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Economic Times
02-07-2025
- Politics
- Economic Times
The GCC and the Global South: Voices in an age of civilisational crisis
AP Trump speaks at a recent Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Summit in Riyadh We are not living in a moment of crisis — we are living through a clash of civilisations. But this clash is not merely geopolitical; it is deeply existential. At its core, humanity is grappling with an identity crisis, a crisis of meaning, which then spills over into politics, international relations, and institutions. The Indo-Mediterranean region — stretching from the Middle East through the Indian subcontinent — remains the cradle of this ongoing civilisational struggle. This region is home to the roots of most major world religions. Christianity was born in what we now call Israel and Palestine. Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism also emerged from this geographic corridor. Even Zoroastrianism, which once thrived in Iran, was gradually replaced by Shia traditions. These religious and spiritual legacies continue to define the cultural, philosophical and political foundations of our global society. However, we are now witnessing a fragmentation of these traditions. Islam, though born in Saudi Arabia, now has its largest populations in the Indian subcontinent — Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh — and in Indonesia, the world's largest Muslim-majority country, far removed from the Middle East. Islam itself faces a deep institutional crisis, particularly within its Sunni tradition. A century after the abolition of the caliphate, the Muslim world is struggling to define itself internally — between the moderate majority and the radical minority that, as is often the case, shouts louder, acts more violently, and dominates the global narrative. Amidst this spiritual and institutional confusion stands the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) — a coalition of Arab states that, in many ways, serves as both the protector and reformer of the Islamic world. The GCC countries, especially the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar, have increasingly positioned themselves as stabilisers not just within their region, but also across the broader Indo-Mediterranean and African spheres. Their growing influence in African states like Sudan and Somalia underscores their evolving role as both geopolitical actors and cultural intermediaries. US President Donald Trump seemed to intuitively grasp this reality. His first overseas visit as president in his second term was to the Gulf states, reflecting a recognition — whether strategic or symbolic — that the future of Islam and, by extension, global stability, will in part be shaped by what happens in the GCC and West Asia. Trump's controversial yet telling diplomacy is less an aberration and more a reflection of our collective identity crisis in the democratic world. In democracies, after all, leaders are often mirrors of the political consciousness — or the lack of it — of the societies that elect them. While attention continues to focus on the Israel-Palestine conflict, the broader transformation happening in the Gulf—and its impact on the Global South — deserves equal scrutiny. The demographic center of the world has shifted. It no longer lies in the United States or Europe. It lies between Africa and Asia, among the younger, more populous, and often voiceless societies that constitute the Global this context, the emergence and evolution of BRICS — a coalition of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa — becomes relevant. Though the grouping may appear contradictory, given the vast differences in political systems, ideologies, and economic structures, it has endured and expanded. Countries like the UAE have joined, and Saudi Arabia has been invited. BRICS may not be an ideal or coherent bloc, but it is becoming a platform where the Global South seeks visibility and participation in BRICS reflects its pursuit of 'strategic autonomy.' It tries to walk a tightrope: engaging with powers that are at times ideologically opposed or even hostile, while maintaining its democratic values and domestic coherence. India's experience in multilateral forums — like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, where it recently faced silence over a terrorist attack it endured — highlights the limits of these alliances. Yet India persists, not as a hegemon, but as a voice of the Global is what distinguishes India from China in the BRICS configuration. While China seeks to lead, India seeks to represent. And in this effort, the civilisational ties between India and the GCC become critical. With over 250 million Muslims, India maintains deep, enduring and largely peaceful relationships with Gulf countries. These are bonds not just of labour and trade, but of shared history, migration and cultural affinity. It is a relationship unlikely to BRICS contemplates alternative financial systems, such as moving away from the US dollar, it's important to remember that most member countries are still trying to ensure basic survival for large segments of their populations. While such initiatives may be symbolically powerful, they are unlikely to succeed unless grounded in the lived realities of the Global the growing convergence between the GCC and BRICS is not merely a matter of strategic interest — it is a civilizational necessity. The world's largest populations and youngest citizens now reside between Asia and Africa. This is where the future will be negotiated. And while the current world order still reflects the architecture of the Cold War, it is in these regions — the Indo-Mediterranean, the Gulf, and the broader Global South — where a new, plural, more inclusive order is being is here that the existential questions of identity, belief, governance, and coexistence will be addressed. The GCC's evolving role, alongside India's civilisational diplomacy and BRICS' expanding platform, may well shape the contours of a new global equilibrium — one that better reflects the voices of the majority of humanity. Vas Shenoy is an Italian entrepreneur and author of Indian origin. He is the founder of The Indo-Mediterranean Initiative ( He serves as the Chief Representative for Italy, Indian Chamber of Commerce (ICC).
