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Time of India
04-07-2025
- Business
- Time of India
Why are Malaysia and Indonesia boosting ties with Russia?
AP Image Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto skipped a G7 summit last month to visit Russia, where he and his counterpart, Vladimir Putin , agreed that bilateral ties are "getting stronger again." "My meeting with President Putin today was intense, warm and productive. In all fields of economics, technical cooperation, trade, investment, and agriculture, they all have experienced significant improvements," Prabowo's office said in a statement after the visit. Officially part of the 75th anniversary of Indonesia–Russia diplomatic ties, Prabowo's three-day visit last month meant he missed a chance to meet US President Donald Trump for the first time at the G7 summit in Canada. Standing next to Putin, Prabowo said Indonesia would not follow the philosophies of "the biggest and most powerful power in the world" and described Russia and China as without "double standards" and as defenders of "the downtrodden and the oppressed." Prabowo's trip came a month after Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim's latest visit to Russia, his third in two years. Although Indonesia and Malaysia did initially condemn Russia's invasion of Ukraine in early 2022, they have typically taken a neutral position on the ongoing war. Beginning early 2024, their public statements have also become noticeably more pro-Moscow. During his trip to Vladivostok in September last year, Anwar praised Putin for his "vision and leadership" and for his "determination…to survive," presumably referring to Western sanctions. He also championed Moscow for its "remarkable soft power" that has earned it "global respect and admiration, influencing the hearts and minds of people around the world." Indonesia and Malaysia balance interests Prabowo and Anwar "are keen to strengthen their countries' non-alignment by pursuing a more balanced foreign policy, including closer ties with both Russia and China," Ian Storey, senior fellow at Singapore's ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute and author of the newly-released book, 'Putin's Russia and Southeast Asia,' told DW. "A more balanced foreign policy includes strengthening economic engagement with Moscow, even though the opportunities for growing trade and investment ties with Russia are quite limited," he added. Despite the limitations, Russia's bilateral trade with Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries grew to a record high of $22 billion in 2023, according to Russian data cited by the Lowy Institute, an Australian think tank. That represents more than 14% year-on-year growth. This growth trend is expected to continue. Kuala Lumpur and Jakarta are exploring possible ways to expand trade, including in arms imports. Energy is another important area of cooperation, especially for Indonesia, which still heavily relies on coal as a source of power. Several Southeast Asian states have an interest in exporting electrical goods and machinery to Russia, which has faced crippling Western sanctions since 2022. They are keen on utilizing Russian expertise to develop their civilian nuclear energy sectors. Last month, Vietnam and Moscow agreed to fast-track agreements that could see Russian firms help build Vietnam's first nuclear power plants. In February, ASEAN Secretary General Kao Kim Hourn opened an exhibition on ASEAN-Russia Cooperation in Civilian Nuclear Energy and Technologies at the regional bloc's headquarters in Jakarta. In St Petersburg last month, Indonesia's sovereign wealth fund, Danatara, and the Russian Direct Investment Fund signed an agreement to create an investment fund worth €2 billion. Alternative international forums While several Southeast Asian countries are looking to join multilateral organizations, such as Thailand's successful bid to join the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), many have looked to the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) grouping as an alternative arena for global politics. Indonesia is now a formal member of BRICS, while Malaysia, Thailand, and Vietnam are partner countries. Although Malaysia and Indonesia's governments began their overtures with Russia before Donald Trump's return to the White House in January, Washington turning away from international institutions since then has convinced many Asian leaders that they can no longer count on US support and that the future of the Western-backed international order might soon be over, analysts say. "The recent change in US administration and opportunities like BRICS membership have provided both governments with more space to engage Russia," Prashanth Parameswaran, founder of the weekly ASEAN Wonk newsletter, told DW. What do Malaysia and Indonesia want? However, it remains unclear to what extent Malaysia and Indonesia are merely engaging with Russia out of geopolitical necessity to diversify their bilateral relations and avoid entanglement in the US-China rivalry, or how much they have a deeper affinity with Moscow's vision for the world. When asked by reporters why he turned down a G7 invitation to instead visit Russia, Prabowo replied, "Don't read too much into it. We want to be friends with everybody." However, attending the G7 event in Canada would have given him his first opportunity to meet US President Donald Trump. However, the speech in St. Petersburg "did not come across as convincing that Indonesia would remain neutral in the ongoing big power rivalry, with veiled criticisms of the US on the one hand, and a lavishing of praise for China and Russia on the other," according to a Jakarta Post analysis piece published this week. Zachary Abuza, a professor at the National War College in Washington, said that Russia provides an "interesting model" for Indonesia and Malaysia. It is a country "that can act independently, poke America and the West in the eye, and try to establish a new international order," he told DW. Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar's several visits to Russia over the past two years have motivated the party by a desire to gain a more prominent position on the world stage, Bridget Welsh, an honorary research associate at the University of Nottingham's Asia Research Institute Malaysia, told DW. But it is also because Russia is "popular at home due to anti-westernism, with many Malaysians believing that the US provoked the Ukraine War," she added. This year's State of Southeast Asia Survey, a poll of "elite" opinion in the region conducted by the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, found that anti-Western feeling is riding high in Muslim-majority Indonesia and Malaysia, in large measure due to the West's support for Israel in its Middle Eastern wars.
DW
03-07-2025
- Politics
- DW
Why are Malaysia and Indonesia boosting ties with Russia? – DW – 07/03/2025
The leaders of Malaysia and Indonesia have warm words for President Putin, while seeking to expand trade and business with Russia. What's the backstory? Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto skipped a G7 summit last month to visit Russia, where he and his counterpart, Vladimir Putin, agreed that bilateral ties are "getting stronger again." "My meeting with President Putin today was intense, warm and productive. In all fields of economics, technical cooperation, trade, investment, and agriculture, they all have experienced significant improvements," Prabowo's office said in a statement after the visit. Officially part of the 75th anniversary of Indonesia–Russia diplomatic ties, Prabowo's three-day visit last month meant he missed a chance to meet US President Donald Trump for the first time at the G7 summit in Canada. Standing next to Putin, Prabowo said Indonesia would not follow the philosophies of "the biggest and most powerful power in the world" and described Russia and China as without "double standards" and as defenders of "the downtrodden and the oppressed." Prabowo's trip came a month after Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim's latest visit to Russia, his third in two years. Although Indonesia and Malaysia did initially condemn Russia's invasion of Ukraine in early 2022, they have typically taken a neutral position on the ongoing war. Beginning early 2024, their public statements have also become noticeably more pro-Moscow. During his trip to Vladivostok in September last year, Anwar praised Putin for his "vision and leadership" and for his "determination…to survive," presumably referring to Western sanctions. He also championed Moscow for its "remarkable soft power" that has earned it "global respect and admiration, influencing the hearts and minds of people around the world." Prabowo and Anwar "are keen to strengthen their countries' non-alignment by pursuing a more balanced foreign policy, including closer ties with both Russia and China," Ian Storey, senior fellow at Singapore's ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute and author of the newly-released book, 'Putin's Russia and Southeast Asia,' told DW. "A more balanced foreign policy includes strengthening economic engagement with Moscow, even though the opportunities for growing trade and investment ties with Russia are quite limited," he added. Despite the limitations, Russia's bilateral trade with Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries grew to a record high of $22 billion in 2023, according to Russian data cited by the Lowy Institute, an Australian think tank. That represents more than 14% year-on-year growth. This growth trend is expected to continue. Kuala Lumpur and Jakarta are exploring possible ways to expand trade, including in arms imports. Energy is another important area of cooperation, especially for Indonesia, which still heavily relies on coal as a source of power. Several Southeast Asian states have an interest in exporting electrical goods and machinery to Russia, which has faced crippling Western sanctions since 2022. They are keen on utilizing Russian expertise to develop their civilian nuclear energy sectors. Last month, Vietnam and Moscow agreed to fast-track agreements that could see Russian firms help build Vietnam's first nuclear power plants. In February, ASEAN Secretary General Kao Kim Hourn opened an exhibition on ASEAN-Russia Cooperation in Civilian Nuclear Energy and Technologies at the regional bloc's headquarters in Jakarta. In St. Petersburg last month, Indonesia's sovereign wealth fund, Danatara, and the Russian Direct Investment Fund signed an agreement to create an investment fund worth €2 billion. While several Southeast Asian countries are looking to join multilateral organizations, such as Thailand's successful bid to join the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), many have looked to the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) grouping as an alternative arena for global politics. Indonesia is now a formal member of BRICS, while Malaysia, Thailand, and Vietnam are partner countries. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Although Malaysia and Indonesia's governments began their overtures with Russia before Donald Trump's return to the White House in January, Washington turning away from international institutions since then has convinced many Asian leaders that they can no longer count on US support and that the future of the Western-backed international order might soon be over, analysts say. "The recent change in US administration and opportunities like BRICS membership have provided both governments with more space to engage Russia," Prashanth Parameswaran, founder of the weekly ASEAN Wonk newsletter, told DW. However, it remains unclear to what extent Malaysia and Indonesia are merely engaging with Russia out of geopolitical necessity to diversify their bilateral relations and avoid entanglement in the US-China rivalry, or how much they have a deeper affinity with Moscow's vision for the world. When asked by reporters why he turned down a G7 invitation to instead visit Russia, Prabowo replied, "Don't read too much into it …We want to be friends with everybody." However, attending the G7 event in Canada would have given him his first opportunity to meet US President Donald Trump. However, the speech in St. Petersburg "did not come across as convincing that Indonesia would remain neutral in the ongoing big power rivalry, with veiled criticisms of the US on the one hand, and a lavishing of praise for China and Russia on the other," according to a analysis piece published this week. Zachary Abuza, a professor at the National War College in Washington, said that Russia provides an "interesting model" for Indonesia and Malaysia. It is a country "that can act independently, poke America and the West in the eye, and try to establish a new international order," he told DW. Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar's several visits to Russia over the past two years have motivated the party by a desire to gain a more prominent position on the world stage, Bridget Welsh, an honorary research associate at the University of Nottingham's Asia Research Institute Malaysia, told DW. But it is also because Russia is "popular at home due to anti-westernism, with many Malaysians believing that the US provoked the Ukraine War," she added. This year's State of Southeast Asia Survey, a poll of "elite" opinion in the region conducted by the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, found that anti-Western feeling is riding high in Muslim-majority Indonesia and Malaysia, in large measure due to the West's support for Israel in its Middle Eastern wars. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video
DW
03-07-2025
- Politics
- DW
Why are Malaysia and Indonesia building Russia ties? – DW – 07/03/2025
The leaders of Malaysia and Indonesia have warm words for Russian President Putin, and are looking at ways to expand trade and business. Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto skipped a G7 summit last month to visit Russia, where he and his counterpart, Vladimir Putin, agreed that bilateral ties are "getting stronger again." "My meeting with President Putin today was intense, warm and productive. In all fields of economics, technical cooperation, trade, investment, and agriculture, they all have experienced significant improvements," Prabowo's office said in a statement after the visit. Officially part of the 75th anniversary of Indonesia–Russia diplomatic ties, Prabowo's three-day visit last month meant he missed a chance to meet US President Donald Trump for the first time at the G7 summit in Canada. Standing next to Putin, Prabowo said Indonesia would not follow the philosophies of "the biggest and most powerful power in the world" and described Russia and China as without "double standards" and as defenders of "the downtrodden and the oppressed." Prabowo's trip came a month after Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim's latest visit to Russia, his third in two years. Although Indonesia and Malaysia did initially condemn Russia's invasion of Ukraine in early 2022, they have typically taken a neutral position on the ongoing war. Beginning early 2024, their public statements have also become noticeably more pro-Moscow. During his trip to Vladivostok in September last year, Anwar praised Putin for his "vision and leadership" and for his "determination…to survive," presumably referring to Western sanctions. He also championed Moscow for its "remarkable soft power" that has earned it "global respect and admiration, influencing the hearts and minds of people around the world." Prabowo and Anwar "are keen to strengthen their countries' non-alignment by pursuing a more balanced foreign policy, including closer ties with both Russia and China," Ian Storey, senior fellow at Singapore's ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute and author of the newly-released book, 'Putin's Russia and Southeast Asia,' told DW. "A more balanced foreign policy includes strengthening