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News24
04-07-2025
- Politics
- News24
Chief with a Double Agenda: A hidden history now open to South Africans
'Chief with a Double Agenda is not just a book about Buthelezi,' writes Mandla J Radebe in his introduction to this republished work. 'It is a book about betrayal, ideology, class collaboration and the dangers of political amnesia. It is about the ways in which colonial and apartheid regimes co-opted segments of the oppressed to maintain power and how those collaborations were rationalised in the language of pragmatism. It is about the limits of reconciliation without justice and the costs of democracy built on silence and expediency.' Gatsha Buthelezi: Chief with a Double Agenda was first published in London in 1988 but was made unavailable in South Africa because of litigation threats by Mangosuthu Buthelezi (clan name Gatsha). Jacana Media has now republished this historic work to make it widely available, and it is News24's Book of the Month for July. Operating from within the South African government's apartheid systems, Buthelezi – Chief Minister of the KwaZulu homeland – presented himself as a leading opponent of apartheid but resolutely opposed the struggle for liberation led by the ANC and its allies. He preached a doctrine of non-violence yet headed the Inkatha movement, which was widely accused of using violence against its opponents. In contrast to the call of the worldwide anti-apartheid movement for sanctions against South Africa, Buthelezi toured Western capitals seeking new investments. Who was this man, and what did he stand for? Whose side was he on? Jabulani Nobleman 'Mzala' Nxumalo examined these vital questions in an analysis using a wide range of materials, including interviews with some of Buthelezi's contemporaries, to investigate a complex political figure. In this edited extract from the introduction, Radebe gives the background to his controversial figure and the book. BOOK: Gatsha Buthelezi: Chief with a Double Agenda by Jabulani Nobleman 'Mzala' Nxumalo (Jacana) In the complex and contested history of South Africa's national liberation struggle, few figures have provoked as much controversy or generated such polarising views as the late 'traditional prime minister' to the Zulu kingdom and the founder of Inkatha Freedom Party, Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi (1928-2023). Revered by his followers as a traditionalist, nationalist, and statesman, and reviled by many within and beyond the liberation movement as a collaborator and reactionary, Buthelezi's political legacy remains entangled in contradictions. Nowhere are these contradictions more systematically dissected than in Jabulani Nobleman 'Mzala' Nxumalo's 1988 book Gatsha Buthelezi: Chief with a Double Agenda. Far from a conventional biography, Mzala's book qualifies to be regarded as a revolutionary polemic, influenced by Marxist-Leninist analysis and tradition, and intended not merely to inform but to also intervene. In this book, Mzala subjects Buthelezi to a public trial, ultimately indicting him as a political quisling – an African leader who, masked in the rhetoric of Zulu nationalism, eventually lent legitimacy to the apartheid regime's ethno-nationalist and divide-and-rule strategy. Indeed, it is difficult to imagine that such a characterisation wouldn't meet fierce contradictions. The publication of Chief with a Double Agenda marked a critical moment in the ideological contestation over the meaning of leadership, collaboration, and struggle for liberation in the latter years of apartheid South Africa. Mzala did not merely question Buthelezi's political choices, he denounced the entire edifice of the Bantustan system and its ideological underpinnings. In so doing, he exposed Buthelezi's role not as a tactical opponent of apartheid from within but as a vital cog in the apartheid state's infrastructure. Indeed, Buthelezi's association held strategic historical significance for the National Party, largely due to the demographic and symbolic weight of the Zulu kingdom, which the regime viewed as instrumental in legitimising and sustaining the broader project of apartheid. Mzala's thesis, delivered with precision and polemical force, rendered the book a political spectre – one that would haunt Buthelezi's public life until the very end. The significance of Mzala's intervention lies not only in its critique of one man but in what it reveals about the broader political conjuncture, particularly in the tumultuous 1980s. At a time when the apartheid state was facing internal revolts and international condemnation, and when elements within the liberation movement were debating strategies of armed struggle, negotiation, and mass mobilisation, Chief with a Double Agenda offered a sharp reminder that not all black leaders operated in the service of liberation. Mzala consistently advanced the argument that blackness, in and of itself, was not a marker of revolutionary consciousness and insisted that pigmentation alone, 'even if blacker than coal,' did not equate to progressiveness. Grounded in a Marxist-Leninist analysis of class collaboration and the national