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The Hindu
2 hours ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
Ravi Mishra on India's 2026 Delimitation Crisis
Published : Jun 28, 2025 15:00 IST - 7 MINS READ High-voltage political conflicts have become the gladiator sport of our times. More often than not, the underlying issues are entirely frivolous or made-up. On rare occasions, they are non-trivial. The upcoming exercise of delimitation of constituencies for the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies (based on the first Census after 2026) is one such true conundrum that defies easy solutions. It also has two sides directly in conflict with each other with much to gain and lose; it is that rare issue that is real, complex, and extremely volatile which results in a ratings bonanza. As a consequence, we have not only had the predictable shouting matches and political campaigns, there have also been several scholars grappling with the underlying issue of late. Indeed, it raises serious questions of fairness regarding the raison d'être of the Indian Union. Most scholars who have explored the issue thus far have been political scientists or psephologists or others with a background in quantitative methods. A few lawyers have examined this issue as well. Scholars so far have looked at the problem as is, and have looked at its fairness versus unfairness implications—that is, the population of North India has grown exponentially faster than South India since the freezing of the delimitation exercise in 1976. The entire reason for the freeze was to ensure that this population divergence did not become a perverse incentive against the policy initiative on population control. Except, that is exactly what has happened and we are now in a pickle. Also Read | Delimitation: Facts, fears, and the future We have two bad options. The first is that we can punish success and reward failure by changing the current representation as the Constitution mandates it. This would rob southern India of its current representation edge, which it achieved through stabilising its population, and equalise that representation with North India which has not stabilised its population. The second is that we condemn much of North India to suffer the consequences of decades of bad governance of the past into the future as well, by retaining the current ratios of representation. In his latest book, Demography Representation Delimitation: The North-South Divide in India, Ravi K. Mishra attempts to bring in a historian's approach to the problem. His hypothesis is interesting. He argues that the starting point of using the 1971 Census data is incorrect and arbitrary. He argues that the populations of southern India grew much faster in the late 19th century and the first half of the 20th century, whereas the Indo-Gangetic plains did not grow as fast; he therefore suggests the late 20th century and early 21st century is when North India gets to grow fast again when the south does not. And therefore, his reasoning is that we should not punish north India for this cyclical nature of population growth. Demography Representation Delimitation: The North-South Divide in India Ravi K. Mishra Westland Non-Fiction Pages: 558 Price: Rs.999 The problem with Mishra's argument, however, is that he does not prove this cyclical nature of population growth with any certainty even though he spends two-thirds of the book on exactly that. It is here that one realises that using quantitative methods to drive a point forward is a skill. Mishra, who trained as a historian, seems to go in circles and does not quite land the argument. Mishra's analysis of population, population density, their movement thereof from decade to decade since 1871 is an exercise that adds little value. He starts by hand-wavy apportioning of certain populations to parts that now are in Bangladesh or Pakistan. This lack of rigour in handling data irks the reader trained in quantitative methods. Some important States, like Tamil Nadu, throw up data that run entirely counter to his argument. Tamil Nadu is also the State that has been the most vocal about delimitation in 2025. Yet, Mishra seems to completely ignore the implication of that. He uses regression analysis where a simple bar chart would have worked; and uses decade-by-decade explanatory analysis where a regression analysis would have added more value. So far, these are errors of omission. One can probably excuse Mishra because historians are not trained in regression analysis or in random processes. But what is inexcusable is how the analysis on fertility rate, the reason for population growth and its divergence, is entirely missing. That, even a sympathetic reader would think, is an error in bad faith. The population of a given place in the modern world, where death rates have stabilised and we no longer have famines, wars and plague, is driven by fertility rates. That is, how many children does each woman give birth to. And more importantly, this metric of total fertility rate (TFR) is perfectly correlated with the number of years of formal education that girl children get. And that is a metric of governance. For instance, if it is true that there is a cyclical nature to this population growth, why should we stop with one cycle going backward? Is it not likely that there were more? And if that is the case, what stops these cycles from being an infinite regress? If they indeed are, it only points to these societies—northern and southern India respectively—having rates of growth that are unlikely to converge for good in the future either. Which then means these societies are fundamentally distinct and therefore cannot be in a single political union where 'one person, one vote' is a foundational principle. The onus of proving this cycle is a 'once-in-the-history-of-mankind' event rests with Mishra. He gives no such proof. 