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Hans India
11 hours ago
- Business
- Hans India
PM Modi's Maldives visit reinforces India's commitment to ‘neighbourhood first' policy
Male: Prime Minister Narendra Modi's recently concluded two-day state visit to the Maldives is being lauded as an "extremely productive and defining moment", demonstrating a significant turnaround in bilateral ties, after a period of strained ties characterised by Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu's "India Out" campaign." Through the two-state visit to the Maldives, PM Modi reiterated India's commitment to its 'Neighbourhood First' policy. PM Modi, who was the Guest of Honour for the 60th Independence Day celebrations, demonstrated India's role as a trusted friend and "First Responder" in the Indian Ocean region. PM Modi's visit to the Maldives was the first by any Head of State or government since Muizzu assumed office, successfully navigating a period of strained bilateral ties characterised by the "India Out" campaign, Asian News Post reported. During the visit, the two leaders reiterated their shared goals of peace, stability, and prosperity, laying the roadmap for a comprehensive economic and maritime security partnership. During the visit, PM Modi announced a Line of Credit worth INR 4,850 crore for infrastructure development in the Maldives, notably extended for the first time in Indian Rupee. The financial assistance announced by India is set to bolster critical sectors of the Maldives, including education, healthcare and housing and enhance the security capabilities. In addition, an amendatory agreement was signed to reduce annual debt repayment obligations from USD 51 million to USD 29 million for alleviating the Maldives' debt burden, marking a 40 per cent reduction. India and the Maldives announced the initiation of negotiations for a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) and expressed commitment to finalising a bilateral investment treaty. The two nations also signed several agreements across various sectors, including fisheries, meteorology and digital infrastructure. PM Modi also handed over 3300 housing projects and inaugurated a roads and drainage system project, along with six high-impact community development projects. In addition, India will provide 72 heavy vehicles to the Maldivian Ministry of Defence, boosting their defence capabilities. PM Modi and President Muizzu released a commemorative stamp marking 60 years of diplomatic ties between the two nations. PM Modi has consistently expressed India's unwavering commitment to bolstering cordial ties with neighbouring nations and elevating regional cooperation to a new vision. The renewed bonhomie with the Maldives showcases a powerful demonstration of this vision. PM Modi's visit to the Maldives offers valuable lessons in leveraging India's rapid economic growth. Sri Lanka, by aligning its economic strategies and strengthening partnerships with India, can benefit significantly from increased trade, investment, and collaborative development initiatives, contributing to its stability and prosperity in the South Asian landscape.
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First Post
16 hours ago
- Business
- First Post
India–Maldives ties: Time to look to the future, not the past
Lately, President Muizzu has conceded Delhi as a loyal friend and is working closely with India for economic recovery, which is unlikely to happen without the Maldives helping itself read more President of the Maldives Mohamed Muizzu, right, shakes hand with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi after signing a memorandum of understanding between the two countries in Male, Maldives, Friday, July 25, 2025. (Indian Prime Ministers Office via AP) At the end of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's two-day visit to the Maldives, 25-26 July, Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri said it all in his post-talks news briefing. 'Together, the two sides were looking into the future, not the past,' he said. This was India's position even on a day-to-day basis when, as a freshly minted president, host Mohamed Muizzu bad-mouthed India as much as he could for any Maldivian leader on bilateral matters. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The visit was rich in optics—yes. From a public diplomacy perspective, it matters the most in both nations, especially now. The content of the visit was no less positive but was not flashy, as some in India especially had expected. At the end of their talks, Muizzu conceded at a news conference that India was a 'supportive, loyal friend'. It had taken him months to realise it and acknowledge it in public. In retrospect, it is safe to conclude that in his first weeks as president, and during his presidential poll campaign earlier, he was misinformed and misled by those around him. Share of blame Yet, Muizzu cannot absolve himself of the blame, as he already had six long years of experience as a senior minister for the all-important infrastructure development sector during the successive presidencies of Mohammed Waheed and Abdulla Yameen. He spent five years through Yameen's full term in office, during which time he was not known to have even squirmed at the president's anti-democracy initiatives. When Yameen launched his 'India Out' campaign while in the Opposition, Muizzu was seen in those rallies, though not all of them. In turn, this made Muizzu suspect in ordinary Indian eyes, as New Delhi too had reasons to brand Yameen as 'anti-India', more than for his being 'pro-China' or anything else. It was based on Yameen's perceptions about India in the context of Maldivian domestic politics. This is one area where Muizzu too could still trip if he does not take the India element out of his domestic political calculations. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This includes motivated domestic perceptions that India backs democratic forces in the archipelago, represented purportedly by the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), and that every other leader, including Muizzu, is an autocrat or despot. This domestic perception among all political players in the country is not supported by India's actions that are people-centric, not personality-centric. Greater legitimacy The Prime Minister was accompanied by a high-level team, which included External Affairs Minister (EAM) S Jaishankar, National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval, and Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri. This indicated the level of engagement that accompanied the visit. Incidentally, the presence of NSA Doval was a lesser-known fact for the media in the two countries, but that does not necessarily mean that there were 'secret talks' on the security front, as often assumed. For optics, you had Muizzu receiving the prime minister personally at the Male airport, accompanied later at the official reception with a 21-gun salute, both of them unprecedented, and Modi's presence as the chief guest at the 60th Independence Day of Maldives. It was also the 60th anniversary of bilateral diplomacy, as India was among the first nations to recognise the new Maldivian regime post-independence in 1965. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Locally, eyebrows were raised, yes, when President Muizzu addressed a joint rally of the Maldivian National Defence Force (MNDF) and the Maldivian Police Service (MPS) on the afternoon of Independence Day, when the Indian visitor was still in town. This was the first time an incumbent president was addressing the two together after then-President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom bifurcated the infamous National Security Service (NSS) in 2006, in the run-up to full democratisation through a new constitution and presidential elections in 2008. Looked at from a domestic angle, the Indian Prime Minister's visit, followed by that of Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake in double-quick succession (July 28-29), is not about his administration opening up to ever-supportive neighbours, which is the truth of the matter. Instead, the perception, starting from Camp Muizzu, is one of his acquiring international legitimacy after having stabilised his hold over domestic governance and politics, in that order. Third visitor, who? STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Given the brutal majority that his People's National Congress (PNC) enjoys in the 93-member Parliament, there was no need for Muizzu to get an 'undemocratic' anti-defection law passed without debate. Nor was there any justification for the government-controlled Judicial Service Commission (JSC) suspending first and sacking three Justices of the Supreme Court when the full, seven-judge bench was set to hear a petition challenging the anti-defection law. Yet, he did both and initiated more such moves that critics claimed were 'anti-democratic'. It is in this context that critics see Muizzu's eagerness to have more foreign visitors on invitation, to tell his world that the international community stood by him. Hence, there is also speculation, if not betting, on who the 'lucky' third one would be after Modi and Anura to receive Muizzu's invitation to visit his country. New Delhi may not have any direct interest, least of all influence, in Muizzu's choice of the next couple of overseas Heads of State and/or Government visiting Maldives on invitation. Yet, India would be watching it all from the ringside to have a clear perspective of Muizzu's foreign, security, and overseas economic policies—not necessarily in that order. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Will the next visitor be the Chinese Prime Minister, if not President Xi Jinping, or Turkey's President Recep Erdogan? After all, Muizzu had courted both nations in his early weeks in office, and possibly before his election, too, and from whose shoulders he was firing (their?) anti-India salvos, too, before seeing their true colours, and tucked his tail between his legs without losing time or initiative. Credit and more On the constructive side, India and Maldives signed a total of eight agreements during Modi's visit, all of them discussed and debated threadbare in-house in the two governments and between them. The list includes one on a $565 million Line of Credit (LoC) from India and another on pharmaceutical supplies. This, in a way, is acknowledgement of the Muizzu Government's failure to obtain 'quality medicines at affordable prices' from Europe without depending on a 'single source' (India), as he had thumbed his chest last year. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Before the pharma deal now, Muizzu had gone back on his muscle-flexing on commissioning annual supplies of essentials, including rice, sugar, and wheat flour, from distant Turkey, again to limit dependence on a 'single source'. It happened after the Houthis' attacks in the Red Sea provided a legitimate excuse for Erdogan to possibly go back on his purported promise during Muizzu's visit only weeks after assuming office in November 2023. In Male, PM Modi also inaugurated multiple India-funded projects and handed over the keys to owners under a housing scheme. In a city with the highest population density for a South Asian capital, urban housing is still politically and electorally sensitive. Balanced FTA Of equal importance is one setting the terms of reference for further discussions on a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between India and Maldives. For now, Maldives especially has learnt a lot from the hurried FTA President Yameen signed with China in 2017 but whose implementation he and his successor, President Ibrahim 'Ibu' Solih, both did not take up. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Now, after implementing the China FTA since January 1 this year, Muizzu has found out that Maldives was losing scarce revenue, big time. Maldivians were spending dollars in big numbers, not only in conventional trade but also through online sales of Chinese goods, airlifted mostly out of Hong Kong. In recent months, this has affected small and medium traders in the country. They form a key electoral constituency. But then a 30 per cent service tax on specified online trade firms dealing in Chinese goods has not helped after the latter introduced equal discounts for their Maldivian customers. This would engage Indian negotiators as they work out the details of the Indian FTA in the coming weeks and months. They will also have another example in the Sri Lanka-Maldives FTA, which was signed during President Dissanayake's visit, post-Modi's. National dichotomy Maldives' woes owe to the nation living beyond its means. This has an indirect impact on national security and foreign policy that flows from over-dependence on external assistance. In the name of upholding national security and sovereignty viz the ever-helpful Indian neighbour, presidents like Yameen and Muizzu welcomed extra-regional powers, especially China. It only complicated the nation's security situation even more. They too silently acknowledged post facto that China had a larger scheme in which the Maldives was only a speck, and they could do nothing about it if sucked in more than ready. But domestic compulsions stood in the way of Yameen applying the correctives. With little choice after he found out that China, and also Turkey, did not match word with action, Muizzu at least is on a course correction viz India relations. Maldives' problems reside in the economic sphere. In a 500,000-population, half of whom are on the electoral list, first-time voters in their thousands are jobless. They tend to side with him who promises the moon. Frustration has already driven them to drugs, and the puritans among them tend to take to religious radicalisation—in the absence of any left political movement. Skill sets & FDI All these when available jobs, again in tens of thousands, are going to foreigners, mostly Bangladeshis but with a sizable sprinkling of Indians and some Sri Lankans, too. This is because local youth ambitions are not matched by skill sets that can attract big-ticket FDI in non-tourism sectors, too. Competitive populism is the bane. Every post-democracy president, including incumbent Muizzu, promised to set matters right but has been swept away by electoral compulsions. Going back to the days of 'elected autocracy' is not an option, but that is what successive post-democracy presidents have attempted in their own ways—but failed on both fronts. The people simply threw them out in favour of yet another untested individual, whose face was relatively fresh and whose promises looked beneficial. All of it often leads to situations wherein incumbent governments are tempted to fall back even more on external economic assistance, but in terms of 'competitive ideology', though none exists. Successful experience Muizzu is working closely with India for economic recovery that is unlikely to happen without Maldives helping itself. Given India's successful experience in pulling itself out of the fiscal/economic mess that it found itself in the early nineties, the Maldivian government, as a democracy, can also seek guidance in the matter, after downsizing them to Maldivian levels. In 2013, President Yameen's foreign policy document claimed that his government would make the nation economically strong to be able to have an 'independent foreign and security policy'. The reference was, of course, to India. He failed on the first count, so his government did not reach the second stage, despite his wooing China, as if the nation had a panacea for Maldives' ills. Muizzu began by placing himself in such a conundrum but has been quick to retrieve at least some of the lost ground. How he proceeds from here will decide the future for the Maldives and strategic peace for the region's nations, including India and Sri Lanka. That is where the Maldives' strategic reset should begin, where the Colombo Security Conclave (CSC) could provide a basis for defining/redefining the nation's priorities in the present and the future. Such an approach alone can help the Maldives and Muizzu to achieve what they intend to achieve on the domestic front. That is without them having to invite and/or facilitate complex competitive competition between superpower America and wannabe superpower China, both of whom do not belong here but want to be here through proxies. The writer is a Chennai-based Policy Analyst & Political Commentator. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