economic engagement with Moscow, even though the opportunities for growing trade and investment ties with Russia are quite limited," he added. Despite the limitations, Russia's bilateral trade with Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries grew to a record high of $22 billion in 2023, according to Russian data cited by the Lowy Institute, an Australian think tank. That represents more than 14% year-on-year growth. This growth trend is expected to continue. Kuala Lumpur and Jakarta are exploring possible ways to expand trade, including in arms imports. Energy is another important area of cooperation, especially for Indonesia, which still heavily relies on coal as a source of power. Several Southeast Asian states have an interest in exporting electrical goods and machinery to Russia, which has faced crippling Western sanctions since 2022. They are keen on utilizing Russian expertise to develop their civilian nuclear energy sectors. Last month, Vietnam and Moscow agreed to fast-track agreements that could see Russian firms help build Vietnam's first nuclear power plants. In February, ASEAN Secretary General Kao Kim Hourn opened an exhibition on ASEAN-Russia Cooperation in Civilian Nuclear Energy and Technologies at the regional bloc's headquarters in Jakarta. In St. Petersburg last month, Indonesia's sovereign wealth fund, Danatara, and the Russian Direct Investment Fund signed an agreement to create an investment fund worth €2 billion. While several Southeast Asian countries are looking to join multilateral organizations, such as Thailand's successful bid to join the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), many have looked to the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) grouping as an alternative arena for global politics. Indonesia is now a formal member of BRICS, while Malaysia, Thailand, and Vietnam are partner countries. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Although Malaysia and Indonesia's governments began their overtures with Russia before Donald Trump's return to the White House in January, Washington turning away from international institutions since then has convinced many Asian leaders that they can no longer count on US support and that the future of the Western-backed international order might soon be over, analysts say. "The recent change in US administration and opportunities like BRICS membership have provided both governments with more space to engage Russia," Prashanth Parameswaran, founder of the weekly ASEAN Wonk newsletter, told DW. However, it remains unclear to what extent Malaysia and Indonesia are merely engaging with Russia out of geopolitical necessity to diversify their bilateral relations and avoid entanglement in the US-China rivalry, or how much they have a deeper affinity with Moscow's vision for the world. When asked by reporters why he turned down a G7 invitation to instead visit Russia, Prabowo replied, "Don't read too much into it …We want to be friends with everybody." However, attending the G7 event in Canada would have given him his first opportunity to meet US President Donald Trump. However, the speech in St. Petersberg "did not come across as convincing that Indonesia would remain neutral in the ongoing big power rivalry, with veiled criticisms of the US on the one hand, and a lavishing of praise for China and Russia on the other," according to a analysis piece published this week. Zachary Abuza, a professor at the National War College in Washington, said that Russia provides an "interesting model" for Indonesia and Malaysia. It is a country "that can act independently, poke America and the West in the eye, and try to establish a new international order," he told DW. Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar's several visits to Russia over the past two years have motivated the party by a desire to gain a more prominent position on the world stage, Bridget Welsh, an honorary research associate at the University of Nottingham's Asia Research Institute Malaysia, told DW. But it is also because Russia is "popular at home due to anti-westernism, with many Malaysians believing that the US provoked the Ukraine War," she added. This year's State of Southeast Asia Survey, a poll of "elite" opinion in the region conducted by the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, found that anti-Western feeling is riding high in Muslim-majority Indonesia and Malaysia, in large measure due to the West's support for Israel in its Middle Eastern wars. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video
Economist
19-06-2025
- Business
- Economist
Why Vietnam's new leader is worried
Vietnam's economy may be booming—but To Lam, its new leader, isn't happy. Over the past 15 years, the country has achieved 6% average annual growth, powered by new factories—which have sprung up from Hanoi to Ho Chi Minh City—to make goods destined for export, largely to America. But many of those factories are foreign-owned and don't work much with Vietnamese firms. In addition Vietnam now risks being caught between a feuding Washington and Beijing. So what can Mr Lam do to revolutionise Vietnam's economy? Hosts: Ethan Wu and Mike Bird. Guests: David Dapice, emeritus professor of economics at Tufts University; and Nguyễn Khắc Giang, a visiting fellow at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore.
