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New Indian Express
2 days ago
- Politics
- New Indian Express
Of ties, old and new
The book starts with how Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru drew a direct connection between the Indian freedom struggle and the Palestinian cause; independent India's foreign policy in the formative years was also based on this connection. In the next four decades, this relationship started changing—a notable example, according to the author, was the Indo-China war, when Nehru wrote to the first Israeli Prime Minister David Ben Gurion and sought help. The author claimed that Nehru took the decision of buying arms from Israel, but later stopped the purchase as it made Gamal Abdel Nasser, the President of Egypt, and Nehru's close partner in the Non-Aligned Movement 'unhappy'. The Modi era The author also traces an ideological connection between Hindutva and Zionism. In 2015, a year after the BJP government came to power, India abstained from voting against Israel at the UN Human Rights Council. Essa also writes about Savarkar's conception of the Hindu Rashtra being similar to the idea of the Jewish state. Modi, in fact, carries forward Atal Bihari Vajpayee's legacy in this regard. 'It was under Vajpayee's government that Delhi first hosted an Israeli prime minister, Ariel Sharon in 2003. So, Vajpayee was involved in taking the relationship with Israel forward. When Modi came to power in 2014, he wanted to build a Hindu state, in which Hindus would have more privileges than others. And Israel had already built that state, a so-called Jewish democratic state in which Jews had more rights than Palestinians, be they Muslims or Christians. Modi also sees Israel as a strong militaristic state, with an outsized influence over the world, and Modi wants to replicate that, too,' Essa tells TMS.
Time of India
17-07-2025
- Entertainment
- Time of India
Salman Khan talks candidly about 'Battle of Galwan'; admits he is 'not feeling it'
Salman Khan opens up about his state of mind as he talks about prep for his upcoming war drama, 'Battle of Galwan.' Salman Khan recently announced his next movie, 'Battle of Galwan,' which is based on the Galwan Valley face-off between India and China in 2020. And now, the superstar opened up about his preparation for the film and shared his feelings. The actor stated that things are going a bit "slow". In an interaction with India Today, Salman Khan shared that he is "not feeling it yet." However, the actor went on to add that he would surely "feel the cold water" while shooting for the film. He added, "I would definitely feel it, since shooting in Ladakh". The film is currently being shot in Ladakh. To get into the skin of the character, the actor is going all out with respect to physical prep. As per the reports, he has quit drinking alcohol and having junk food. Not just that, Salman now has fewer carbs in his disciplined diet. Along with that, weight training and cardio are also part of his training routine. The actor will be playing the role of Colonel B. Santosh Babu, who was leading the Indian soldiers during the Indo-China Galwan Valley clash. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Buy Resmed AirSense 11 with flat 20% off ResMed Buy Now Undo Earlier, in an interview with PTI, the actor stated that the character is physically demanding. He shared that with age, training for such a role "gets more difficult." He further added that earlier he used to train just for one or two weeks. He went on to say that shooting Ladakh, in high altitude and cold water, is quite a challenging task. Well, it goes without saying that Salman Khan is putting in all his efforts for one of the greatest roles of his career. And his fans are eagerly waiting for him to show why he is still the superstar of all time.