'What do we do when we have two sets of societies in a single Union, each with a massively divergent TFR and different development trajectories? Especially when that TFR is driven by differences in access to school education for girls, which was a policy choice of these very societies. ' Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka, and Telangana have achieved low TFR like every other society in the rest of the world has: by sending girls to school. This is true for societies as vastly different as Iran and Sri Lanka. What Mishra should have done is, taken the TFR of these States from 1947 through the current period and plotted them against the number of years of schooling that girl children got in each of them. That would have told him the truth: it does not matter what the base population is or what the population density was; what matters is whether the given State sent its girl children to school. That is why Tamil Nadu's TFR crashed in the decade after M.G. Ramachandran relaunched the mid-day meal scheme in 1982. That policy resulted in gender parity in terms of Gross Enrollment Ratio in schools which had the unintended consequence of a falling TFR. Also Read | Delimitation debate: Why southern States fear losing political voice after 2026 When it comes to looking at representation and delimitation, the question is not whether the representation index of people in North India is worse than those of South India. Or whether it has been worsening in the last 50 years when the delimitation exercise has been frozen. Mishra answers these questions after an analysis; but that is tautological. Of course it has been worsening. That is how arithmetic works. If we have the numerator as a constant and have the denominator increasing faster for one group as compared to the other, the group with the larger denominator is going to have a smaller index. The real question is: what do we do when we have two sets of societies in a single Union, each with a massively divergent TFR and different development trajectories? Especially when that TFR is driven by differences in access to school education for girls, which was a policy choice of these very societies. Mishra finishes the book without ever considering the question. One unintended consequence of Mishra's analysis is that he strengthens the idea of these various societies that constitute the Indian Union as being distinct and different in terms of their history and culture. And therefore their population growth trajectories are different. Their politics and policy choices, which affected the population growth, are also different. If we want to force them into a single political Union, we are going to have problems. We can either be fair to some and unfair to others or be unfair to everyone. If fairness to everyone is a yardstick, we have no option but to radically decentralise the Union. Nilakantan R.S. is a data scientist and the author of South vs North: India's Great Divide.
NDTV
4 days ago
- Politics
- NDTV
50 Years Since Emergency: What Really Fuelled Indira Gandhi's Insecurity
On the eve of the 50th anniversary of June 25, the day in 1975 when, setting aside all norms, the Emergency was imposed, it may be worthwhile to recapitulate the events in the fortnight preceding that day as well as the events of the two years that preceded it. Gujarat's Navnirman Movement (December 1973-April 1974) was spurred by high mess bills in college hostels. This inspired the Bihar movement (from March 1974), which ultimately was led by Jayaprakash Narayan (JP) on the plank of 'Total Revolution', seeking change in polity. An all-India strike by railwaymen in April-May 1974, led by George Fernandes, the head of the National Coordination Committee of Railwaymen's Struggle (NCCRS), added to the chaos preceding June 1975. In January 1975, Railway Minister Lalit Narain Mishra was killed in a bomb blast on the platform of the Samastipur railway station in Bihar. This case is yet to be solved - a petition filed by his grandson, Vaibhav Mishra, seeking the reopening of the investigation by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), was admitted by the Delhi High Court recently. Poverty, food shortages and unemployment fanned these tensions and shook the Indira Gandhi regime, which till 1972 had been basking in the glory of victory over Pakistan in the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971. The roots of the political crisis that led to Emergency lay in the factional politics of Congress. In 1964, the political ambitions of Morarji Desai and Jagjivan Ram to succeed Jawaharlal Nehru were thwarted by the popularity of Lal Bahadur Shastri, whom Nehru had covertly groomed. Shastri made Gandhi a