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USA Today
02-07-2025
- USA Today
700 pounds of meth found in cucumbers. Feds say smugglers use fruits, veggies as cover.
Federal agents found the shipment of drugs among a cargo load of cucumbers. The seizure is the latest instance of traffickers using fresh fruits and vegetables to move drugs. Cucumber. Jalapeño. Cheese. Onion. Avocado. It sounds like a delicious spicy salad. But they're actually the ingredients of drug smuggling. Federal prosecutors say an arrest in Georgia of men charged with trying to ship 700 pounds of meth inside a tractor-trailer packed with cucumbers is the latest case of accused smugglers cooking up a scheme to hide their illegal main course. Andres Jasso Jr., 37, and Rufino Pineda-Perez, 59, were arrested in Gainesville, Georgia, after federal agents discovered they were hiding thousands of packages of drugs among 20 pallet boxes containing cucumbers, federal officials announced July 2. 'Thanks to the diligent work of our federal and state law enforcement partners, a tremendous amount of meticulously concealed methamphetamine was located, was seized, and will never hit the street,' said Theodore S. Hertzberg, the U.S. attorney for the Northern District of Georgia. 'Our office will aggressively prosecute criminals who attempt to use North Georgia as a distribution hub for their deadly poisons.' Cukes are one of just many fresh vegetables smugglers use to move hundreds of pounds of drugs, according to a review of cases by USA TODAY. Law enforcement has uncovered everything from cocaine hidden among bananas to heroin stashed among pungent shipments of garlic and onions. Experts say smugglers see hiding drugs amid fresh fruits and vegetables as one of the best ways to slip past customs agents. 'It's very common to smuggle drugs by concealing them in produce shipments,' said Mike LaSusa, a deputy director at InSight Crime, a think tank focused on drug cartels. 'Because produce spoils quickly and damages easily, customs and law enforcement have to inspect it both quickly and carefully, which makes it hard to do a thorough job.' The federal case in Georgia Videos of the bust shared by the Drug Enforcement Administration show a neatly packaged operation. The tractor-trailer is full of plastic-wrapped cardboard boxes containing loads of cucumbers. But in breaking apart the boxes, federal agents reveal four packets of drugs are hidden within the folded cardboard, videos show. Jasso and Pineda-Perez were discovered at the scene in a Kia Optima sedan parked next to the tractor trailer, federal court documents say. Their role in the operation was to unload the pallet boxes and remove the drugs from among the cucumbers, court papers say. Someone else was supposed to then pick up the hundreds of pounds of drugs, according to court papers. Pineda-Perez is a Mexican national with no legal status in the U.S., officials say. According to the Department of Justice, he was previously deported in 2001 for transporting marijuana and was deported a second time after being sentenced in 2015 to over six years in prison for transporting cocaine. Jasso is from Brookhaven, Georgia, according to the U.S. attorney's office. Why are fruits and veggies so popular — among traffickers Research by drug trafficking experts shows fresh fruit and vegetables are a smuggler's dish of choice for several reasons. Fresh produce is chosen because so much of it is moving between ports that authorities can't properly inspect it all, an analysis from 2019 by InSight Crime shows. Produce also spoils so quickly that customs officials are incentivized to perform their inspections quickly, analysis shows. Finally, produce is so cheap that the profits from the drugs compared to the loss of the produce are especially high, according to InSight. An entire shipment of bananas costs about 60% of the cost of a kilogram of cocaine, according to the 2019 analysis. InSight found that smuggling drugs amid produce shipments had become so common that some authorities began instead to go after fruit shipping companies suspected of being fronts for drug traffickers. Smuggling recipe substitutions News reports and analysis show that smugglers chose a range of fruits and vegetables to move drugs. Police in 2024 found 1.7 tons of cocaine hidden among a shipment of avocados in Colombia, according to reporting by ABC News. The drugs were bound for Portugal. Authorities in the Dominican Republic last December performed what was then the biggest drug bust in the country's history when they discovered 9.5 tons of cocaine in a shipment of bananas, the Guardian reported. The drugs were also bound for Europe. Heroin, marijuana, meth and cocaine have also been found among shipments of celery, cheese, jalapeño, and ginger. Authorities at the U.S.-Mexico border discovered 18 pounds of cocaine hidden within four cheese wheels after performing X-ray scans of the dairy product. The cheese smuggling method, according to Food & Wine, is more common in Italy where authorities have found hundreds of pounds of cocaine in everything from wheels of Parmigiano-Reggiano cheese to Grana Padano.
