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Luxon shines on global stage but has work to do at home - Fran O'Sullivan
Luxon shines on global stage but has work to do at home - Fran O'Sullivan

NZ Herald

time6 hours ago

  • Business
  • NZ Herald

Luxon shines on global stage but has work to do at home - Fran O'Sullivan

Nato Secretary-General Mark Rutte, who Luxon would meet with later in the week as the sole political leader from the Indo-Pacific Four present at the big security meeting at the Hague, also had a strong career at Unilever before becoming Dutch Prime Minister. Rutte held that role for almost 14 years before taking up the security alliance leadership in October 2024. Further insights into the Unilever style were shared: I was pointed to a Dutch magazine which acknowledged Unilever disproportionally produces leaders as it invested in leadership development long before it became fashionable, and recruitment always factored in more than IQ alone – soft skills and aspects like motivation, personality and worldview. Unilever also used to hire a surplus of management trainees which hence had to compete; people were often thrown into the deep end by being sent overseas, and because of the surplus, good managers ended up elsewhere as well. In Leiden there was business to do. Luxon worked a room stacked with representatives of Kiwi firms based in the Netherlands and potential Dutch investors in NZ. There was keen interest from the private equity players and investors I spoke with in the Government's drive to increase foreign investment in NZ and to leverage the ground-breaking EU-NZ Free Trade Agreement. This is important as the Government seeks to obtain broader-based investment in NZ. This will be emphasised later this year at the European Business Summit, which is expected to attract participation by potential investors from Europe. The Prime Minister is now in his sweet spot on these international sojourns. He is a practised hand when it comes to putting his hustle on. That was evident at his earlier business meetings in Shanghai and Beijing where he promoted NZ dairy and beef products, tourism and more. His meetings with Chinese President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Qiang were highly successful. It was obvious at the Great Hall of the People that he had struck a warm accord with both leaders – the body language spoke to that along with flattering comments from the president. At the Nato dinner he was placed with French President Emmanuel Macron and EU President Ursula von der Leyen. The Nato meeting was essentially a drum roll for US President Donald Trump off the back of the US bombing Iranian nuclear facilities and his efforts to bring Israel and Iran back to negotiations. The European partners in Nato have agreed to increase their defence budgets at Trump's urging. The meeting between Rutte and Nato's Indo-Pacific partners – NZ, South Korea, Japan and Australia – was more vanilla. Rutte's statement indicated Nato and the Indo-Pacific Four were committed to strengthening dialogue and co-operation, based on shared strategic interests and common values, and on the recognition that the security of the Euro-Atlantic and Indo-Pacific is interconnected. Rutte expressed Nato's gratitude to the Indo-Pacific partners for their 'steadfast support' to Ukraine and Flagship Projects. Where Nato and the Indo-Pacific Four will concentrate is on learning from each other on key topics, including the security of supply chains, development, production and procurement processes. They will look to collaborate on projects to deliver capabilities including in the space and maritime domains, and in the area of munitions. There will also be co-operation with Nato on emerging and disruptive technologies and opportunities to foster co-operation on innovation through relevant actors, including dual-use start-ups. It seems clear from the Nato statement that the interoperability of NZ's forces with the Western security alliance will also be pursued with the potential to create collaborative defence industrial opportunities. This is heady stuff. Luxon returned to NZ yesterday after 12 days on the road. He is faced with declining polls, the need to engage more with the senior business community through listening and to ensure domestic issues like NZ's energy security are solved. He's done a good job on the global stage - there is now work to be done at home.

Why Did Japan Skip the NATO Summit?
Why Did Japan Skip the NATO Summit?

The Diplomat

time13 hours ago

  • Politics
  • The Diplomat

Why Did Japan Skip the NATO Summit?