Daily Maverick
09-07-2025
- Business
- Daily Maverick
BRICS Summit 2025 — hard reset might be needed to reverse the bloc's flagging momentum
A back-to-basics approach might be needed amid mounting concerns about the blocs' continued relevance in shaping the international order. The recently concluded BRICS Leaders' Summit in Rio took place against the backdrop of great geopolitical flux. After years of growing relevance, the group appears to be struggling to maintain forward momentum. As its expanded membership grapples with its own internal contradictions and an increasingly unpredictable international system, a hard reset may be needed to get back to basics. In recent years, BRICS has enjoyed a resurgence. In 2022, the Ukraine war and fatigue with Western-dominated global governance and finance institutions bolstered interest in alternative power centres, particularly among Global South countries. The group's utility for its five core members has centred on shared interests, South-South cooperation and progressive internationalism. Global events bolstered the club's attractiveness as countries worldwide grappled with their geopolitical hedging strategies, seen, for example, through multi-alignment and active nonalignment behaviours. This was clear at the 2023 Johannesburg summit, which unexpectedly (and perhaps prematurely) led to BRICS' expansion. Invitations were extended to six new members – five officially joined, including Indonesia in 2025. Saudi Arabia has yet to formally accept. At the 2024 Kazan summit, the new 'partner country' model allowed 10 more states to participate in annual summits, with limited influence on declarations and outcomes. The group has become a vital platform for geopolitical recalibration among member states. Kazan, for example, led to a considerable strategic thaw in Indo-China relations following the first formal bilateral meeting between Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping in more than five years. Despite this positive momentum, concerns about BRICS' continued relevance in shaping the international order have intensified. This is mainly due to the bloat of its growing agenda, internal contradictions of its increasing membership and lack of a robust normative bedrock. Without this foundation, members will struggle to agree on a strategy to reform global governance and financial institutions. This year's summit appears to have dimmed the group's prospects further. Two of the five core members' heads of state did not attend in person. Xi's absence owing to a 'scheduling conflict' arguably points to Beijing's preoccupation with domestic priorities, as it grapples with mounting economic stresses. This was the first time Xi had not attended (either virtually or in person) since assuming office more than a decade ago. Russian President Vladimir Putin participated online, due to his International Criminal Court arrest warrant for alleged war crimes in Ukraine. This is reminiscent of South Africa's quandary as an ICC Rome Statute signatory and BRICS summit host in 2023. While this approach has seemingly become accepted by BRICS members, it points to deep contradictions in their respective international legal commitments – another impediment to pursuing global institutional reforms for a more just world. Also absent were the Egyptian, Iranian and United Arab Emirates presidents, who sent senior representatives. Two other core BRICS members, South Africa and host Brazil, appeared preoccupied with preparations for hosting other forthcoming multilateral summits: the G20 Leaders' Summit in Johannesburg and the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Belém. External pressures compound these challenges. President Donald Trump's administration had warned the bloc against initiatives to displace the US from its dominant position in global affairs. He asserted during the summit that 'any country aligning themselves with the anti-American policies of BRICS will be charged an additional 10% tariff'. Trump had threatened earlier that any moves to replace the US dollar with a BRICS-backed reserve currency would be accompanied by 100% tariffs, perhaps forcing a more circumspect approach from BRICS members. BRICS support for de-dollarisation, led by China and Russia, is high on the group's agenda – but internal disagreement around achieving it reveals fractures in the bloc's strategic unity, geopolitical strategist Velina Tchakarova told ISS Today. The German Marshall Fund's Dr Garima Mohan also highlighted these tensions, telling ISS Today: 'Given strained ties between two of its major founding members, India and China, it seems unlikely that the grouping will be able to speak in one voice or provide a credible critique of the current system of global governance. 'Additionally, China seeks to promote its own model – within BRICS and in other international formats – which is not more representative/democratic than the system we have in place today. This raises the question [of] whether BRICS is the right kind of platform for the reforms we need today.' With its core members spread so thin, it is unsurprising that this year's summit produced no fireworks. Expectations were limited to institutional developments focused on consolidating BRICS membership and thematic focus areas relating to cooperation on global health, trade and finance, climate change and artificial intelligence. The leaders' declaration contained several (fairly predictable) statements on global policy issues, and the outcomes largely validated the mild expectations for the Rio gathering. In sum, BRICS' approach this year has been to simply keep things turning over. This logic may not be entirely misplaced. Dr Samir Puri, the security director at Chatham House's Centre for Global Governance, says: 'BRICS has not emerged as a loud challenger to the controversial steps being taken by the second Trump administration, prompting questions over whether the platform has any worth. 