minister as he wanted to have the tag of 'Nehru legitimacy'(initially, Gandhi had been reluctant, but faced with the prospect of Shastri opting for her aunt, Vijayalaxmi Pandit, instead, she agreed). When Shastri passed away in Tashkent in January 1966, the choice fell upon Gandhi. Morarji lost out yet again. He challenged her again after the 1967 general election, which saw the Congress retain the Lok Sabha by a slender majority and lose power in the entire Indo-Gangetic plains to Opposition coalitions. Yet again, Gandhi prevailed. Morarji was a pivot of the Navnirman Movement and a prominent face of the JP agitation. He replaced Gandhi as Prime Minister in March 1977. The Congress split in 1969 began with her dropping Desai from her cabinet. The internal bickering in the Grand Old Party led to its split in 1969. A veneer of ideology was sought to be put on the split, but the intrinsic reason was a clash of personal ambitions. A section of the party wanted to throw off the Nehru yoke. The 1969 split made Gandhi lose the majority in the Lok Sabha, though she survived, thanks to the support extended by DMK and CPI leaders. To overcome this handicap, Gandhi called for elections one year before they were due, in 1971. Opposition united in what came to be known as the 'Grand Alliance' to challenge her. But the Congress, which had a slender majority in 1967, returned with over 350 seats in 1971. Irrepressible socialist leader Raj Narain, who had later defeated Gandhi in 1977, lost to her at Rae Bareli in 1971. He challenged the result in a petition before the Allahabad High Court on the grounds that Gandhi had used unfair practices to win. Raj Narain was represented by Shanti Bhushan, while Gandhi was defended by eminent jurist Nani Palkhivala. The latter had to take the witness stand in this case, which she lost on June 12, 1975. Palkhivala quit the case in protest when the Emergency was imposed as a consequence. Judge Jagmohan Lal Sinha dismissed charges of bribery but held that Gandhi had misused official machinery as her aide, Yashpal Kapoor's resignation had not been formally accepted when he began campaigning (Kapoor had resigned before leaving Delhi, but the formality of acceptance was pending). Justice Sinha gave the Congress 20 days to elect someone to discharge Gandhi's duties. Her resignation was demanded overtly by the opposition parties, but there were murmurs within the Congress as well. Initially, Gandhi toyed with the idea that Sardar Swaran Singh, who had been a minister since Nehru's days in 1952, be sworn in as Prime Minister while she stepped down and got herself cleared by the Supreme Court. Babu Jagjivan Ram, who was minister since his induction in the Interim Government of 1946, felt he should be chosen instead, though Gandhi was not confident that he would step aside when she won her case. This despite the fact that in 1969, she had relied upon Jagjivan Ram to head her faction of the Congress. The Election Commission's 1971 results record two Congress parties - the Indira faction's overwhelming 350+ results are credited to Congress (Jagjivan Ram), and 16 seats are credited to Congress (Organization). After the Emergency was imposed, on July 5, Jagjivan Ram moved the official resolution in Parliament for its approval. And after Gandhi relaxed Emergency on January 20, 1977, to hold elections, Jagjivan Ram on February 2 walked out of the Congress to form Congress for Democracy (CFD), which became an ally of the Opposition combine that ousted the Indira regime in March 1977. Apart from Jagjivan Ram, the then Congress President, Dev Kanta Barooah, who later was to be remembered for his 'India is Indira' slogan, raised Gandhi's suspicion by suggesting that till she is cleared by courts, she could swap places with him, making him the Prime Minister with she heading the party. This suggestion apparently had gained currency at a meeting of MPs held at 12 Safdarjung Road, the residence of Minister Chandrajit Yadav. Indira Gandhi's Principal Secretary, Prof PN Dhar, has recorded in his memoirs that the then Intelligence Bureau (IB) Director, Atma Jayram, had submitted a report suggesting that not more than 159 of the 350 party MPs would support Gandhi if there were to be a show of strength. The rest of the MPs' loyalties were divided - with Yashwant Rao Chavan heading the list with 17 supporters, and others having even less. In 1972, in the Shimla session of Congress, 'Young Turk' Chandrashekhar created history by getting elected to the Congress Working Committee despite Gandhi's opposition. The IB's report to Dhar stated that Young Turks had the biggest block - of 25 MPs - opposed to Gandhi's continuation. Chandra Shekhar was arrested as Emergency was imposed. When the Janata Party was launched on May 1, 1977, he became its President. He also briefly served as Prime Minister in 1990-91 after the fall of the VP Singh government. Thus, it was not merely JP's call to the army, police and government servants on June 25 from the Ramlila Ground - ' Aap roti ke tukdo par bikey nahin hain,aapne imaan nahin bech diya hai ' - which prompted the Emergency, as was cited by Home Ministry documents placed before Parliament on July 21, 1977, to justify the action. Internal threat to her leadership from within the Congress also played a part.