On June 23, Japanese Prime Minister Ishiba Shigeru canceled his attendance at the NATO summit held in The Hague from June 24 to 25. Ishiba had originally planned to attend to 'reaffirm with NATO allies and others the recognition that the security of Euro-Atlantic and Indo-Pacific is inseparable,' according to an announcement from the Foreign Ministry. The Foreign Ministry cited 'various circumstances' for Ishiba's cancelation, which came a day after the U.S. strikes on Iranian nuclear sites. Japan – along with the other Indo-Pacific 4 (IP4) countries, South Korea, Australia, and New Zealand – were invited to the annual NATO summit, as they have been every year since Russia's invasion of Ukraine. This year was the first time since then-Prime Minister Kishida Fumio attended in 2022 that the Japanese prime minister skipped the NATO summit. Foreign Minister Iwaya Takeshi attended the summit instead. During his 30-minute meeting with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, the two sides welcomed the progress in Japan-NATO relations since Rutte's visit to Tokyo in April, and 'concurred to work together to elevate the Japan-NATO cooperation to a new height in various fields, including the defense industry.' In a notable setback for this goal, however, a NATO official confirmed that NATO was not currently discussing opening a Tokyo liaison office. Japan had been pursuing such an office to strengthen ties with NATO at least since spring 2023, but France had opposed it due to concerns about China's backlash. Germany was also cautious. Also at the NATO summit, Iwaya had a 10-minute meeting with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, where they both agreed to support the ministerial-level negotiations on tariffs between the two countries and confirmed that they would communicate closely to maintain the Israel-Iran ceasefire. The 'various circumstances' alluded to with regards to Ishiba's cancelation likely included the U.S. strike on Iran – which would make a Japan-U.S. bilateral summit meeting difficult to schedule – and the decisions of Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and South Korean President Lee Jae-myung to not attend – which made an IP4-U.S. summit meeting impossible. (New Zealand's prime minister was the only top leader from the IP4 countries present.) Another consideration is the upper house elections in Japan, now scheduled for July 20. Some in Japan have criticized Ishiba for not attending, arguing that the prime minister should have tried harder to get other regional countries to attend. Even with hindsight, it can be difficult to know what the right course of action was, but the limited amount of time between the U.S. strikes on Iran and the start of the summit would have severely constrained Ishiba's freedom of maneuver, even if Albanese and Lee would have been receptive to foreign interference. Such criticism also seems to miss how dramatically the world has changed since the NATO summit of 2022, when Japan was shoulder-to-shoulder with its sole ally rallying international opinion against Russia's war. The NATO summit of 2025 occurred in a context where the U.S. has backtracked on support for Ukraine, and Japan faced a dilemma over how to respond to its ally's actions in Iran. Another possible reason that Ishiba stayed home was continued disagreement between the United States and Japan over Tokyo's defense spending and ample signals that allies' defense spending would be a key theme at the NATO summit. Japan is on track to meet its stated goal of spending 2 percent of its GDP on national security-related spending by 2027. According to a June 20 Financial Times report, however, a sudden demand from Washington for Tokyo to increase defense spending still further led Japan to cancelled the annual '2+2' security dialogue between the Japanese and U.S. foreign affairs and defense chiefs scheduled for July 1 in Washington, DC. However, it is unclear whether the meeting was 'canceled' or 'postponed.' From Japan's perspective, part of the problem is the ever-shifting goalposts for defense spending. U.S. officials have at times urged different benchmarks for defense spending, from 3 percent to 3.5 percent or even 5 percent of GDP. Earlier, in his written response to questions from U.S. senators, then-nominee for under secretary of defense for policy Elbridge Colby (who has since been confirmed) had answered that Japan should spend 'at least 3 percent of GDP on defense as soon as possible.' Following the agreement at the NATO summit that members will increase their defense and related spending to 5 percent of GDP, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt answered a reporter's question about U.S. Asia-Pacific allies: 'If our allies in Europe and our NATO allies can do it, I think our allies and our friends in the Asia-Pacific region can do it as well.' Following the NATO summit, a senior Japanese government official acknowledged, 'There's no doubt that the United States will step up its demands.' An expert panel is currently reviewing the next Defense Buildup Program within the Ministry of Defense, and there is a widespread view within the ministry that increasing Japan's defense spending is inevitable given the severe security environment. However, it is still unclear where the additional funding would come from. The previous Kishida Cabinet had decided to raise income taxes to achieve the 2 percent target yet the timing for the tax hike has not been determined yet.

Walking fish? These 8 species have mastered life beyond water
Walking fish? These 8 species have mastered life beyond water