'But a low-key BRICS summit may prove to be [smarter]. The BRICS countries are playing the long game, and there's little gain in provoking a loud clash with a conflictual US president.' However, this could equally be viewed as a missed opportunity. For all its flaws, BRICS remains uniquely positioned to represent global realities. Its diversity, non-ideological cooperation and growing economic heft allow coordination among nations that don't always agree but share common interests (not values). BRICS offers a platform that is pragmatic, strategic and unconstrained by the bureaucratic inertia of other multilateral bodies like the UN. While BRICS' incremental institutionalisation is a net positive, it will not move the needle in the prevailing global environment. The group's members are grappling with the weaponisation of trade policy, unilateral military interventionism, surging global defence expenditure and the impact of all this on the global institutional order. In this context, how will BRICS chart a new way forward for international cooperation? For the moment, it seems content responding to the volleys being served from Washington DC, rather than pre-empting major geopolitical developments, or placing other powers on the back foot. Against the headwinds of a revisionist US, a shaky Western alliance and a global system in crisis, bold and decisive moves by BRICS leaders are needed to usher in a more multipolar order. Simply keeping the ball rolling won't be enough. DM
The Hindu
04-07-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Congress makes fresh demand for debate on Indo-China relations after Army officer's revelation on China's covert support to Pakistan
In light of Deputy Chief of Army Staff Lieutenant General Rahul R. Singh's remarks regarding China's covert involvement in the recent India-Pakistan conflict, Congress general secretary (communications) Jairam Ramesh said that for five years, the party has been demanding a debate in Parliament on Indo-China relations which the government has consistently refused. Lt. General Singh said China provided all the possible support and that India was fighting not only Pakistan but also China and Turkiye. He was addressing industry chamber FICCI. Mr. Ramesh in a post on X said that the Deputy Chief of Army Staff has 'publicly confirmed' what has been talked about ever since Operation Sindoor was halted 'abruptly at the intervention of President Trump'. 'Lt. Gen Singh has revealed some details of the extraordinary ways by which China helped the Pakistan Air Force. This is the same China which completely destroyed the status quo in Ladakh five years ago but to which Prime Minister Modi gave a public clean chit on June 19, 2020,' Mr. Ramesh wrote. 'Consistent refusal' Since the 2020 Indo-China conflict, Mr. Ramesh said Congress has been demanding a discussion on the 'full gamut of India-China relations' in the Parliament. 'The Modi govt. has consistently refused to have such a debate. The INC will continue to make this demand in the forthcoming monsoon session of Parliament, scheduled to commence on July 21, 2025,' he said. At least now, Mr. Ramesh said the government must agree so that a consensus can be built for a collective response to the geopolitical and economic challenges that China poses to India — directly and through Pakistan. 'Recently, China organised a trilateral meet with Pakistan and Bangladesh in Kunming. India's trade deficit with China is at record highs. The border agreement arrived at is not a restoration of the status quo,' Mr. Ramesh remarked.
Time of India
03-07-2025
- Business
- Time of India
CS: Purnia airport to be operational by Aug-end
Patna: Chief secretary Amrit Lal Meena on Thursday announced that the Purnia airport would become operational by the end of August and commercial flight operations would commence shortly thereafter. The declaration followed a high-level review meeting held at Purnia to assess the progress of ongoing construction work. Meena directed the engineers and representatives of the executing agencies to expedite the remaining work while maintaining quality standards. Originally developed as the Chunapur airstrip by the Indian Air Force during the 1962 Indo-China war, the facility is now being upgraded to serve both military and civilian aviation needs. Meena also instructed the road construction department to complete the repair and construction of roads leading to the airport, which is expected to provide air connectivity to seven districts in the Seemanchal and Kosi regions, as well as to parts of West Bengal, Jharkhand and even Nepal. The Purnia airport's 2,800-metre runway is the longest in Bihar. The review meeting addressed the status of the interim terminal building, apron, runway and approach roads with an aim to make the facility operational as soon as possible. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Giao dịch vàng CFDs với mức chênh lệch giá thấp nhất IC Markets Đăng ký Undo Public demand for the airport dates back to the early 2000s with periodic demonstrations keeping the issue alive. A trial run began in 2012 but was discontinued due to inadequate infrastructure. After fresh land acquisition in 2022 and a project review by CM Nitish Kumar during his Pragati Yatra, the Airports Authority of India (AAI) approved the terminal building plan earlier this year. Given its regional importance, observers believe the Purnia airport project will be a major election issue in Seemanchal districts such as Purnia, Katihar, Araria and Kishanganj. The review meeting was attended by AAI chairman Vipin Kumar, additional chief secretary S Siddharth, aviation director Nilesh Rachandra Dewade, Purnia division commissioner Rajesh Kumar, DIG Pramod Kumar Mandal, DM Anshul Kumar, SP Sweety Sahrawat and an Indian Air Force wing commander.