Time of India
02-07-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
The GCC and the Global South: Voices in an age of civilisational crisis
We are not living in a moment of crisis — we are living through a clash of civilisations. But this clash is not merely geopolitical; it is deeply existential. At its core, humanity is grappling with an identity crisis, a crisis of meaning, which then spills over into politics, international relations, and institutions. The Indo-Mediterranean region — stretching from the Middle East through the Indian subcontinent — remains the cradle of this ongoing civilisational struggle. This region is home to the roots of most major world religions . Christianity was born in what we now call Israel and Palestine. Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism also emerged from this geographic corridor. Even Zoroastrianism, which once thrived in Iran, was gradually replaced by Shia traditions. These religious and spiritual legacies continue to define the cultural, philosophical and political foundations of our global society. However, we are now witnessing a fragmentation of these traditions. Islam, though born in Saudi Arabia, now has its largest populations in the Indian subcontinent — Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh — and in Indonesia, the world's largest Muslim-majority country, far removed from the Middle East. Islam itself faces a deep institutional crisis, particularly within its Sunni tradition. A century after the abolition of the caliphate, the Muslim world is struggling to define itself internally — between the moderate majority and the radical minority that, as is often the case, shouts louder, acts more violently, and dominates the global narrative. Amidst this spiritual and institutional confusion stands the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) — a coalition of Arab states that, in many ways, serves as both the protector and reformer of the Islamic world. The GCC countries, especially the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar, have increasingly positioned themselves as stabilisers not just within their region, but also across the broader Indo-Mediterranean and African spheres. Their growing influence in African states like Sudan and Somalia underscores their evolving role as both geopolitical actors and cultural intermediaries. US President Donald Trump seemed to intuitively grasp this reality. His first overseas visit as president in his second term was to the Gulf states , reflecting a recognition — whether strategic or symbolic — that the future of Islam and, by extension, global stability, will in part be shaped by what happens in the GCC and West Asia. Trump's controversial yet telling diplomacy is less an aberration and more a reflection of our collective identity crisis in the democratic world. In democracies, after all, leaders are often mirrors of the political consciousness — or the lack of it — of the societies that elect them. Live Events While attention continues to focus on the Israel-Palestine conflict, the broader transformation happening in the Gulf—and its impact on the Global South — deserves equal scrutiny. The demographic center of the world has shifted. It no longer lies in the United States or Europe. It lies between Africa and Asia, among the younger, more populous, and often voiceless societies that constitute the Global South. In this context, the emergence and evolution of BRICS — a coalition of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa — becomes relevant. Though the grouping may appear contradictory, given the vast differences in political systems, ideologies, and economic structures, it has endured and expanded. Countries like the UAE have joined, and Saudi Arabia has been invited. BRICS may not be an ideal or coherent bloc, but it is becoming a platform where the Global South seeks visibility and voice. India's participation in BRICS reflects its pursuit of 'strategic autonomy.' It tries to walk a tightrope: engaging with powers that are at times ideologically opposed or even hostile, while maintaining its democratic values and domestic coherence. India's experience in multilateral forums — like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, where it recently faced silence over a terrorist attack it endured — highlights the limits of these alliances. Yet India persists, not as a hegemon, but as a voice of the Global South. This is what distinguishes India from China in the BRICS configuration. While China seeks to lead, India seeks to represent. And in this effort, the civilisational ties between India and the GCC become critical. With over 250 million Muslims, India maintains deep, enduring and largely peaceful relationships with Gulf countries. These are bonds not just of labour and trade, but of shared history, migration and cultural affinity. It is a relationship unlikely to fracture. As BRICS contemplates alternative financial systems, such as moving away from the US dollar, it's important to remember that most member countries are still trying to ensure basic survival for large segments of their populations. While such initiatives may be symbolically powerful, they are unlikely to succeed unless grounded in the lived realities of the Global South. Ultimately, the growing convergence between the GCC and BRICS is not merely a matter of strategic interest — it is a civilizational necessity. The world's largest populations and youngest citizens now reside between Asia and Africa. This is where the future will be negotiated. And while the current world order still reflects the architecture of the Cold War, it is in these regions — the Indo-Mediterranean, the Gulf, and the broader Global South — where a new, plural, more inclusive order is being imagined. It is here that the existential questions of identity, belief, governance, and coexistence will be addressed. The GCC's evolving role, alongside India's civilisational diplomacy and BRICS' expanding platform, may well shape the contours of a new global equilibrium — one that better reflects the voices of the majority of humanity. Vas Shenoy is an Italian entrepreneur and author of Indian origin. He is the founder of The Indo-Mediterranean Initiative ( He serves as the Chief Representative for Italy, Indian Chamber of Commerce (ICC).