Time of India

time13 hours ago

  • Science
  • Time of India

Walking fish? These 8 species have mastered life beyond water

We usually picture fish as sleek swimmers, gliding effortlessly through rivers, oceans, or lakes. Water is where they belong– or so we think. But in parts of Asia, Africa, Australia, and the Americas, a few remarkable fish are proving that the rules of nature aren't always so rigid. When their surroundings dry up or become unpredictable, these species do the unthinkable: they leave the water behind and head out across land. Some inches across the mud. Some scale rocks. A few even "walk." Their movements may be slow or awkward, but they're enough to help them find shelter, escape danger, or wait out a drought. Here are eight such species that are changing the way we look at life underwater. Mudskipper These quirky little fish are a common sight in Indo-Pacific mangroves, often seen out of water more than in it. Mudskippers use their strong front fins to hop and scoot across muddy surfaces. They also have a clever way of breathing through their skin and mouth lining, which keeps them going even when the tide's out. Lungfish Spread across Africa, South America, and Australia, lungfish are survivors from another age. They're one of the few fish with both lungs and gills. When their lakes or rivers dry up, they burrow into the ground and go into a kind of hibernation, surviving for months without a single drop of water. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like 월 평균 148만원 부업! N잡러 마음잡는 메리츠파트너스 메리츠파트너스 더 알아보기 Undo Longlure Frogfish This one doesn't leave the sea, but it still moves in an unusual way. Found in the coral reefs of the western Atlantic, the longlure frogfish walks along the ocean floor using its fins. It's a slow mover, but that helps it sneak up on prey without being noticed. Climbing Perch Native to Southeast Asia and parts of India, the climbing perch has a talent for land travel. When water sources run low, it pushes itself along using its gill plates and body strength to find another pond. It also breathes air, which lets it survive for hours outside of water. Cave Angel Fish Found deep inside Thailand's caves, this rare species is unlike most others. It can climb, thanks to modified pelvic fins, and it's one of the few fish known to move vertically, even up waterfalls. Living in total darkness, it's adapted in extraordinary ways to survive. Walking Catfish Originally from Southeast Asia and now found in places like Florida, this fish is known for traveling across land when it rains heavily. It uses its fins to wiggle along wet ground, moving between ponds and flooded areas. With the ability to breathe air, it's built for unstable conditions. Lithogenes Wahari This Venezuelan catfish doesn't leave the water, but it has its own way of getting around. It uses pelvic fins to cling to rocks and 'walk' along the bottom of fast-flowing rivers. It's designed to handle powerful currents that would knock most fish off course. Epaulette Shark Off the coast of Australia, the small but fascinating epaulette shark uses its fins to crawl between tidepools when the water gets too shallow. It can survive in low-oxygen environments for hours– a rare trait in the shark world. It's an expert at navigating the tricky terrain of reef flats.

PM urged to hedge bets by boosting defence spending
PM urged to hedge bets by boosting defence spending

