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Nigerian garrison town offers haven for people fleeing jihadists
Nigerian garrison town offers haven for people fleeing jihadists

The Hindu

time17-07-2025

  • Politics
  • The Hindu

Nigerian garrison town offers haven for people fleeing jihadists

From the air, Monguno looks like a fortress, with deep trenches slashing into the sand around this garrison town in northeast Nigeria's volatile Borno State. These defences have kept the Monguno largely secure despite the region witnessing a recent surge in attacks on military bases by jihadists fighting a grinding 16-year war. Fighting in Borno may have eased since the conflict's peak in 2015, as jihadists have been forced back. But militants from the Islamic State West Africa Province group or its rival, Boko Haram, have attacked or temporarily overrun a dozen army bases this year in Borno and neighbouring Yobe state. Monguno itself fell briefly to the jihadists in 2015. Since 2019, the Nigerian army has withdrawn from villages and smaller bases to hunker down in so-called "supercamps", or garrison towns, to protect its troops. But critics argue this gives the jihadists free rein in rural areas. IED blasts have skyrocketed The roads leading to Monguno are dotted with barriers to slow down vehicles approaching it. As soon as they pass the last trenches to the north and towards the shores of Lake Chad, where attacks are most frequent, two soldiers equipped with metal detectors sweep the road. "We clear this 10-kilometre (six-mile) route every day to neutralise any explosive devices that may have been hidden there during the night," said Major Oluwafemi Seyingbo, 37, who heads this demining unit. According to the United Nations Mine Action Service, the number of improvised explosive device blasts skyrocketed in 2024 in Nigeria's three northeastern states, resulting in 418 civilian casualties in 2024, twice as many as in 2023. Twelve checkpoints manned by the Nigerian army control the various entrances to Monguno. Major Friday Feekwe, 37, commands one of them. "In March, we repelled two attacks in a few weeks. The attackers arrived in large numbers, equipped with heavy weapons," he said. Since then, the checkpoint has been equipped with an imposing watchtower covered with camouflage netting and a 12.7 mm machine gun. Monguno has been barricaded for the past four years to ward off attacks by Boko Haram. At its peak in 2013 and 2014 the group made global headlines for kidnapping nearly 300 schoolgirls from Chibok, also located in Borno. Then, the jihadists controlled a 30,000-square-kilometre (12,600-square-mile) area straddling the countries surrounding Lake Chad. 'Peace and security here' Monguno has become a refuge for the people of Borno thanks to the presence of the Multinational Joint Task Force, which groups troops from three Lake Chad countries: Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, and Benin. The vast base houses the force's Nigerian sector command. Outside the Monguno base, Umar Bullam, spade in hand, was at work in complete safety. "I had land more than five kilometres from here that I had to abandon after Boko Haram looted my crops and fertiliser," the 30-year-old said. "There is peace and security here," said Hauwa Garba. The 35-year-old arrived at the Monguno registration centre for displaced people two months ago from neighbouring southern Niger, where she had lived for 11 years. The jihadists arrived in her village "in the middle of the night and killed the adults and kidnapped the children", the mother of seven said in a low voice. She has no news of one of her daughters, 15-year-old Aisha, who was captured that night. Borno State alone accounts for nearly half of Nigeria's 3.6 million displaced people, according to the UN. "Nigeria has managed to prevent jihadist groups from capturing major cities as they did in 2013-2014 or 2016," said Vincent Foucher, a researcher at the CNRS, or the French Institute for Scientific Research. But despite a reinforced trench system and aerial surveillance, the country "still has great difficulty attacking jihadists in the heart of their territories in more remote areas", he said. The resurgence of attacks is all the more worrying given that the groups now have new means at their disposal, as demonstrated by the first use of drones on December 24 against the Wajiroko military base in northeast Nigeria. "Thanks to the precision of drones, the Islamic State in West Africa, if not quickly stopped... could transform relatively secure military outposts and civilian locations into precarious targets," the Institute for Security Studies (ISS Africa) warned in a June report.