Hans India
25-04-2025
- Politics
- Hans India
World leaders head to Rome for funeral of Pope Francis
Rome: The funeral of Pope Francis on Saturday brings about an unexpected opportunity for Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni's efforts at bringing Rome to the centre of global diplomacy. US President Donald Trump has announced his presence for the funeral as Rome works with the Vatican's diplomacy to receive delegations from 170 countries. President Droupadi Murmu will be visiting Vatican City to attend the State Funeral of Pope Francis and offer condolences on behalf of the government and people of India. The Indian delegation would also include Union Minister for Parliamentary Affairs and Minority Affairs Kiren Rijiju, Minister of State for Minority Affairs and Fisheries George Kurian; and Deputy Speaker of Goa Assembly Joshua De Souza. Trump's presence in Rome for the funeral creates an opportunity for conversations and discussions with Italian Prime Minister Meloni which would have probably taken weeks or months to coordinate. It is expected that Italy's President Sergio Mattarella will host a meeting with Presidents Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in Meloni's presence to discuss a strategy for the future of Ukraine. The US President has also announced that he expects to have "meetings" with other international leaders in Rome. Meanwhile, it seems European Commission President Von der Leyen is trying to conduct a bilateral meeting with the US President during a visit to the eternal city. The Italian Prime Minister's visit to Washington concluded with President Trump accepting her invitation to Rome for an EU-US summit in late May. Pope's funeral presents Von der Leyen, who felt excluded from the decision-making process, an opportunity to push for a bilateral meeting and take control of the narrative. Meloni and Trump will jointly meet world leaders and other senior representatives who will be in Rome for the funeral, especially those from the Middle East. In the past 24 hours, Meloni has had a call with the Sultan of Oman, after his return from Moscow as well as Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi after the terror attack in Pahalgam. Both Trump and Meloni are strong allies of the Indian Prime Minister and the terrorist attack in Jammu and Kashmir and the resulting tension in South Asia, will be an important discussion point between them. Discussions with other delegations from the Indo-Mediterranean, including the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Oman and Jordan, will also be important for both leaders. Iran is expected to send a senior delegation to the funeral and the new Cardinal of Tehran-Isfahan, who has been a bridge between the Vatican and Tehran will vote in the coming conclave. While Russian President Vladimir Putin will not attend the funeral, the country is expected to be represented by its culture minister. As many as 50 heads of state and 10 reigning monarchs will be present at St. Peters, including Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, Argentinian President Javier Milei, Philippine's Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and France's Emmanuel Macron. The United Kingdom will be represented by Prince William and Prime Minister Keir Starmer. China, which has no diplomatic relations with the Holy See, has allowed Hong Kong's outspoken Roman Catholic Cardinal Joseph Zen to travel to Rome for the funeral. Taiwan, breaking with tradition, will be represented by a high-level delegation and not the President. The Holy See is one of the few countries which has diplomatic relations with Taiwan. Israel will be represented by a small delegation, given tensions on Pope Francis' view of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's approach to the Hamas terrorist attack. Despite it being forbidden for Jews to attend funeral services on Saturday, their holy Sabbath, the Chief Rabbi of Rome Riccardo di Segni and the President of the Jewish Community in Rome, Victor Fadlun will both attend the funeral - a testament to the goodwill Pope Francis had developed with all communities.