Time of India
13-06-2025
- Climate
- Time of India
Extreme weather another sign of climate change disrupting patterns, warn experts
Dehradun: India is reeling under an intense and prolonged heatwave sweeping through its northwestern, central, and eastern regions. Experts say climate change is rapidly altering the country's weather patterns, making such extremes more frequent and intense. Daytime temperatures have soared past 44°C across Delhi, Rajasthan, Punjab, and Haryana, while Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, and Jharkhand are also under severe heat stress. The India Meteorological Department (IMD) has issued red alerts for five consecutive days since June 9, one of the most persistent warnings this season. This surge in heat follows a cooler-than-expected start to summer, driven by sporadic rainfall and thunderstorms, particularly over the Indo-Gangetic plains. Delhi even recorded its wettest May ever, with 186.4 mm of rainfall, surpassing the 2008 record. However, the monsoon's advance stalled after reaching Mumbai and parts of the Northeast, and weakened western disturbances allowed hot, dry northwesterly winds from the Thar Desert to engulf the subcontinent. "The continuous flow of hot winds from Rajasthan—where temperatures neared 48°C—is fueling the heat across eastern and central India," said Mahesh Palawat, VP (meteorology and climate change), Skymet Weather. He added that delayed and disrupted monsoon currents, combined with lower moisture content in the air, are worsening heatwave conditions. The added humidity, particularly in the northern and eastern plains, is pushing heat indices to dangerous levels. KJ Ramesh, former director general of IMD, said that these developments are clearly linked to global warming. "There is no doubt climate change has increased the severity and frequency of heatwaves. Even a small rise in humidity can add 2–4°C to perceived temperatures, raising health risks," he said. Ramesh also noted that hilly states are now witnessing temperature increases of 2–4°C—once deemed unlikely. Recent data indicates a troubling pattern: both surface temperatures and humidity are rising, leading to more "thermal discomfort" days, especially in northwest India. The spread and frequency of heatwave days are also shifting. A study titled 'Shifting of the Zone of Occurrence of Extreme Weather Event—Heat Waves' highlighted that previously safe areas like Arunachal Pradesh and Kerala reported heatwaves during 2011–2020. The study also observed a southward shift in heatwave zones over the past three decades. "The rise in heatwaves across places previously untouched is a clear sign of a deepening climate crisis," the study said. States such as Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, and Ladakh have experienced an increase in extreme heat incidents since the 2000s. Meteorologists are also noticing altered wind and pressure patterns. A strong high-pressure zone over Western Russia in May reportedly diverted winds over India, allowing dry air from Afghanistan and Pakistan to dominate and delay monsoon activity. "These blocking patterns tweaked the atmosphere, shutting down cloud formation and monsoon progression," said Akshay Deoras, Research Scientist, National Centre for Atmospheric Science, UK. Weakened pre-monsoon winds over northern India are further compounding the issue by reducing the flow of cooler air, while stronger winds in the south are transporting more moisture, increasing humidity. Experts link this north-south divergence to weakening westerlies and monsoonal disruptions. The cumulative effect is evident in mortality data. Andhra Pradesh and Odisha reported the highest heat-related fatalities in the 2000s, with Andhra alone recording over 3,000 deaths in the 2010s. Telangana saw a steep rise in June deaths, while Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh continue to witness high fatalities from prolonged dry heat. Cities are particularly vulnerable due to the urban heat island effect. "India is witnessing a sharp surge in heat-related hospitalisations, especially from heatstroke. What's worrying is that extreme heat is now extending into monsoon months," said Palak Balyan, Research Lead at Climate Trends. "Prolonged exposure to heat and humidity is increasing health risks, particularly for outdoor workers, the elderly, children, and the urban poor. " Balyan emphasised the urgent need for adaptation strategies: "We need robust heat action plans, climate-resilient infrastructure, and targeted public health responses to deal with this escalating threat." With traditional summer patterns giving way to prolonged and uncertain extremes, experts say India must act swiftly to confront the realities of a warming climate. Follow more information on Air India plane crash in Ahmedabad here . Get real-time live updates on rescue operations and check full list of passengers onboard AI 171 .