Hindustan Times
02-07-2025
- Hindustan Times
Who is Brian Tarrence? New York man goes missing while on vacation in Turks and Caicos with wife
A 51-year-old man disappeared while on vacation in Turks and Caicos with his wife. Brian Tarrence, a New York resident, was last seen leaving his rental on Providenciales's Grace Bay on June 25. His wife was sleeping at the time he left. At around 3:30 am local time, he was seen walking towards the tourist-heavy downtown area, private investigator Carl DeFazio revealed to News 12 Westchester. The New Yorker has been missing for almost a week now. Brian Tarrence, a 51-year-old man from New York, went missing while on vacation in Turks and Caicos with his wife Tarrence moved from Monroe, New York, to Manhattan recently. He landed in Turks and Caicos on June 22 with his wife of one year. The couple planned to stay in the popular tourist destination until June 29. As per DeFazio, there was nothing out of the ordinary in the hours leading up to Tarrence's disappearance. He still had his cell phone with him when he left his Airbnb. 'We have him on camera, and he walks into town, and then he basically disappears, and we haven't heard from him since,' DeFazio, who has been a PI since the 1990s, told Fox News. The investigator has been hired by Tarrence's family to handle his case. DeFazio told the NYPost that the area where Brian Tarrence went missing is a 'very safe' part of the town. Meanwhile, the reason for the New Yorker leaving his rental in the middle of the night while his wife slept has not been revealed. DeFazio has been trying to get a record of Tarrence's phone activity on the Turks and Caicos Islands, but the process is slow. The PI added that the Royal Turks and Caicos Islands Police are investigating the matter and have listed Tarrence as missing. Police are using drones to scan the area and checking CCTV footage in hopes of tracing Tarrence's movements on the night of his disappearance, the PI said. Also read: Scattered Spider: FBI issues warning over cyberhackers targeting US airlines Brian Tarrance's wife is still in Turks and Caicos to help the authorities with the investigation. The local police are asking anyone with information to contact 911 or call Crime Stoppers at 1-800-8477. Posters with his details and face have been put up around the island. DeFazio said that he is not ruling out the possibility of foul play. He has asked the family to remain hopeful of finding an answer. 'He's a smart guy… We don't know what's in his mind or if he did this on his own or if somebody took him in,' the investigator added. Crime rate in Turks and Caicos In March, the US State Department issued a travel advisory for tourists visiting Turks and Caicos to exercise increased caution due to a rise in crime. The tourist spot has seen violent robberies increase by 143 per cent, as per InSight Crime. The homicide rate in the destination surged to 103.1 per cent with 48 murders. This was the highest recorded in Latin America and the Caribbean. FAQs: 1. How did Brian Tarrence disappear? He walked out of his Airbnb at 3:30 am on June 25. He was last seen walking towards the downtown area of Grace Bay, Providenciales. 2. Is the matter under investigation? Yes, Turks and Caicos police are looking into the disappearance. 3. Is Turks and Caicos safe? In March this year, the US State Department issued a travel advisory for people visiting Turks and Caicos. The department asked them to exercise increased caution in the area due to a rise in crime.