Indian Express
21 hours ago
- Business
- Indian Express
PM Modi's visit to the Maldives: A diplomatic reset
When President Mohamed Muizzu, riding the 'India Out' campaign, rose to power in the Maldives in September 2023, he signalled a clear intent to politically distance Malé from New Delhi. His January 2024 visit to China and his call for India to withdraw troops from the Maldives complicated ties with India. In this context, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's recent visit to the island nation to attend its Independence Day celebrations, during which several economic agreements were signed and projects inaugurated, marks a significant turnaround in bilateral relations after a period of strain. The Maldives is a key pillar of India's 'Neighbourhood First' policy. Beyond deep-rooted cultural ties and a history of friendly relations — India was among the first to establish diplomatic ties following that country's independence in 1965 — it sits atop critical sea lanes in the Indian Ocean, through which a major share of global trade and India's energy imports pass. It is an integral part of India's maritime security architecture. India provides economic support and assistance to the Maldives in infrastructure and healthcare. Tourism, which accounts for nearly a third of the Maldivian economy, saw Indians as the largest group of visitors for several consecutive years up to 2023. This trend was disrupted in 2024, after derogatory remarks by three Maldivian junior ministers (suspended subsequently) triggered a diplomatic row and led to a sharp decline in Indian tourist arrivals. In a bid to reverse this, President Muizzu, speaking to reporters over the weekend, acknowledged that 'India is one of the major countries that helps the Maldives with tourism. With PM Modi's visit, it is going to increase a lot.' Apart from meeting senior government officials, PM Modi also held separate interactions with the main Opposition party and leaders from across the political spectrum in the Maldives. These engagements reflect New Delhi's effort to insulate bilateral relations from the ebb and flow of politics between and within both countries. On the China question, it would be unrealistic to expect Malé to avoid doing business with Beijing. As the world's second-largest economy, China presents significant opportunities for the Maldives, and the latter is entitled to make its own choices. Talks on loan restructuring with China, however, initiated during President Muizzu's state visit in January 2024, have seen little progress so far. As a key neighbour and regional power, India can counterbalance Beijing's influence by making better offers — especially given that Maldives's external debt burden has worsened as a result of China's lending practices. New Delhi, therefore, should keep using its leverage to further its interests and maintain close relations, while keeping a watchful eye on Malé's political environment.
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First Post
2 days ago
- Politics
- First Post
From ‘India Out' to ‘India In': Delhi's Maldives reset as a template for regional diplomacy
Thanks to PM Modi's well-prepared and flawlessly executed visit, India-Maldives ties are in a good spot now; the task ahead for South Block is to work determinedly on the Nepal and Bangladesh files read more Social media platforms, such as X, are changing the way communication takes place and judgements are formed by both the ruler and the ruled. Following a widely covered two-day visit (July 25–26) to the Maldives, Prime Minister Narendra Modi noted, as part of his departure remarks, 'The productive talks with President [Mohamed] Muizzu will add significant energy to our bilateral relations.' A storm of positive reactions followed on X. A thoughtful comment by a follower in this series articulated it well by highlighting that Maldives is 'a strategically crucial neighbour' and, therefore, it is 'vital to keep relations with such a key ally strong, especially given domestic political sensitivities'. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Those watching the Indian PM's visit from distant regions may not be aware of the need to place India-Maldives relations on an even keel, but those closely following developments in South Asia are conscious of the high stakes involved—for Maldives, India, and the region. This positive visit and its substantive outcomes demonstrate that the forces favouring regional stability, peace, and cooperation stand strengthened by what was achieved and the favourable public reactions. The Backdrop As one who managed the division in the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) handling India-Maldives relations in the 1990s, I can affirm that from the time of the presidency of Maumoon Abdul Gayoom (1978–2008) to that of Ibrahim Mohamed Solih (2018–23), the relationship grew from strength to strength, with the exception of the tenure of President Abdulla Yameen (2013–18). The president, Mohamed Muizzu, was influenced by Yameen's thinking. He deployed the 'India Out' campaign to secure power in 2023 and acted initially to suggest that he would be perfectly happy to execute a strategic