, we've probably eliminated roughly half the Hindu female population of India from being portrayed in any film that deals with real-world to make a film about domestic violence? Better hope your protagonist isn't named Shanti (another name for Lakshmi and also means peace in English). But wait, wasn't there a teleserial long ago on Doordarshan, which – no prize for guessing – was named Shanti, after the protagonist?Planning a story about workplace harassment? Cross your fingers she's not called Kamala or Nandita (another name for Lakshmi). Educational film about legal rights? Well, forget about naming her Janaki or Vaidehi or Maithili – because apparently goddesses and the women named after them must only exist in a realm of perpetual victimhood-free here's the irony the CBFC seems to have missed: goddess Sita was an assault survivor herself. Ravana abducted her, held her captive, and when she returned, she had to literally walk through fire to prove her 'purity' in an agni we're going to be purists about this, shouldn't the CBFC be demanding that Ramayana, or at least films based on this epic, also be banned for depicting a goddess in distress?advertisementAre we now living in a world where 'Janaki' is some sort of trigger that will somehow diminish our devotion to goddess Sita?Then there is also the question: Where does this end? Will we need a database of every divine name before writing any female character? Should filmmakers start carrying a comprehensive list of the 33 crore Hindu deities and their various names just to avoid accidentally naming a character after one of them?And what about artistic freedom? Artists have always drawn from mythology, religion, and real life to tell stories that matter. When we start cordoning off entire categories of names because they're 'too sacred' for reality – are we protecting our culture or suffocating it?The most absurd part? The Thiruvananthapuram CBFC office cleared the film with a U/A certificate. It was only when it reached Mumbai that suddenly someone discovered their religious sensitivity and decided that 'Janaki' was too holy for a courtroom MB Padmakumar also allegedly went through something similar; a character originally named Janaki Abraham in his film 'Token Number' had to be renamed to Jayanti Abraham to get a feature film certification. These demands were communicated through 'unofficial' WhatsApp calls. Did at least someone in the CBFC recognise the ridiculousness of it all if put in writing?advertisementSo if not Janaki, then who? Perhaps Pooja, or Neha, or Aishwarya or Rekha would do for the name of a survivor of a violent crime. But then, is there a guarantee that someone else would not rise up to protest using some other facetious reason?Or, perhaps, it's time that the censor board realises that the best way to honour our goddesses isn't to pretend that the women named after them live in some fantasy world where bad things never to tell their real stories – including the difficult ones – with dignity and respect. After all, if Sita could survive Ravana and still be revered as a goddess, surely a character named Janaki can survive an assault, a courtroom drama and still keep our faith intact.- EndMust Watch
India Today
5 days ago
- Politics
- India Today
Trinamool Congress's Alifa Ahmed wins Kailganj bypoll, defeats BJP's Ashish Ghosh
Trinamool Congress (TMC) candidate Alifa Ahmed has won the Kaliganj Assembly bypoll in West Bengal's Nadia district by a massive margin of 50,049 votes, defeating her nearest BJP rival, Ashish Ghosh. The by-election was held following the death of her father and former MLA Nasiruddin Ahmed in February this to the Election Commission of India (ECI), Alifa secured 1,02,759 votes, while BJP's Ashish Ghosh received 52,710 votes. The Congress-Left-supported candidate, Kabil Uddin Shaikh, came third with 28,348 Alifa received around 9,000 votes less than her father's 1,11,696 votes in 2021, her winning margin increased. Nasiruddin had won by 46,987 votes in the last election, whereas Alifa surpassed that, seemingly due to a split in votes between BJP and Congress-Left candidates. Outside the counting centre, Alifa thanked voters for their support. She said, "This victory is because of people's love and faith in Mamata Banerjee's development politics."Responding to BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari's claim that Hindus didn't vote for TMC, Alifa said, 'I do not agree. We received significant leads from some Hindu-majority areas.'She added, 'We did not target votes from any particular community. We approached all voters. The results show people don't support communal division in Bengal.'advertisementWith PTI inputs.