Nigerian garrison town offers haven for people fleeing jihadists
Nigerian garrison town offers haven for people fleeing jihadists

Kuwait Times

time16-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Kuwait Times

Nigerian garrison town offers haven for people fleeing jihadists

MONGUNO, Nigeria: From the air, Monguno looks like a fortress, with deep trenches slashing into the sand around this garrison town in northeast Nigeria's volatile Borno State. These defenses have kept the Monguno largely secure despite the region witnessing a recent surge in attacks on military bases by jihadists fighting a grinding 16-year war. Fighting in Borno may have eased since the conflict's peak in 2015, as jihadists have been forced back. But militants from the Islamic State West Africa Province group or its rival, Boko Haram, have attacked or temporarily overrun a dozen army bases this year in Borno and neighboring Yobe state. Monguno itself fell briefly to the jihadists in 2015. Since 2019, the Nigerian army has withdrawn from villages and smaller bases to hunker down in so-called 'supercamps', or garrison towns, to protect its troops. But critics argue this gives the jihadists free rein in rural areas. The roads leading to Monguno are dotted with barriers to slow down vehicles approaching it. As soon as they pass the last trenches to the north and towards the shores of Lake Chad, where attacks are most frequent, two soldiers equipped with metal detectors sweep the road. 'We clear this 10-kilometre (six-mile) route every day to neutralize any explosive devices that may have been hidden there during the night,' said Major Oluwafemi Seyingbo, 37, who heads this demining unit. According to the United Nations Mine Action Service, the number of improvised explosive device blasts skyrocketed in 2024 in Nigeria's three northeastern states, resulting in 418 civilian casualties in 2024, twice as many as in 2023. Twelve checkpoints manned by the Nigerian army control the various entrances to Monguno. Major Friday Feekwe, 37, commands one of them. 'In March, we repelled two attacks in a few weeks. The attackers arrived in large numbers, equipped with heavy weapons,' he said. Since then, the checkpoint has been equipped with an imposing watchtower covered with camouflage netting and a 12.7 mm machine gun. Monguno has been barricaded for the past four years to ward off attacks by Boko Haram. At its peak in 2013 and 2014 the group made global headlines for kidnapping nearly 300 schoolgirls from Chibok, also located in Borno. Then, the jihadists controlled a 30,000-square-kilometre (12,600-square-mile) area straddling the countries surrounding Lake Chad. Monguno has become a refuge for the people of Borno thanks to the presence of the Multinational Joint Task Force, which groups troops from three Lake Chad countries: Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, and Benin. The vast base houses the force's Nigerian sector command. Outside the Monguno base, Umar Bullam, spade in hand, was at work in complete safety. 'I had land more than five kilometers from here that I had to abandon after Boko Haram looted my crops and fertilizer,' the 30-year-old said. 'There is peace and security here,' said Hauwa Garba. The 35-year-old arrived at the Monguno registration centre for displaced people two months ago from neighboring southern Niger, where she had lived for 11 years. The jihadists arrived in her village 'in the middle of the night and killed the adults and kidnapped the children', the mother of seven said in a low voice. She has no news of one of her daughters, 15-year-old Aisha, who was captured that night. — AFP Borno State alone accounts for nearly half of Nigeria's 3.6 million displaced people, according to the UN. 'Nigeria has managed to prevent jihadist groups from capturing major cities as they did in 2013-2014 or 2016,' said Vincent Foucher, a researcher at the CNRS, or the French Institute for Scientific Research. But despite a reinforced trench system and aerial surveillance, the country 'still has great difficulty attacking jihadists in the heart of their territories in more remote areas', he said. The resurgence of attacks is all the more worrying given that the groups now have new means at their disposal, as demonstrated by the first use of drones on December 24 against the Wajiroko military base in northeast Nigeria. – AFP

Lake Chad Basin's remote, vulnerable military bases in terror group's crosshairs
Lake Chad Basin's remote, vulnerable military bases in terror group's crosshairs