The Star
07-06-2025
- Politics
- The Star
History revisited – or rewritten?
The government's plan to release new history books has sparked concerns that some of the country's darkest chapters could be recast to show President Prabowo Subianto and late authoritarian ruler Suharto in a favourable light. The 10-volume series would have an Indonesia-centric narrative and aims 'to reinvent the Indonesian identity,' Culture Minister Fadli Zon said in an interview. Several historians said the commissioning of the books presents an opportunity for historical revisionism at a time when younger generations – largely responsible for Prabowo's resounding election victory last year – have little or no memory of Suharto's 1966-1998 New Order era. Prabowo openly praises Suharto, who was once his father-in-law, and is increasingly turning to the military to carry out his government's vision. Prabowo has also been accused of rights abuses while in the military, including involvement in the kidnapping of student activists during riots in 1998 – allegations he has repeatedly denied and which Fadli said had been debunked. Potential propaganda? Fadli says he has believed 'for a long time that Suharto should be considered a national hero'. — Reuters Asvi Warman Adam, a leading historian who used to work at the National Research and Innovation Agency, said he was calling on academics to lobby lawmakers to scrutinise what he said would be 'propaganda'. 'I suspect there is an intention to legitimise the ruling regime ... such as by excluding gross human rights violations in 1998 linked to Prabowo,' he said, adding that he expected the government would soon confer the posthumous title of 'National Hero' on Suharto. Asked about concerns by some analysts and historians that the books could be used as propaganda, be politicised and omit human rights abuses that have been linked to Prabowo and Suharto, Fadli said: 'History will be written correctly.' The president's office did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the new books. Prabowo has previously said that former activists were his supporters. No editorial involvement Fadli, who has authored a book that defended Prabowo's actions as a special forces commander during Suharto's 32-year rule, added that neither he nor Prabowo would be involved in the editorial process. The books, which Fadli said were commissioned last year, will chronicle the history of humankind in Indonesia from homo erectus to Dutch colonisation to Prabowo's election. In his defence: Highlighting economic achievements in the early presidency of Suharto, including slashing poverty.— Reuters They will be authored and edited by about 100 historians and Fadli says he wants them ready by Aug 17, Indonesia's Independence Day. Mass killings in focus Made Supriatma, a visiting fellow at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore, said he believes the government will use the same playbook as Suharto, who released a six-volume book series in 1975 titled The National History of Indonesia that he said glorified the military and was fraught with inaccuracies. 'Prabowo's history within this republic is not good, to be frank ... Do they dare to write that?' Jajat Burhanuddin, a historian involved in the project, said so far there has been no state intervention. The 1998 kidnappings and torture of student activists would be included, he said, although he declined to say whether Prabowo would be mentioned in those accounts. Another key focus for historians will be how the books portray the mass killings of communists and sympathisers in 1965 and 1966, led in part by the military. Some historians estimate more than half a million people were killed. No investigation has been conducted into the killings, which were in response to the murder of generals by the communist party in an abortive coup. Suharto rose to power in the aftermath and remained president until 1998, when he stepped down during a popular uprising and economic crisis after allegations of corruption and nepotism. The 1965 events continue to be debated in Indonesia. Fadli said the new books would not take a deeper look into the massacres. Fadli, who was among the student activists who demonstrated against Suharto, now speaks highly of the former ruler, highlighting economic achievements in his early presidency, including slashing poverty and tackling inflation. 'My opinion has always been for a long time that Suharto should be considered a national hero,' he said. — Reuters