The Advertiser

time17 hours ago

  • Business
  • The Advertiser

PM urged to hedge bets by boosting defence spending

Anthony Albanese is digging his heels in on lifting defence spending as the US heaps more pressure on its allies to increase their share. NATO members agreed to spend five per cent of their economic output on defence and security, after calls by US President Donald Trump. The boost has led to more pressure on Washington's Indo-Pacific allies to do the same, with White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt saying countries such as Australia should follow suit. "If our allies in Europe and our NATO allies can do that, I think our allies and our friends in the Asia-Pacific region can do it as well," she said. Analyst Andrew Carr said defence spending was a "hedge against a potential future" that could result in money being wasted or a nation harmed without the extra resources during wartime. "Given where we are now in the kind of worsening strategic environment, including in our region, there's probably a good reason for increasing spending faster even than it was proposed in 2023," the ANU Strategic and Defence Studies Centre senior lecturer said. The defence strategic review, released two years ago, found more funding will be required and must match the strategic circumstances Australia faces. Dr Carr said Australia had made a significant investment over the past 14 years in defence that amounted to a "near doubling" of spending in real terms. NATO nations will be expected to spend 3.5 per cent of their gross domestic product on core defence and a further 1.5 per cent on broader security. This includes adapting infrastructure for military use and protecting energy sources. Australia's defence spending is set to rise from two per cent of GDP now to 2.3 per cent by 2033/34. Appearing frustrated by repeated questions on whether Australia should increase its defence budget, the prime minster said the plan - which was taken to the federal election - will be followed through. "What we're doing is making sure that Australia has the capability that we need. That's what we're investing in," he told reporters in Sydney on Friday. "We've increased it by $57 billion over the medium term and by more than $10 billion in the short term as well." Spain objected to the spending pledge and flagged it did not intend to meet the five per cent target. Mr Trump warned the European nation its exports could be slapped with fresh tariffs by the US if it did no commit to the alliance's commitment on defence spending. Asked if he was concerned Australia could face a similar threat from the US president, Mr Albanese played down the prospect. "I'm not going to comment on things between Spain and the United States. What my job is is to look after Australia's national interest, that includes our defence and security interests," he said. Foreign Minister Penny Wong is preparing to fly to the US for talks with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio. The meeting with Mr Rubio will be part of discussions between the foreign ministers of Quad alliance nations, which includes Japan and India. Quad foreign ministers previously met in January, with the alliance focusing on issues in the Indo-Pacific. Opposition defence spokesman Angus Taylor said boosting spending levels was not about doing what the US wanted. "This is not about being bullied," he said. "This is about being doing the right thing for our great country, and that's what we want to see." Anthony Albanese is digging his heels in on lifting defence spending as the US heaps more pressure on its allies to increase their share. NATO members agreed to spend five per cent of their economic output on defence and security, after calls by US President Donald Trump. The boost has led to more pressure on Washington's Indo-Pacific allies to do the same, with White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt saying countries such as Australia should follow suit. "If our allies in Europe and our NATO allies can do that, I think our allies and our friends in the Asia-Pacific region can do it as well," she said. Analyst Andrew Carr said defence spending was a "hedge against a potential future" that could result in money being wasted or a nation harmed without the extra resources during wartime. "Given where we are now in the kind of worsening strategic environment, including in our region, there's probably a good reason for increasing spending faster even than it was proposed in 2023," the ANU Strategic and Defence Studies Centre senior lecturer said. The defence strategic review, released two years ago, found more funding will be required and must match the strategic circumstances Australia faces. Dr Carr said Australia had made a significant investment over the past 14 years in defence that amounted to a "near doubling" of spending in real terms. NATO nations will be expected to spend 3.5 per cent of their gross domestic product on core defence and a further 1.5 per cent on broader security. This includes adapting infrastructure for military use and protecting energy sources. Australia's defence spending is set to rise from two per cent of GDP now to 2.3 per cent by 2033/34. Appearing frustrated by repeated questions on whether Australia should increase its defence budget, the prime minster said the plan - which was taken to the federal election - will be followed through. "What we're doing is making sure that Australia has the capability that we need. That's what we're investing in," he told reporters in Sydney on Friday. "We've increased it by $57 billion over the medium term and by more than $10 billion in the short term as well." Spain objected to the spending pledge and flagged it did not intend to meet the five per cent target. Mr Trump warned the European nation its exports could be slapped with fresh tariffs by the US if it did no commit to the alliance's commitment on defence spending. Asked if he was concerned Australia could face a similar threat from the US president, Mr Albanese played down the prospect. "I'm not going to comment on things between Spain and the United States. What my job is is to look after Australia's national interest, that includes our defence and security interests," he said. Foreign Minister Penny Wong is preparing to fly to the US for talks with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio. The meeting with Mr Rubio will be part of discussions between the foreign ministers of Quad alliance nations, which includes Japan and India. Quad foreign ministers previously met in January, with the alliance focusing on issues in the Indo-Pacific. Opposition defence spokesman Angus Taylor said boosting spending levels was not about doing what the US wanted. "This is not about being bullied," he said. "This is about being doing the right