Daily Maverick

time14-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Daily Maverick

Lake Chad Basin's remote, vulnerable military bases in terror group's crosshairs

Remote and poorly resourced outposts are soft targets for attacks, and a weak point in regional counter-terrorism efforts. At least 15 confirmed Islamic State West Africa Province (Iswap) attacks have targeted military outposts across the Lake Chad region this year. Common to this campaign, which the group calls Camp Holocaust, is that the targets were isolated, under-resourced, and often in border zones where state presence is lacking. Institute for Security Studies (ISS) research shows that in May, Iswap overran Nigeria's 27 Task Force Brigade in Buni Gari and 50 Task Force Battalion in Marte, and mounted a twin assault on the Nigeria-Cameroon joint base in Wulgo and Cameroon's Soueram outpost. These locations — like those hit earlier this year in Malam Fatori and Goniri, among others — were civilian communities situated far from fortified urban centres. Many had been virtually destroyed by insurgents, and military outposts were set up there to facilitate stabilisation and resettlement. Poor roads, the risk of ambush and improvised explosive devices, and vast, ungoverned terrain make them vulnerable and difficult to reinforce. Sites of Iswap attacks on remote military bases These outposts have become Iswap's softest targets and a strategic weak point in regional counter-insurgency efforts. Analysis of the group's tactical trends reveals a pivot to fast-moving assaults by large numbers of fighters with light but sophisticated weapons, nighttime raids, and modified commercial drones to drop explosives to shock troops into disarray. Recent defectors undergoing a government deradicalisation programme in Maiduguri told ISS that Iswap's tactical prowess had been aided by at least six trainers from the Middle East deployed by Islamic State. Military targets are attacked in order to seize weapons to reduce reliance on smuggling and consolidate territorial control, allowing for the extortion of civilians and securing resources for operations and expansion. Two Nigerian Boko Haram war veterans said the outposts were 'in the middle of nowhere' and undermanned, yet needed to cover a wide area. Where battalions should have about 800 personnel, many had far fewer, or were under-resourced for the area size and number of sub-units. Political officials across the Lake Chad Basin are aware of the problem. Borno State Governor Babagana Zulum has repeatedly raised the alarm, and the Nigerian senate recently urged the military to redeploy troops in response to renewed attacks. However, without mass recruitment, this is difficult. The military is already overstretched and engaged in counter-insurgency operations countrywide. Geography presents another challenge. Lake Chad's islands, swamps and porous borders offer Iswap natural cover and operational flexibility, while complicating the various states' military logistics. The governments of the four Lake Chad Basin countries — Chad, Cameroon, Niger and Nigeria — have ceded much of this territory as they lack adequate amphibious or naval capabilities. Nigeria has used air power for the lake areas and hard-to-reach dry lands. But Iswap has adapted by digging bunkers at their homes and bases on Lake Chad's islands, where they live with their families, to avoid detection and airstrikes, ex-fighters told ISS. On dry land, airstrikes are delivering blows, but are infrequent. Reinforcements often arrive too late because of the outposts' remoteness, the distances between them, and limited human and logistical resources. In one of its most devastating attacks, Iswap attacked Nigeria's 149 Battalion in Malam Fatori on the Niger border on 24 January, killing at least 20 soldiers, including the commander. No reinforcements Survivors said the fight lasted three hours, but no reinforcements came — neither from nearby units nor via air support, allowing the insurgents to strip the base of arms. This illustrates the breakdown of a standard response tactic, which, say military insiders, should involve each unit holding its ground, buying time for backup via ground or air. But these outposts lack the human resources and equipment to sustain such resistance, say Nigerian politicians. The implications are profound. Not only is Iswap bolstering its arsenal, it is also expanding its territorial control in a region where governments are already thinly present. The cost is not just strategic; it is financial and political. The attacks have resulted in heavy equipment losses for Nigeria and Cameroon, and replacing them is costly and slow. Moreover, repeated base attacks damage troops' morale and public trust in states' capacity to protect. The neglect of infrastructure and services leaves remote outposts dangerously exposed. If terrorists were to capture a city like Maiduguri, they would achieve a symbolic triumph that would cost Nigeria's government politically and at the polls. However, allowing Iswap to consolidate control on the rural fringes is just as dangerous, as these areas could serve as staging posts for terror attacks on urban centres. A major rethink is required. States, especially Nigeria, which is the worst hit and main theatre, must reconsider deployment density and resourcing in remote rural areas. One model is creating well-resourced 'paired garrisons' — bases close together to enable quick reinforcement. A similar arrangement exists in Dikwa, Nigeria — but when Marte, 25km away, was attacked on 12 March 2025, Dikwa could not respond as it was under-resourced, according to ISS field data and sources familiar with the formations. Therefore increasing outposts is not enough; they must be well resourced, with sufficient deployments of troops and equipment, and be rapidly mobile. In addition, strengthening and expanding naval and amphibious capabilities and formations is critical as a more proactive strategy. Iswap's sanctuary in the Lake Chad islands — where rival Boko Haram is also strong — cannot be dislodged through airstrikes alone or by overstretched ground forces. The Multinational Joint Task Force's naval units could disrupt militants' activities and apply pressure in locations the insurgents use as command centres. Critical gap Another critical gap is civilian cooperation, which has weakened due to human rights abuses committed as part of state counter-terrorism responses, and local communities' fear of insurgent reprisals. In some cases, such as the January Malam Fatori attack, residents had seen militants gathering or advancing much earlier, but did not alert the military. This demonstrates civilians' lack of trust in the military and a weak intelligence pipeline, underscoring the importance of strengthening both. Working with communities through safe reporting and informant protection protocols is vital for this. Given the frequency of nighttime attacks, Nigerian and Cameroonian troops must prepare accordingly. Heightened surveillance, a real-time communication system between outposts and air units, and constant preparedness can improve response and reinforcements. DM