question, he categorically located Bantustan leaders such as Kaiser Matanzima, Lucas Mangope, and Patrick Mphephu within the camp of counter-revolutionaries, whose roles he viewed as antithetical to the objectives of national liberation. Equally, for Mzala, Buthelezi's insistence on operating within the apartheid-sanctioned structures, his leadership of the KwaZulu Bantustan, his opposition to sanctions, and his antagonism towards the United Democratic Front (UDF), represented not pragmatism but betrayal. It would be disingenuous to overlook the extent to which Buthelezi's legacy remains deeply contested, particularly in relation to his engagement with apartheid-era policies such as the Bantu Authorities Act (BAA). Enacted in 1951, the BAA constituted a foundational pillar of the apartheid state's ideology of 'separate development', systematically entrenching ethnic divisions by co-opting traditional leadership structures and institutionalising Bantustans as pseudo-autonomous entities under the firm grip of state control. Buthelezi assumed the chieftaincy of the Buthelezi 'clan' within the framework of this system in the early 1950s, a position that shaped his later political trajectory. As Chief Minister of KwaZulu, he projected himself as a vocal opponent of apartheid, even as he operated squarely within the architecture of the Bantustan system. This duality became a defining feature of his political identity and a source of enduring controversy among scholars, activists, and political commentators. While Buthelezi consistently defended his participation in the Bantustan system as a form of strategic resistance from within, many critics interpreted his role as calculated collaboration with the apartheid state. His refusal to accept nominal 'independence' for KwaZulu distinguished him from other homeland leaders, with Buthelezi arguing that such 'independence for the homelands was a government strategy aimed at stripping blacks of their South African citizenship' (JL Marshfield). Yet, notwithstanding this stance, his tenure was characterised by authoritarian governance and credible allegations of political violence, particularly targeting ANC-aligned structures such as the UDF. The findings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) further complicated his legacy, establishing evidence of collusion between Inkatha and the apartheid security apparatus. Some scholars characterised Buthelezi as a conservative nationalist who sought to 'use the system against itself' by operating within the confines of the apartheid framework and exploiting the margins of state tolerance in an effort, ostensibly, to subvert its legitimacy from within. Yet, his frequent appropriation of historical figures such as Pixley ka Seme to buttress his own leadership claims demonstrate the ideological ambiguity at the heart of his political project. This manoeuvring often placed him at odds with the broader liberation movement, particularly the ANC, which viewed his sustained engagement with the apartheid state as both politically damaging and ideologically suspect. Nowhere did these tensions find sharper expression than in Mzala's Chief with a Double Agenda, whose incisive critiques cast Buthelezi as a political actor deeply complicit in legitimising apartheid. As such, any serious engagement with Buthelezi's legacy must grapple with the dialectic of resistance and collaboration.
News24
09-06-2025
- Politics
- News24
‘It's not goodbye, but thank you' – Mondli Makhanya signs off after nine passionate years at the helm of City Press
It was back in the 1980s that the love affair began. This lowly newspaperman was just a youngster in the soulful township of KwaMashu. The house was always full of newspapers. During the week, it was The Natal Mercury and the Daily News. On Monday and Thursday, it would be (begrudgingly) Ilanga lase Natal. Begrudgingly because the newspaper that was founded in 1903 by John Dube, who later became the first president of the ANC, had been bought by Inkatha (the forerunner to the IFP) in 1987. Under the ownership of the Bantustan party, it was always spewing the gospel according to Mangosuthu Buthelezi and his band of bloodthirsty disciples, and denigrating the forces that were fighting apartheid. From the progressive segment there was what was called the 'alternative press', feisty and insightful newspapers such as the Weekly Mail, the New African, New Nation, UmAfrika and South. On Sunday would land City Press, the Sunday Times and the Sunday Tribune. It was always a veritable feast and, for a young news addict, it was also a huge distraction from schoolwork. Especially since some close comrades would arrive in the evenings and weekends to partake in the feast as everyone knew that there would be a newspaper buffet at the ready. The readings would inevitably be followed by much discussion and hectic arguments as we delved into the meaning of what we had consumed and what it all entailed for the revolution. It was during this time that the love affair with this wonderful institution began. At the time it was led by a giant intellect by the name of Percy Qoboza. The man was the legendary editor of City Press. His