Sunday World
23-06-2025
- Sunday World
Kinahan cartel on alert as major drug lord arrested in Abu Dhabi
The arrest is likely to shake up the Kinahan cartel as the UAE moves away from being the safe haven for criminals it once was. International drug lord Dritan Gjika has been arrested in Abu Dhabi – a move likely to shake up the Kinahan cartel as the UAE moves away from being the safe haven for criminals it once was. The Albanian cocaine trafficker, considered to be one of the leaders of drug trafficking worldwide, was arrested as part of Operation Pampa, Spanish police have said. As part of the investigation, his Albanian criminal organisation, based in Ecuador, was dismantled. Dritan Gjika News in 90 Seconds - Monday June 23 40 people were arrested in Spain and Ecuador during 62 searches connected to the operation More than €500,000, $2.3 million, as well as weapons and 12 high-end vehicles, were also seized. Eight members of the gang were convicted in January for money laundering. Dritan Gijka was on the run for 14 months, after vanishing from his home in Guayaquil, Ecuador where he ran his drug trafficking ring since 2009. He went to the South American country on a temporary visitor's visa and stayed for 15 years. He became one of the country's most wanted men for his involvement in shipping cocaine to Central America and Europe. The 47-year-old was arrested in Abu Dhabi on May 26th. He was the subject of two Interpol Red Notices for drug trafficking, money laundering and organised crime. The Ministry for the Interior in Ecuador have said that his sophisticated network included a management team and logistics personnel. They also say he used legitimate businesses to launder money and conceal his financial activities. It's alleged that his network laundered money through companies in Spain and the UAE, InSightCrime has reported. It has further been alleged that he received protection from the former head of Ecuador's police, while his business partner, Ruben Cherres, was a central figure in a corruption case involving the brother-in-law of former Ecuadorian president Guillermo Lasso. Dritan Gjika is just the latest high-level international drug lord to be arrested in the United Arab Emirates. Kinahan associates, and key figures in the so-called 'super cartel', Ridouan Taghi and Raffaele Imperiale, were both arrested in the United Arab Emirates and extradited to face serious charges in the Netherlands and Italy. Daniel Kinahan Meanwhile, Balkan mob boss Edin Gačanin was arrested in Dubai in March. He is facing extradition to the Netherlands to serve a seven-year jail term handed down in absentia. Last month, Daniel Kinahan's right-hand man Sean McGovern was extradited to Ireland to face murder charges after being arrested in Dubai in October 2024. It came days before the Middle Eastern country signed an extradition and mutual legal assistance treaty with Ireland. Upon his return to Dublin, McGovern appeared before the Special Criminal Court charged with the murder of Noel 'Duck Egg' Kirwan, who was shot dead in Clondalkin in December 2016. He was also charged with directing the activities of a criminal organisation in relation to the murder from October 20th to December 22nd, 2016. He is the most senior member of the cartel to be charged before the Irish courts.