Time of India
13-06-2025
- Climate
- Time of India
After wet May, searing heatwave, a result of how climate change modifying weather systems
Representational Image Bathinda: After large excess rains in North India in the month of May, the month of June has begun on an intensely hot note, with large parts reeling under a severe heatwave. While heatwave spells before the monsoon are not unusual, the scale and severity of this year's conditions once again bring global warming into sharp focus. Experts are increasingly pointing to climate change as a major driver behind the rising frequency, intensity, and changing geography of heatwaves across the country. The added spike in humidity levels has only deepened public discomfort, posing serious risks, particularly to vulnerable communities, finds Climate Trends, a research consultancy, in its note on changing heatwave patterns. Day temperatures have been skyrocketing since the first week of June, with mercury settling past 44°C mark across Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan and Delhi. India Meteorological Department (IMD) has been issuing red alert for five straight days since June 9 as before that heatwave spells were confined to Rajasthan. The primary reason for missing heatwaves this season were on-and-off spells of rain and thundershowers across Indo-Gangetic Plains. In fact, Punjab, Haryana and Delhi witnessed one of the wettest May. 'Monsoon had advanced almost a week before its time, however, after reaching Mumbai and many parts of Northeast India, the progress stalled, and the frequency of western disturbances also reduced significantly. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Giao dịch vàng CFDs với sàn môi giới tin cậy IC Markets Tìm hiểu thêm Undo In the last week, we have seen that cyclonic circulations over Northwest India were very weak and there has been a continuous flow of hot and dry winds over the Indo-Gangetic plains. The heat is being transported from the Thar desert, where temperatures have already been settling near 48°C, reaching up to eastern and central parts of the country. The continuous flow of these dry north-westerly winds is also not allowing the Monsoon further,' said Mahesh Palawat, Vice President- Meteorology and Climate Change, Skymet Weather. The searing heatwave became even more uncomfortable with the rise in humidity. This does not just increase discomfort but also poses a challenge to the health infrastructure. A prolonged exposure to extreme temperatures along with high humidity levels often causes heat strokes, mainly impacting the poor, outdoor workers, children, and the elderly. According to experts, the ongoing weather conditions are directly related to the impact of global warming. Climate change has increased the variability of extreme weather events, especially heatwave over India. 'Northwest India remains susceptible to heatwaves until the monsoon arrives over the region. There is no doubt that climate change has led to increased severity of heatwaves across the region. Humidity is another troubling factor that has become more prominent due to global warming. A slight increase in humidity levels adds 2-4°C, increasing discomfort. Morbidity has also risen because of these combined factors. The northern plains were used to dry weather conditions; however, they now struggle with humid weather conditions. With the rise of every one degree of warming, the capacity of the air to hold water vapour has increased by 7%. All the hilly states have seen two to four degrees of warming,' said KJ Ramesh, former director general, IMD. The observed migration of heatwave occurrences at places previously less susceptible is a clear signal of the broadening climate crisis. The time series of heatwave events over the last three decades reveals an increase in heatwave occurrences over the years. According to a latest study on heatwaves, 'Shifting of the Zone of Occurrence of Extreme Weather Event—Heat Waves', it has been observed that heatwave instances over North India (Punjab, Haryana, Delhi, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand) increased every 10 years from 1991-2020. Locations of heatwave were concentrated in central India during 2001-2010 that appeared to shift towards the Southern region during 2011-2020. Further analysing the occurrences of severe heatwave events over India in the past three decades in June, there was a notable increase in hot weather conditions across the northwestern to central regions of India. Additionally, these conditions extended to hilly states such as Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand and certain areas of the Union Territory of Ladakh. It has been observed that heatwave events are on the rise, particularly from 1971 up to the last decade in the northeastern states. The last two decades marked the beginning of an even warmer global climate. The reason behind this adversity can be traced to the synoptic conditions associated with prevailing high temperatures, particularly instances of north– south wind discontinuity and the recurring cyclonic storms over the Bay of Bengal towards the east. These events disrupt the pressure distribution system followed by the movement of the north-south trough towards the sea, resulting in the cut-off of sea breeze and also strengthening the intense pressure system, causing persistent high temperatures leading to heatwaves.