column, Percy's Itch, was unmissable for both its prose, penetrating insights and courageous positions. Reading Qoboza's writing was like walking through a well-manicured park that is replete with beautiful flowers, wild thorns, majestic trees and birds chirping beautifully in the branches. Did we forget the porcupines that could prick the thickest skin? The man's courage was beyond measure. He had been clashing with the apartheid regime since the early 1970s as editor of the outspoken The World newspaper, which was eventually banned in 1977, along with anti-apartheid organisations and other publications. Qoboza's detention, continued harassment and threats did not stop his fire. As editor of City Press, he moulded the publication in his image: fearless, uncompromising with truth, charismatic, entertaining and generally full of nonsense. It was that man whose work inspired this lowly newspaperman in those teenage years to want to be a member of this most noble tribe that we consider the highest species on earth. But the thought of ever sitting in Qoboza's seat was the furthest thing from the mind. The only ambition was to be nearly as good as this icon and to be nearly as full of sh*t as he was. In life, we all have heroes whose qualities we aspire to emulate. They become your lodestar because of all the positives they possess. Faultless not. Fallible lots. In my more than 35 years of journalism, of which 23 have been spent in the editorship of various newspapers, I have tried to follow the lodestar that was Percy Qoboza. I have for the past nine years had the fortune of sitting on the chair that Qoboza sat on, steering the ship that a great captain once steered. It has been a privilege to work with teams that greatly loved this republic and understood the ethos that Qoboza and those who followed him left us. Together we exposed malfeasance during the rule of the Gupta dynasty when their loyal servant Jacob Zuma gave the greasy family control of the country and its resources. We broke big political stories and unpacked complex political and judicial processes. We covered South Africa's recovery from that traumatic period as the country's engine spluttered back to life. We were empathic as we told stories of the still downtrodden masses who are being failed by the democracy they strongly believe in. We fought for the sustainability of the rule of law. We helped South Africans manage their lives through informed advice pages. We were at the centre of policy debates about how to achieve inclusive growth and be a fair society. We gave the South African cultural sector a massive boost and entertained society with exclusive and in-depth forays into Celebville. We were in the backline, midfield and front row of sports coverage as we captured triumphs and heartbreaks in prominent and obscure sports disciplines. To be a journalist in South Africa comes with the joy of being a chronicler of a nation being moulded. We have had a ringside seat in one of the great dramas of our times where a nation was born out of fire and became a poster child of what humanity could achieve if we put our minds to it. The ringside seat also gave us privileged insight into how easily that great feat can be undone, as we witnessed when the randy, corrupt polygamist took us to the edge of doom. We have been able to share in joyous moments when our artists and sportspeople conquered the world. We have also witnessed tragedy when the state failed its people and even oversaw a bloody massacre. But being a journalist in this country comes with an added duty of being part of that nation-building project. We have had the responsibility of helping our once-divided country forge a nation and live up to the Constitution's opening line that 'South Africa belongs to all who live in it'. This lowly newspaperman is proud to have been editor in chief of a City Press that rose to the challenge of being more than just a newspaper. A newspaper that was a nation-builder, an activist, a dutiful citizen and an uncompromising defender of the Constitution. The City Press that I hand over to a new editor has vast horizons ahead of it. At the beginning of this year, we took a big leap by becoming a purely digital publication, having published our final print edition at the end of December. This has opened up wide vistas that will ensure we are here to serve South Africa way into the future. This leap is enabling us to tell stories in more creative and innovative ways as we continue our mission of being a servant of this nation's people. It is now time for me to move to a role within the Media24 stable, where I will be more available to all the excellent publications in South Africa's biggest and most influential media organisation. So, this is not a goodbye to City Press. I will still be very much part of this great institution that I fell in love with back in the 1980s. This is just a thank you to you, the readers, for having walked this path with this lowly newspaperman. And as billions of humans have done since the time of the pharaohs and the writing of Ezekiel chapter 37, this lowly newspaperman urges: Always, always, always love Orlando Pirates Football Club.