Lake Chad Basin governments should redouble efforts against terror group Iswap
Lake Chad Basin governments should redouble efforts against terror group Iswap

Daily Maverick

time01-07-2025

  • Business
  • Daily Maverick

Lake Chad Basin governments should redouble efforts against terror group Iswap

Islamic State West Africa Province's hunt for resources is eroding the ability of communities in northern Cameroon to withstand economic hardship. Since 2021, Islamic State West Africa Province (Iswap) has intensified its footprint in Cameroon's Far North Region through increased extortion of communities and a spate of brutal attacks on military barracks in Borno (Nigeria) and Logone-et-Chari. These twin tactics reveal Iswap's goal of extending its zone of influence and replenishing its resources. Governments in the area need to act with urgency, as the effects strain local livelihoods. Several Logone-et-Chari villages and islands are heavily influenced by Iswap. The group, a breakaway faction of Boko Haram, has appointed Ibn Umar and Malam Ba'ana, two of its leading figures, to handle 'taxation' and zakat collection in this part of Cameroon. On 4 January, about 20 Iswap fighters arrived in Wuyan Yachi and announced a raft of 'tax' increases. These included ₦40,000 ($26) per field after each harvest for farmers, up from ₦10,000 ($6); and ₦25,000 ($16) per bag of fish instead of ₦15,000 ($10) for fishermen. Those who don't pay are executed by Iswap. Localities heavily influenced by Iswap Institute for Security Studies (ISS) research reveals four main reasons for Iswap's increased extortion. These are to finance its expansion in Nigeria, deal with the effects of military operations on its finances, reduce the impact of the naira's fall on its finances (the naira is the commonly used currency in the Lake Chad Basin border areas), and counteract Nigeria's measures to combat terror financing. First, Iswap wants to establish itself in Nigeria's northeastern states of Taraba, Gombe and Bauchi, which have so far been spared its abuses. It also wants to reach the North West and North Central regions. Cells have been set up in Kogi State in North Central, for example, and are expected to grow. Such a project requires money to pay combatants and buy weapons, ammunition, materials for manufacturing improvised explosive devices, and vehicles (such as motorcycles and canoes). Iswap also needs to support an alternative governance system in the localities it controls, to forge a social pact between civilians and insurgents. In that regard, the group seeks to fund its so-called charitable works, as occurs in some Lake Chad Basin communities under its control. Second, various military offensives – including Operation Lake Sanity, Lafiya Dole, Hadin Kai and Emergence 4 – have taken their toll on Boko Haram's human resources, arsenal and assets in the Lake Chad Basin. They have also disrupted the group's funding sources, such as cattle rustling, kidnapping for ransom, extortion, illicit trafficking, agriculture, livestock farming and fishing. Operation Lake Sanity 2, for example, eliminated more than 310 Boko Haram fighters, neutralised several insurgent bases, destroyed logistical assembly points, seized large quantities of weapons and rescued numerous civilians. Military counter-offensives are currently on the wane as they await renewal (e.g. Lake Sanity, Alpha and Emergence 4), so Iswap is taking advantage of the situation to revive its economy of violence. Third, since 2022, Nigeria has been going through an economic crisis triggered by rising inflation following a fall in the naira against the US dollar. In August 2024, inflation reached 29.9%, its highest level since 1996, and the naira fell to ₦1,524 to the dollar, representing a 230% loss in value. This fall has reduced Boko Haram's finances – most of which are held in naira – and spurred efforts to raise money mainly through extortion. In Logone-et-Chari, when the naira falls, Iswap demands users pay their fees in the more stable currency of the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa, the CFA franc. Fourth is the Nigerian government's efforts since 2019 to cut off the funding Boko Haram factions received from outside. These efforts include restrictive banking measures such as the 2022 change in the design of naira banknotes and setting a maximum withdrawal limit at ATMs. Prosecutions and convictions of those involved in terrorist financing have also been secured, contributing to the progress made in fighting terror financing. Iswap is now using extortion to mitigate these obstacles. The upsurge in Iswap attacks on military positions is intended to force communities to collaborate by degrading the capacity of security forces to intervene. Between 8 March and 26 April, the group claimed responsibility for at least five attacks on military barracks in Logone-et-Chari. The effect is an increase in local communities' fragility and an expansion in the spectrum of violence as Iswap gains ground. To free the population from Iswap's diktat, Cameroon and Nigeria must take action on three levels: military, administrative and diplomatic. The governments must strengthen their military presence and security arrangements in the affected areas and islands, be present throughout the zone, and carry out frequent offensive operations using ground and air forces. Military offensives, which have recently decreased, must be reinforced. Civil-military actions could help improve collaboration between the community and the defence and security forces, breaking the trust Iswap has established with the local population in the process. Public health campaigns conducted by the military, like those in 2024 in Darak, and civil-military discussions should be reactivated. Cameroon's government should also provide vital infrastructure on the islands – such as drinking water points, health centres, schools, agricultural inputs and fishing equipment – to counterbalance Iswap's services to the communities. Finally, the authorities in Cameroon's Far North Region and Nigeria's Borno State should strengthen their collaboration to enable joint security, administration and infrastructure projects between the two countries. This could help end Iswap's domination in this cross-border area. DM