thing for our great country, and that's what we want to see." Anthony Albanese is digging his heels in on lifting defence spending as the US heaps more pressure on its allies to increase their share. NATO members agreed to spend five per cent of their economic output on defence and security, after calls by US President Donald Trump. The boost has led to more pressure on Washington's Indo-Pacific allies to do the same, with White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt saying countries such as Australia should follow suit. "If our allies in Europe and our NATO allies can do that, I think our allies and our friends in the Asia-Pacific region can do it as well," she said. Analyst Andrew Carr said defence spending was a "hedge against a potential future" that could result in money being wasted or a nation harmed without the extra resources during wartime. "Given where we are now in the kind of worsening strategic environment, including in our region, there's probably a good reason for increasing spending faster even than it was proposed in 2023," the ANU Strategic and Defence Studies Centre senior lecturer said. The defence strategic review, released two years ago, found more funding will be required and must match the strategic circumstances Australia faces. Dr Carr said Australia had made a significant investment over the past 14 years in defence that amounted to a "near doubling" of spending in real terms. NATO nations will be expected to spend 3.5 per cent of their gross domestic product on core defence and a further 1.5 per cent on broader security. This includes adapting infrastructure for military use and protecting energy sources. Australia's defence spending is set to rise from two per cent of GDP now to 2.3 per cent by 2033/34. Appearing frustrated by repeated questions on whether Australia should increase its defence budget, the prime minster said the plan - which was taken to the federal election - will be followed through. "What we're doing is making sure that Australia has the capability that we need. That's what we're investing in," he told reporters in Sydney on Friday. "We've increased it by $57 billion over the medium term and by more than $10 billion in the short term as well." Spain objected to the spending pledge and flagged it did not intend to meet the five per cent target. Mr Trump warned the European nation its exports could be slapped with fresh tariffs by the US if it did no commit to the alliance's commitment on defence spending. Asked if he was concerned Australia could face a similar threat from the US president, Mr Albanese played down the prospect. "I'm not going to comment on things between Spain and the United States. What my job is is to look after Australia's national interest, that includes our defence and security interests," he said. Foreign Minister Penny Wong is preparing to fly to the US for talks with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio. The meeting with Mr Rubio will be part of discussions between the foreign ministers of Quad alliance nations, which includes Japan and India. Quad foreign ministers previously met in January, with the alliance focusing on issues in the Indo-Pacific. Opposition defence spokesman Angus Taylor said boosting spending levels was not about doing what the US wanted. "This is not about being bullied," he said. "This is about being doing the right thing for our great country, and that's what we want to see." Anthony Albanese is digging his heels in on lifting defence spending as the US heaps more pressure on its allies to increase their share. NATO members agreed to spend five per cent of their economic output on defence and security, after calls by US President Donald Trump. The boost has led to more pressure on Washington's Indo-Pacific allies to do the same, with White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt saying countries such as Australia should follow suit. "If our allies in Europe and our NATO allies can do that, I think our allies and our friends in the Asia-Pacific region can do it as well," she said. Analyst Andrew Carr said defence spending was a "hedge against a potential future" that could result in money being wasted or a nation harmed without the extra resources during wartime. "Given where we are now in the kind of worsening strategic environment, including in our region, there's probably a good reason for increasing spending faster even than it was proposed in 2023," the ANU Strategic and Defence Studies Centre senior lecturer said. The defence strategic review, released two years ago, found more funding will be required and must match the strategic circumstances Australia faces. Dr Carr said Australia had made a significant investment over the past 14 years in defence that amounted to a "near doubling" of spending in real terms. NATO nations will be expected to spend 3.5 per cent of their gross domestic product on core defence and a further 1.5 per cent on broader security. This includes adapting infrastructure for military use and protecting energy sources. Australia's defence spending is set to rise from two per cent of GDP now to 2.3 per cent by 2033/34. Appearing frustrated by repeated questions on whether Australia should increase its defence budget, the prime minster said the plan - which was taken to the federal election - will be followed through. "What we're doing is making sure that Australia has the capability that we need. That's what we're investing in," he told reporters in Sydney on Friday. "We've increased it by $57 billion over the medium term and by more than $10 billion in the short term as well." Spain objected to the spending pledge and flagged it did not intend to meet the five per cent target. Mr Trump warned the European nation its exports could be slapped with fresh tariffs by the US if it did no commit to the alliance's commitment on defence spending. Asked if he was concerned Australia could face a similar threat from the US president, Mr Albanese played down the prospect. "I'm not going to comment on things between Spain and the United States. What my job is is to look after Australia's national interest, that includes our defence and security interests," he said. Foreign Minister Penny Wong is preparing to fly to the US for talks with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio. The meeting with Mr Rubio will be part of discussions between the foreign ministers of Quad alliance nations, which includes Japan and India. Quad foreign ministers previously met in January, with the alliance focusing on issues in the Indo-Pacific. Opposition defence spokesman Angus Taylor said boosting spending levels was not about doing what the US wanted. "This is not about being bullied," he said. "This is about being doing the right thing for our great country, and that's what we want to see."