IOL News
24-05-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
The Lungi Mnganga-Gcabashe I know
The ANC Women's League at the funeral service of the late Lungi Mnganga-Gcabashe. Image: ANC When Comrade Lungi Mnganga-Gcabashe identified herself with the organs of the people's power, local leadership deployed her without hesitation to serve in both the KwaMashu Peace Committee and the KwaMashu Joint Action Committee (JAC). The JAC was similar to the Joint Rent Action Committees (JORAC) that existed in townships like Lamontville, Chesterville, Klaarwater, and Hambanathi. The South African National Civic Organisation (Sanco) traces its origins to JORAC. JORAC was active in the Port Natal Administration Board townships, advocating against the shortcomings of the Black township administration system. This advocacy was part of a broader campaign for Black and African townships to undermine and disown apartheid administrations imposed on them without the necessary democratic processes to elect leadership. It was also a direct response to the call made by the African National Congress (ANC) to render South Africa ungovernable. Comrade Lungi was part of that struggle which produced, among others, the late Msizi Dube of Lamontville, famous for the rent boycott 'Asinamali' ("we have no money") resistance campaign. She stood at the forefront of the struggle during the life-threatening days of the late eighties, when death was a constant presence for all activists. Lungi Mnganga-Gcabashe died at her home in Westville. Image: Facebook Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. 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Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ The release of Nelson Mandela in 1990 from prison brought misery in KwaZulu-Natal, especially in the hinterlands, as it heightened political violence engineered by the apartheid security forces and their surrogates, i.e., Inkatha warlords, KwaZulu Police and gangsters who butchered and maimed innocent civilians and activists of our movement. This led to a dramatic increase in refugees from the province's hinterland, whose properties were gutted and whose livestock were confiscated by impis to feed themselves, with the remainder kept by impis in their homesteads. Upon returning from a historical welcome home rally for Nelson Mandela at Durban Kings Park Stadium in February 1990, buses ferrying KwaMashu rally goers were attacked at Siyanda informal settlement, and houses in the nearby KwaMashu K-section extension, where Comrade Lungi's childhood home is still located, were gutted in that violent attack. The KwaMashu Peace Committee engaged local structures to allow peace talks between KwaMashu and Siyanda. Indeed, the Joint Working Committee (JWC) of the ANC, the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of the South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) assigned me to lead that delegation. Comrades Lungi and Mcebo Mfusi represented the K-Section in that delegation. She demonstrated bravery, zeal, fearlessness, and composure, taking a huge risk as an unarmed woman to enter the lion's den that was Siyanda Informal Settlement at the time. Members of the ANC Women's League were in attendance at the funeral service of Lungi Mnganga Gcabashe Image: ANC Our unambiguous message to Kati, the sole Siyanda leader who later became Inkatha leader in the area, was that KwaMashu is more than ready to wipe out that informal settlement if they don't cooperate. The preconditions for peace that we put on the table were to: Stop AmaSinyora gangsters using Siyanda as a springboard for its notoriety against K-section To offer an unconditional apology for attacking KwaMashu residents. AmaSinyora were originally a group of gangsters who were engaged in violent crime but were later co-opted by the apartheid security system to target activists and later everybody. They were there to cause chaos in the community and would shoot residents indiscriminately. Our strategy was to neutralise, isolate and destroy AmaSinyora bases with the full support of the residents of these communities. Indeed, Kati and the Siyanda community cooperated. Hence, to date, there are no hostilities between these communities. Subsequently, AmaSinyora vacated Siyanda. Comrade Lungi was in the thick of things as we navigated these treacherous waters. She almost lost her job at Bhambayi Clinic, Inanda, due to her commitment to the struggle. She not only had bizarre sick leaves, but the telephone bill at the clinic got so exorbitant, and photocopying papers mysteriously went missing. She was using the clinic's administrative stock and resources to further the efforts of her movement. We served together in the first ANC KwaMashu Branch Executive Committee (BEC). This was made up of comrades like Curnick 'Nyanga Mthakathi' Ndlovu, Jeff Mathami Radebe, Mzi Khumalo, Advocate Louisa Zondo, Tiki Phungula, Nhlanhla 'Sbari' Buthelezi and others. Like myself, Comrade Lungi was stubborn but inquisitive – the proverbial tough nut to crack. She was not easily swayed but stuck to her principles until the end. However, she was always ready to concede where she erred. It wasn't surprising that upon returning from the Malibongwe Conference in Amsterdam, she was roped into a collective ANC Southern Natal Organising Department under Comrade Bhekokwakhe Cele, working closely with former Robben Islanders, including the late Joseph Mpisi Nduli and Matthews Meyiwa. Upon her election as Women's League Deputy President, we had agreed to have a discussion and develop a programme befitting the office she occupied, including visiting the now-departed Getrude Shope. Mlungisi Ndhlela Image: Supplied