Hindustan Times
08-06-2025
- Entertainment
- Hindustan Times
Singer who opened up for Maharashtra a treasure trove of north India's images through ‘thumri'
MUMBAI: Her deep, focussed voice could mine myriad images from the folds of a vibrant 'dadra' or a soulful 'thumri', thus celebrating the beauty and timelessness of folk music, which defines India's ethos and raison d'etre. Needless to add, Shobha Gurtu, the 'thumri' queen, remained peerless both as singer and performer. A musical soiree was recently held at the Swatantrya Veer Savarkar auditorium at Shivaji Park by the cultural directorate of the state government to commemorate Gurtu's birth centenary; and more such concerts are being planned through the year, a directorate official told HT on Friday. According to experts, to Gurtu goes the credit for having brought the richly nuanced music of the Indo-Gangetic plains down the Vindhyas, to Maharashtra, thus providing a counterpoint to the austere 'khayal gayaki' of which the state became a melting pot in the nineteenth century, an abode of countless 'gharanas'. 'Actually, ghazal and 'dadra-thumri' were an integral part of Shobhatai's growing years. What makes her so special is her ability to internalise all influences — that of her mother (noted danseuse-singer Menakabai Shirodkar) and her guru (Ustad Ghamman Khan, the sturdily built and kind-hearted doyen of the Gwalior gharana), and map out her own course,' said Neela Bhagwat, the renowned exponent of the Gwalior gharana. 'Shobhatai redefined 'thumri' and put her own stamp on it. It wasn't enough for Shobhatai to be a Siddheshwari Devi (the legendary 'thumri' singer) clone. She took ahead the latter's content and craft. Also, Shobhatai remains unique for her voice projection.' Gurtu's 'thumris', belted out in a husky voice, welcomed harvest and 'Holi', while her ghazals celebrated love, loneliness and lust. 'Toone yeh kya sitam kiya' and 'Garmi-e-hasratein nakaam se jal jaate hain', for instance, were a rage at concerts. According to Bhagwat, a Gurtu concert was 'abundantly delightful'. 'Shobhatai would be lost in her own reverie—sometimes contemplative, sometimes playful. She did many 'abhinaya'—her eyebrows arched, a mischievous glance at someone seated in the auditorium whom she had chosen that evening for a dialogue (once it was thespian Nana Patekar) through her music, while her hands executed an eye-catching 'mudra', all done with great dignity and a radiant smile. Actually, she sought liberation through her music; and in as much as this, she was a feminist,' said Bhagwat. Pandit said, 'Shobhatai's music had a great depth. The 'bhaav' (mood) was the soul of her personality and music.' Recalling her long association with the singer, Pandit said, 'Shobhatai's 'thumris' would often puzzle me as there was no path laid out for a student. A 'khayal' composition has set rules: right notes, precise 'taal', a cohesive 'taan' pattern and so forth. However, a 'thumri' lets you go footloose, and that's its strong point. She would not teach us within a framework. She would just begin to sing and allow us to meander through the secret chambers of a composition. I slowly began to discover 'thumri' and the guru too.' Gurtu was simple, down to earth and a warm person, she added. Entrepreneur Priya Gurtu described her mother-in-law as a 'noble soul, free of rancour and ill-will.' 'A 'pucca' Goan, Aaiee (mother) was 'susegaad',' she added. Trilok, Gurtu's son, is an internationally acclaimed drummer; Ravi, who died young, was an ace musician in filmdom, while the youngest Narendra is an entrepreneur with a flair for the tabla. Music buffs said Gurtu would take a 'raag' and turn it into a 'thumri', often blending two 'raagas' to add texture to composition. Many Gurtu songs attract countless views on the YouTube: for instance, 'Sawan ki ritu aayee sajaniya', the straight-from the-heart 'kajri'; 'Rangee sari gulabi chunaria' and 'Chaitar chunari rangaa de'. Also, her film ditties —'Nathaniya ne hai Ram bada dukh deena' ('Sajjo Rani') and 'Sainyya nikas gaye' ('Main Tulsi Tere Angan Ki') —are equally popular. Gurtu received the prestigious Sangeet Natak Akademi award in 1987 and 'Padma Bhushan', the country's third highest civilian honour, in 2002 followed by the Lata Mangeshkar Puraskar and the Maharashtra Gaurav Puraskar. Among her admirers were Lata Mangeshkar, Pandit Mallikarjun Mansoor, Pandit Bhimsen Joshi, Pandit Shivkumar Sharma, Pandit Hariprasad Chaurasia, Ustad Zakir Hussain and Kishori Amonkar. In fact, Kishori, Shobha and Prafulla (Dahanukar, the eminent painter) were great friends — 'The Goa Girls' Club', as Gurtu would joke. The troika challenged the patriarchal order in music and the arts with guts and gusto. Gurtu was born in February, 1925 in Belagavi, Karnataka, and died in Mumbai in September 2004.