Bangladesh's sovereignty at stake: Humanitarian corridors or geopolitical Trojan Horses?
Bangladesh's sovereignty at stake: Humanitarian corridors or geopolitical Trojan Horses?

First Post

time18 hours ago

  • Politics
  • First Post

Bangladesh's sovereignty at stake: Humanitarian corridors or geopolitical Trojan Horses?

As Bangladesh grapples with Myanmar's enduring humanitarian crisis, the recent proposal for a United Nations-backed humanitarian corridor connecting Chittagong with Myanmar's Rakhine State, while outwardly noble, poses significant risks to national sovereignty and regional stability. These corridors, historically depicted as lifelines, often bear the subtle marks of strategic intervention, geopolitical exploitation, and foreign intelligence operations. In March 2025, UN Secretary-General António Guterres proposed establishing a humanitarian corridor from Bangladesh's critical port city of Chittagong into Myanmar's violence-ridden Rakhine State. This corridor aims to deliver aid to over two million displaced persons suffering under famine conditions. Bangladesh's interim government, currently led by Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus, linked corridor approval directly to Rohingya refugee repatriation—a political quid pro quo potentially fraught with security risks. Yet, despite assurances, the corridor's broader implications remain troublingly unaddressed. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Geopolitical precedent consistently demonstrates the vulnerabilities inherent in such humanitarian corridors. Syria, Libya, and Afghanistan offer stark illustrations: humanitarian routes became pipelines for foreign military equipment, intelligence operations, and covert proxy support. The Chittagong corridor risks mirroring these patterns, transforming a vital economic hub and strategic port into an intelligence foothold or even a forward operating base for foreign powers. Already, credible intelligence indicates that external powers are manoeuvring along the Bangladesh-Myanmar border region. Reports allege U.S. intentions to leverage humanitarian channels in support of anti-junta groups such as the Arakan Army (AA), including drone operations based near Cox's Bazar. Such actions align closely with Washington's broader Indo-Pacific strategy, which aims to counter Chinese regional influence. Conversely, China's recent joint military exercises with Bangladesh, dubbed 'Golden Friendship-2024', similarly hint at strategic positioning disguised as regional cooperation. These manoeuvres risk drawing Bangladesh into unwanted great-power rivalries, further destabilising an already volatile region. Compounding these threats is the alarming influence of non-state actors. The AA now exerts significant control over a 271-kilometre stretch of Bangladesh's border with Rakhine. Local reports from Bandarban reveal frequent armed AA movements, sometimes seemingly with tacit official tolerance. Should a humanitarian corridor materialise without stringent oversight, there's a genuine risk it would be hijacked to facilitate arms trafficking and insurgent financing, intensifying cross-border conflict and inviting retaliatory actions from Myanmar's junta. Equally concerning is the role of international NGOs, some of which have previously come under suspicion. Dhaka has intensified scrutiny of NGOs after credible allegations emerged regarding espionage and anti-repatriation activism disguised as humanitarian activities. The potential exploitation of humanitarian access by NGOs for espionage purposes is a documented reality elsewhere and must not be underestimated here. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Meanwhile, domestically, Bangladesh's interim government faces growing criticism over its unilateral handling of border security policy. Decisions regarding the humanitarian corridor appear to be detached from military counsel, exacerbating civilian-military tensions and creating exploitable vulnerabilities. The disastrous 2025 BDR massacre exposed critical institutional weaknesses within Bangladesh's security apparatus, revealing precisely how foreign actors might exploit internal fractures. Regional reactions further complicate the scenario. India has strengthened its border surveillance with Bangladesh due to legitimate fears of insurgency spillover and refugee inflows. Yet, ASEAN's continued paralysis regarding Myanmar's crisis leaves Bangladesh increasingly isolated, forcing it into risky unilateral actions. The UN's humanitarian initiative, though well-intentioned, conspicuously lacks safeguards to prevent the corridor's misuse. Without these measures, Bangladesh risks being perceived—rightly or wrongly—as aligning with specific geopolitical agendas, further undermining its diplomatic independence and national sovereignty. Historical lessons offer grim caution. Humanitarian corridors have repeatedly been exploited as instruments of geopolitical manipulation. In Syria and Afghanistan, these corridors turned into conduits for arms trafficking, proxy warfare, and covert foreign bases. The Balkan refugee crisis vividly illustrated how corridors fractured sovereign control, fostering human trafficking and smuggling networks. Such outcomes must compel Bangladesh to reconsider the operational parameters of the corridors rigorously. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Bangladesh now stands at a crossroads. Genuine humanitarian needs in Myanmar must be addressed, but never at the cost of sovereignty or regional stability. Dhaka must demand ironclad international guarantees, including UN-monitored aid operations, binding agreements that prohibit foreign military assets or intelligence activities, and strict oversight of NGO involvement. Simultaneously, a transparent, inclusive national policy debate involving military, civilian leadership, and civil society stakeholders is essential to protect sovereignty, border integrity, and long-term stability. Humanitarian initiatives should alleviate suffering—not serve as backdoors for geopolitical interference. Bangladesh must act decisively to ensure the Chittagong-Rakhine corridor remains exactly what it claims to be: a channel for compassion and not a geopolitical Trojan horse. The writer is the Director General of the Centre for Land Warfare Studies Lt Gen Dushyant Singh (Retd) is Director General, Centre for Land Warfare Studies (CLAWS). Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD

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