pivot to China. His first visits to Turkey and China, rather than to the closest neighbour—India; the conclusion of 20 agreements in Beijing; and the raging controversy over his public demand to India to withdraw a small team of defence personnel stationed there to man an Indian aircraft and two helicopters for the benefit of the Maldivian people created a challenging situation. People in India reported adverse reactions. But quiet diplomacy got into action. It produced results, yielding to the logic of geography and the compelling realities of geopolitics. What followed was the visit to the Maldives by External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar in August 2024. This is when the foundations of a reset were laid. A changed leader, now reflecting the transformation of a former mayor of Male into a true president of the Maldives, Muizzu paid a successful visit to India in October 2024. The two governments crafted and announced 'A Vision for Comprehensive Economic and Maritime Security Partnership' on October 7. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The crucial transaction was this: India spoke about the importance of Maldives in the former's 'Neighbourhood First' policy and Vision SAGAR (since elevated to MAHASAGAR), assuring the island nation of 'its commitment to assist' in its development journey, whereas Maldives formally 'acknowledged India's continued role as the 'First Responder' of Maldives in times of need'. It also promised to safeguard India's security interests. Key Outcomes Against the above backdrop, PM Modi's July visit—the third to Maldives but the first in Muizzu's tenure—served the basic purpose of educating and sensitising the people of Maldives that India's generosity and noble intentions towards them remain unchanged. In a special gesture, he was received at the airport by the president and his senior ministers. Wide-ranging discussions followed with the government leaders. But Modi also interacted with opposition figures, business leaders, the Indian diaspora, and others. The importance of his presence as the guest of honour at the 60th Independence Day celebrations of Maldives did not go unnoticed. The idea that, regardless of the change in government, India remains a steady and valuable partner of the Maldives seems to have sunk in. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Observers may have noted that the state visit did not result in a joint declaration. The explanation gathered was that the agreed long-term vision of October 2024 remains valid and relevant. Hence, it obviated the need for another document within a few months. Some ill-informed critics could argue that no civilian honour was bestowed on the eminent visitor. They should be informed that the country's highest civilian award was conferred on Mr. Modi in 2019. The positive results of the visit were announced clearly and concisely. MEA presented on its website the list of four agreements, or MoUs, three of which related to the economic facets of the relationship. India extended a new Line of Credit (LoC) of Rs 4,850 crores to Maldives and agreed to reduce the annual debt repayment obligations on previous Lines of Credit. The two governments also agreed to the launch of Free Trade Agreement (FTA) negotiations. Six projects, including social housing units and high-impact community development initiatives, were inaugurated or handed over to the Maldivian authorities. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD An elaborate ceremony of exchange of MoUs/agreements took place concerning eight agreements, which covered not only economic and trade matters but also cooperation in fisheries and aquaculture, meteorology, digital solutions, and the pharmaceutical field. A commemorative stamp was jointly issued to mark the 60th anniversary of diplomatic relations between India and the Maldives. An Evaluation President Muizzu depicted PM Modi's sojourn as 'a defining visit that sets a clear path for the future of Maldives-India relations'. Presenting an overall assessment, Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri called it a 'very, very timely and productive visit'. It provided the opportunity for the two leaders to review and further develop bilateral cooperation. They agreed that the various elements of the joint vision should continue to be implemented through a concerted approach. Following the visit, a critical analysis highlights three key aspects of this relationship and its broader implications. First, the reset in bilateral relations, begun last August during EAM's visit, has now gained special momentum. It owes much to New Delhi's patience and pragmatism, as well as its studied refusal to be provoked by public irritants. Wisely, the larger picture was kept in view. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Second, from a regional perspective, the visit demonstrated India's continued priority to consolidate its position in South Asia. Progress in relations with the Maldives, as well as with Sri Lanka, Nepal, and Afghanistan, and the continued excellent equation with Bhutan, ensures that India's leadership position remains largely intact. However, challenges regarding Bangladesh and Pakistan appear to be daunting. Third, the larger geopolitical context suggests that the competition between India and China in South Asia will persist unabated. In this context, mobilising diplomatic support and complementary policies from India's partners—the US, Japan, and Australia—may be desirable, especially in the case of the Maldives and Sri Lanka. There is room for progress in this sphere. Thanks to PM Modi's well-prepared and flawlessly executed visit, India-Maldives ties are in a good spot now. The task ahead for South Block is to work determinedly on the Nepal and Bangladesh files. Rajiv Bhatia is a Distinguished Fellow at Gateway House, a former Indian Ambassador with extensive diplomatic experience in regional and global groupings, and the author of three books on Indian foreign expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