Suicide blast kills 20 anti-jihadist fighters in Nigeria
Suicide blast kills 20 anti-jihadist fighters in Nigeria

Japan Today

time22-06-2025

  • Japan Today

Suicide blast kills 20 anti-jihadist fighters in Nigeria

Civilians have borne the brunt of the violence plaguing Borno state By Audu Marte and Aminu Abubakar A suicide attack in Nigeria's Borno state by a woman allegedly acting for Boko Haram insurgents has killed at least 20 anti-jihadist fighters, militia members told AFP on Saturday. Police have confirmed 10 people were killed and said the overall toll could be higher. Boko Haram and its rival, the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), have in recent months intensified attacks on villages in Borno and neighboring states. They have also overrun military bases, killing soldiers and carting away weapons. Late on Friday, a woman allegedly detonated explosives strapped to her body at a haunt for vigilantes and local hunters assisting the Nigerian military in fighting "jihadists" in the town of Konduga, the militia told AFP. "We lost 20 people in the suicide attack which happened yesterday around 9:15 p.m. while our members were hanging out near the fish market," said Tijjani Ahmed, the head of an anti-jihadist militia in Konduga district. Konduga is about 40 kilometers from Maiduguri, the capital of the northeastern state of Borno. Surrounding villages have been repeatedly targeted by suicide bombers said to be acting for Boko Haram, a group of armed Islamic militants that has been active in the area for at least 16 years. Konduga town itself had seen a lull in such attacks in the past year. "Eighteen people died on the spot, while 18 others were injured. Two more died in hospital, raising the death toll to 20," Ahmed said. Sixteen were wounded, with 10 of them nursing severe injuries in two hospitals in Maiduguri, he said. The dead were buried in a mass funeral on Saturday, an AFP reporter saw. Corpses wrapped in white cloths -- some covered in bamboo mats -- were laid out in rows on the ground on wooden biers ahead of the burial. "The young men who lost their lives are those who, day and night, suffer while checking people entering and leaving the town," said 35-year-old Konduga resident Ali Kyari, who lost a brother. "I was with him. It wasn't even 30 minutes after we parted ways when God took his soul in that suicide attack," he said. The alleged bomber was dressed as a local heading to the crowded nearby fish market. She detonated her explosives as soon as she reached the shed used by the militia fighters as a hangout, said militia member Ibrahim Liman. He gave the same toll as Ahmed. Borno state police spokesman Nahum Daso told AFP that 10 bodies had been recovered from the "suicide attack". He said the toll could be higher as "details are sketchy". Konduga's fish market, which is usually busy at night, has been the target of a series of suicide attacks in the past. "I was in the market to buy fish for dinner when I heard a loud bang some meters behind me," Konduga resident Ahmed Mallum said. "I was flung to the ground and I couldn't stand. I just lay down," Mallum said. The conflict between the authorities and Boko Haram has been ongoing for 16 years. In that time, more than 40,000 people have died and around two million have been displaced from their homes in the northeast, according to the United Nations. The violence has spread to neighboring Niger, Chad and Cameroon, prompting a regional military coalition to fight armed militant Islamic groups. © 2025 AFP

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