Miami Herald
06-06-2025
- Politics
- Miami Herald
Gunfire and gold: How Venezuela is using criminal gangs in border conflict with Guyana
A burst of gunfire shattered the stillness along the Cuyuní River when soldiers from the Guyana Defense Force came under attack while navigating a remote jungle waterway near the settlement of Eteringbang — deep within the mineral-rich Essequibo region, a territory claimed by both Guyana and Venezuela. The ambush, launched on May 13 from the Venezuelan side of the border, was the first of three coordinated attacks over a 24-hour period. Guyanese troops returned fire and withdrew without casualties. But the rapid succession of assaults has fueled mounting fears that the regime of Nicolás Maduro is using criminal proxies to destabilize the long-disputed region. Analysts and Guyanese officials increasingly see the attacks not as isolated gang violence, but as part of a broader, state-sanctioned campaign. A newly released report by InSight Crime argues that Venezuela is forging a dangerous alliance between organized crime and political ambition to assert control over the Essequibo. 'Maduro has long used allied criminal groups, with whom he operates symbiotically under his hybrid state, to achieve his goals,' the report states. These groups, it adds, 'with strong connections to Venezuela's government and a shared interest in profitable gold mining, could have significant incentives to back Maduro's claim to Essequibo.' As the international community monitors the escalating tensions, the Essequibo conflict is fast emerging as South America's next major flashpoint. The volatile mix of gold, guns, and geopolitics presents not only a test of Guyana's resilience — but a challenge to regional stability. The stakes are high. The Florida-sized Essequibo region covers nearly two-thirds of Guyana's territory and holds vast reserves of oil, gold and other minerals. Venezuela has long claimed the land as its own, despite a 1899 international arbitration award that recognized it as part of Guyana. While Venezuela's long-standing claim to the mineral-rich Essequibo dates back more than 180 years, the dispute has intensified in light of rising gold prices and Maduro's use of nationalist rhetoric to bolster support amid domestic issues and international sanctions. In December 2023, Maduro held a national referendum seeking public approval to use military force to seize the region. His government claimed 98% support, despite widespread allegations of electoral fraud. Also stoking tensions is ExxonMobil's offshore drilling in waters claimed by both nations. In February, a Venezuelan warship entered the disputed maritime zone, threatening the oil giant's operations. The U.S. responded swiftly, with Secretary of State Marco Rubio issuing a stark warning. 'It would be a very bad day for the Venezuelan regime if they attacked Guyana or ExxonMobil,' Rubio said. 'We have a large navy, and it can reach almost anywhere in the world. And we have ongoing commitments to Guyana.' Reacting to U.S. commitments to side with Guyana in the event of an armed conflict, Venezuelan Defense Minister Vladimir Padrino López has accused the Trump administration of plotting to overthrow Maduro to seize the Essequibo. During a recent televised speech, Padrino called the territory a 'spoil of war' for American interests. In a symbolic but provocative move, Venezuela held regional elections on May 25 to name a governor for 'Guayana Esequiba,' Caracas' term for the disputed territory. Though voting occurred solely within Venezuelan borders, the act was a clear assertion of sovereignty. The elected governor, Admiral Neil Villamizar, vowed to extend administrative oversight to the disputed region — and quickly received Maduro's endorsement. Beneath the political theatrics lies a more troubling trend: the quiet incursion of Venezuelan criminal organizations — known locally as sindicatos — into Guyanese territory. These groups, which have long operated with impunity in Venezuela's Bolívar state on the Guyanese border, are now establishing illegal checkpoints along the Cuyuní River, extorting money from miners and traders and asserting control in areas with minimal government presence. Among the most prominent groups are Organización R — a mining syndicate with diminishing political clout in Caracas — and the Claritas Sindicato, reportedly linked to the powerful Tren de Aragua gang. Authorities have also reported sightings of ELN guerrillas, a Colombian-Venezuelan insurgent faction, operating near key Guyanese border towns. The criminal infiltration is not new. Since the creation in 2016 of the Orinoco Mining Arc — a huge area in Venezuela set apart by the regime for mining operations — illegal mining and organized crime have flourished in the southern part of the country, often with military protection. These groups control mining, smuggling routes, taxation systems, and even forced labor in Bolívar state. Now, their model appears to be expanding across the border into Essequibo. Guyanese officials say cross-border incursions have surged since 2022, with some frontier zones effectively under the control of foreign criminal networks. The consequences stretch beyond security. Gold smuggling is on the rise, fueling concerns over laundering and evasion of international sanctions. Though Guyana is a legal gold exporter, official production has declined even as suspicions of illicit shipments grow. In 2024, the U.S. Treasury Department sanctioned Mohamed's Enterprise — one of Guyana's largest gold firms — for allegedly bribing customs officials and failing to report exports. While Venezuelan gold wasn't explicitly cited, reporting by Reuters and InfoAmazonia suggests the company may have laundered smuggled Venezuelan gold through Guyana and into international markets, including Dubai in the United Arab Emirates. 'There's no way to distinguish gold from Guyana and Venezuela once it's refined,' said Guyana Natural Resources Minister Vickram Bharrat. 'That's the real challenge.' As Venezuela's economy withers and Maduro's legitimacy erodes after contested 2024 elections, the Essequibo dispute has become a political pressure valve. By stirring nationalist fervor and outsourcing conflict to criminal networks, Maduro avoids direct military confrontation — while escalating pressure on Guyana. Guyana's military, with just over 4,000 troops, is stretched thin across a dense jungle frontier spanning more than 160,000 square kilometers. Once a natural boundary, the Cuyuní River has become a contested corridor patrolled by syndicates armed with assault rifles. With a ruling on the border dispute from the International Court of Justice is expected later this year, the situation is reaching a critical juncture. What began as a legal dispute over colonial maps is now unfolding in riverside ambushes, illicit checkpoints and territorial extortion.