Time of India
5 days ago
- Business
- Time of India
Ensure Muslim trader can access shop in Hindu area: HC to Gujarat govt
AHMEDABAD: Reminding state govt that maintaining law and order was its duty, Gujarat high court directed the authorities to redress the problem faced by a Muslim trader in conducting business from his legally-owned shop in a Hindu-majority locality in Vadodara. The order by a bench of Justice H D Suthar came as a relief to petitioner Onali Dholkawala, who allegedly faced relentless obstruction from locals as they have refused to let him open the premises. Dholkawala had legally purchased the shop from two Hindu brothers near Champaner Darwaza in 2016. However, he could get the sale deed registered only in 2020 after he approached HC, as the area is covered under Gujarat Prohibition of Transfer of Immovable Property and Provisions of Tenants from Eviction from Premises in Disturbed Areas Act, 1991. The Act restricts property transactions in designated areas and mandates the district collector's permission for transactions. Dholkawala continued to face opposition in the neighbourhood as some of the residents challenged the sale to a Muslim and demanded its cancellation. The residents contended that allowing a Muslim to buy property in the area could lead to polarisation and disturb demographic equilibrium. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like เทรด Bitcoin และ Ethereum - ไม่ต้องใช้กระเป๋าเงิน! IC Markets เริ่มต้นตอนนี้ Undo In Feb 2023, HC rejected their petition and imposed a fine of Rs 25,000 on each of the two litigants hounding the owner and "thwarting his attempt to enjoy the fruits of the property which he successfully purchased". An appeal against this order was also dismissed. However, the locals still did not allow Dholkawala to use the shop. They allegedly dumped debris at its gate so that it could not be opened. Dholkawala approached high court once again, seeking police protection so that he could get the shop repaired and conduct business from the premises. Dholkawala complained that he had approached police multiple times requesting protection, but received no support.
Time of India
6 days ago
- Business
- Time of India
Ensure trader can access his shop and conduct business: Gujarat HC
Ahmedabad: The Gujarat high court directed the state authorities to "redress" the problem faced by a Muslim trader in conducting business from his legally owned shop in a Hindu-majority locality in Vadodara city. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now The complainant has allegedly faced relentless obstruction from locals, who refuse to let him open the premises. The HC reminded the state govt that maintaining law and order is its duty. Onali Dholkawala had legally purchased the shop from two Hindu brothers near Champaner Darwaza in 2016. However, he could get the sale deed registered only in 2020 after he approached the HC as the area is covered under the Gujarat Prohibition of Transfer of Immovable Property and Provisions of Tenants from Eviction from Premises in Disturbed Areas Act, 1991 (Disturbed Areas Act), which restricts property transactions and mandates the district collector's permission for transactions. He continued to face opposition from the neighbourhood, as a couple of the residents challenged the sale to a Muslim and demanded its cancellation, claiming that allowing a Muslim to buy property in the area could lead to polarisation and disturb demographic equilibrium. In Feb 2023, the HC rejected their petition and imposed a fine of Rs 25,000 on each of the two litigants by terming such an objection as a "disturbing factor" because the owner "is being hounded and thwarting his attempt to enjoy the fruits of the property which he successfully purchased". An appeal against this order was dismissed as well. However, the locals still did not allow Dholkawala to use the shop. They allegedly dumped debris at the shop's gate so that it could not be opened. He approached the HC once again seeking police protection so that he could get the shop's building repaired and conduct business from the premises. He complained that he had approached Panigate police multiple times requesting protection but allegedly received no support After hearing his case, Justice H D Suthar stated, "In view of the facts of the case and looking to the grievance of the petitioner at Annexure-A, the respondent authority concerned is hereby directed to redress the grievance of the petitioner in accordance with law as it is the duty of the state to maintain the law and order. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now If any adverse outcome is there, the petitioners are at liberty to file appropriate proceedings before the appropriate forum. " Ahmedabad: The Gujarat high court directed the state authorities to "redress" the problem faced by a Muslim trader in conducting business from his legally owned shop in a Hindu-majority locality in Vadodara city. The complainant has allegedly faced relentless obstruction from locals, who refuse to let him open the premises. The HC reminded the state govt that maintaining law and order is its duty. Onali Dholkawala had legally purchased the shop from two Hindu brothers near Champaner Darwaza in 2016. However, he could get the sale deed registered only in 2020 after he approached the HC as the area is covered under the Gujarat Prohibition of Transfer of Immovable Property and Provisions of Tenants from Eviction from Premises in Disturbed Areas Act, 1991 (Disturbed Areas Act), which restricts property transactions and mandates the district collector's permission for transactions. He continued to face opposition from the neighbourhood, as a couple of the residents challenged the sale to a Muslim and demanded its cancellation, claiming that allowing a Muslim to buy property in the area could lead to polarisation and disturb demographic equilibrium. In Feb 2023, the HC rejected their petition and imposed a fine of Rs 25,000 on each of the two litigants by terming such an objection as a "disturbing factor" because the owner "is being hounded and thwarting his attempt to enjoy the fruits of the property which he successfully purchased". An appeal against this order was dismissed as well. However, the locals still did not allow Dholkawala to use the shop. They allegedly dumped debris at the shop's gate so that it could not be opened. He approached the HC once again seeking police protection so that he could get the shop's building repaired and conduct business from the premises. He complained that he had approached Panigate police multiple times requesting protection but allegedly received no support After hearing his case, Justice H D Suthar stated, "In view of the facts of the case and looking to the grievance of the petitioner at Annexure-A, the respondent authority concerned is hereby directed to redress the grievance of the petitioner in accordance with law as it is the duty of the state to maintain the law and order. If any adverse outcome is there, the petitioners are at liberty to file appropriate proceedings before the appropriate forum. "