India Today
3 days ago
- Politics
- India Today
From 'India Out' to red carpet for Modi: How Delhi turned Maldives around
About two years ago, when Mohamed Muizzu defeated Ibrahim Mohamed Solih of the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) to become the President of the Maldives, the prospect of diplomatic warmth between him and Prime Minister Narendra Modi, such as seen on Friday, seemed improbable. Muizzu's "India Out" campaign had strained ties with New Delhi. But in less than two years, the Maldivian President, in a rare break from protocol, made a grand gesture by personally receiving Prime Minister Modi upon his arrival in observers said the "hug" between the two leaders symbolised a reset in the strained ties. Some analysts also added that Muizzu may be "two-timing" by also leaning towards China. Still, the red carpet treatment and the 21-gun salute for PM Modi were no ordinary gestures, especially amid strained ties for about two development underscores India's understated diplomacy that constantly provided support to the Maldives despite its hostile approach towards India under DEMAND TO REMOVE INDIAN TROOPS FROM MALDIVES The issue dates back to 2023, when Muizzu demanded the withdrawal of approximately 90 Indian military personnel stationed in the Maldives for medical evacuations and maritime surveillance, framing their presence as an infringement on the Maldives' pivot towards China, including a state visit in January 2024 and the signing of 20 MoUs to deepen bilateral ties, raised concerns in New Delhi about a potential strategic shift in the Indian Ocean Maldives, under Muizzu, inked a pact with China for "non-lethal" weapons at no cost. Beijing also agreed to train Maldivian soldiers – another signal of the island nation distancing itself from India, which previously, along with the US, conducted such complied by withdrawing its military personnel, and did not sever ties with the Maldives. Instead, it continued, and even expanded, its development assistance and aid to the island fact, following the withdrawal, India replaced its personnel with civilian technical staff from Hindustan Aeronautics Limited to operate two helicopters and a Dornier aircraft gifted to the EXTENDED FINANCIAL AID TO MUIZZU GOVERNMENTOver the following months, this continued support bore fruit, contributing to what now appears to be a resetting of about a week after withdrawing the troops, in May 2024, India extended vital budgetary support by rolling over a $50 million Treasury Bill for an additional year through the State Bank of India in Male, helping the Maldives manage its fiscal Foreign Minister Moosa Zameer publicly thanked India for the gesture, emphasising the longstanding friendship between the two October 2024, India provided a $400 million emergency financial package and a Rs 3,000 crore (approximately $360 million) currency swap agreement to stabilise the Maldivian economy, which was under strain from a high debt-to-GDP ratio and maturing also agreed to explore debt relief measures for the Maldives' $400.9 million debt to India, as requested by support didn't end there. In 2025, India increased its aid to the Maldives by 28%, allocating Rs 600 crore to support economic stability and development projects, signalling a renewed commitment to bilateral SAW PROMOTION OF LAKSHADWEEP AS A THREATHowever, India's promotion of Lakshadweep as an alternative tourist destination, urging citizens to visit the western archipelago, was perceived in the Maldives, which has been a favourite destination for Indian celebrities, challenge its tourism Minister Modi in January last year posted a photo of himself from a Lakshadweep Indians might have cancelled their Maldives plan, but the island nation continued to feature in the social media posts of Indian FUNDING CRITICAL INFRA PROJECTS IN MALDIVESDespite the pushback on the tourism front, India continued funding critical infrastructure projects in the Maldives, including the Greater Male Connectivity Project, which aims to enhance economic mobility by connecting $500-million project, funded through a $100-million grant and a $400-million line of credit from India, is constructing a 6.74-km bridge and causeway network to connect the capital, Male, with three neighbouring islands – Villingili, Gulhifalhu, and Thilafushi – enhancing connectivity for nearly half of the Maldivian other investments in the Maldives include housing, sanitation, clean energy installations, and capacity-building the welcome extended to PM Modi in Male was not a sudden thaw. It was a result of India's quiet and consistent diplomacy which endured even as the Maldives tilted towards provocations and shifting allegiances, India chose engagement over escalation. Now, the geopolitical tides have again shifted in the strategic Indian Ocean Region.- EndsTune InMust Watch