Int'l Business Times
15-05-2025
- Politics
- Int'l Business Times
Former DHS Official Says Relatives of 'El Chapo' May Seek U.S. Protections Under Humanitarian Parole Program
A former Department of Homeland Security official says the recent surrender of several relatives of Joaquín "El Chapo" Guzmán to U.S. authorities may be tied to a humanitarian parole program offered as part of Ovidio Guzmán López's plea agreement—potentially paving the way for more family members to come to the United States in the future. In a recent interview, Oscar Hagelsieb, former head of Homeland Security Investigations (HSI) in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico, said the 17 members of the Guzmán family who crossed into the United States earlier this month "won't be the last." Hagelsieb also said that, unlike in cases involving figures such as Ismael "El Mayo" Zambada and Rafael Caro Quintero, the relatives of Ovidio "El Ratón" Guzmán are expected to receive several protections typically granted to individuals admitted under humanitarian parole. In an interview with investigative journalist Luis Chaparro, Hagelsieb said negotiations like this don't happen overnight. "The agreement talks began almost a year ago," Hagelsieb said. "They offered protection not only to the sons of El Chapo—they offered it to a lot of people." According to the former DHS official, there was a long-term strategy within the Sinaloa Cartel to protect certain members of the family, particularly El Chapo's younger sons. The plan involved the selective sharing of information, restructuring of the cartel, and family protection. In the interview reported by Infobae México , Hagelsieb also suggested that other key associates of the Sinaloa Cartel—such as the armed wing known as Los Salazar—were reportedly given "permission" to cooperate with U.S. authorities in exchange for protection for their inner circle. According to InSight Crime , Los Salazar functions as an armed wing of Los Chapitos and controls drug and migrant trafficking routes through Sonora and parts of Chihuahua. Its founder, Adán Salazar Zamorano, joined the Sinaloa cartel decades ago as a deputy to Joaquín "El Chapo" Guzmán. Humanitarian parole According to the U.S. Department of Justice, humanitarian parole is granted only in exceptional cases, typically for urgent humanitarian reasons or when there is a significant public benefit. Individuals who cooperate with the U.S. government may be eligible for a range of benefits, provided their cooperation is considered both valuable and verifiable. Among these benefits is humanitarian parole itself, which allows legal entry into the country for individuals who would otherwise be deemed inadmissible. In some cases, it also includes relocation to secure areas to protect witnesses and their families. Cooperating individuals may be given new identities to conceal their pasts, along with temporary financial support to help them begin new lives. This support can include housing, education and, in some cases, medical assistance. In certain instances, individuals may also be allowed to retain some assets, as long as those assets are considered clean and not directly tied to criminal activity. As Hagelsieb notes, more of El Chapo's relatives are expected to surrender to U.S. authorities in the coming weeks in hopes of receiving these types of protections. Meanwhile, Ovidio is expected to plead guilty to drug trafficking and money laundering charges during a court hearing in Chicago on July 9. His brother, Joaquín, is reportedly engaged in similar negotiations with U.S. prosecutors. Originally published on Latin Times
