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Indian Express
7 days ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
50 Years of Emergency: From causes to constitutional implications
UPSC Issue at a Glance is an initiative by UPSC Essentials aimed at streamlining your preparation for the prelims and mains examinations by focusing on current issues making headlines. Every Thursday, cover a new topic in a lucid way. This week, we explain to you how the national emergency of 1975 unfolded, its causes and constitutional lessons. Let's get started. If you missed the previous UPSC Issue at a Glance | How did the Israel-Iran conflict escalate? A look from history to its impact from the Indian Express, read it here. The Emergency was imposed exactly 50 years ago on June 25, 1975. The 21-month period that followed was marked by the suspension of civil liberties, curtailment of press freedom, mass arrests, cancellation of elections, and rule by decree. In this week's Issue at a Glance, we break down the historical event in terms of its causes, constitutional provisions, and impact from a broader perspective. (Relevance: UPSC Syllabus General Studies-II: Constitution of India—features, amendments, significant provisions and basic structure, Functions and responsibilities of the Union and the States, issues and challenges pertaining to the federal structure. UPSC aspirants will also find it useful in Essays, and Current affairs for their Personality tests.) In the context of modern Indian Political history the 'Emergency' refers to the period from June 25, 1975 to March 21, 1977, during which the government of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi used special provisions in the Constitution to impose sweeping executive and legislative consequences on the country. However, emergency provisions contained in Part XVIII of the Constitution of India, from Articles 352 to 360, talk about the three different types of emergencies. Notably, these provisions are borrowed from the German Weimar constitution. Let's understand these legal and constitutional sanctions that the emergency has in India. Constitutional Provisions related to Emergencies in India 📌Article 352 of the Indian Constitution deals with the 'proclamation of emergency'. 📌Article 353 provides provisions about the 'Effect of Proclamation of Emergency'. 📌Article 354 talks about the 'application of provisions relating to the distribution of revenues while a Proclamation of Emergency is in operation'. 📌Article 355 deals with the 'duty of the Union to protect States against external aggression and internal disturbance'. 📌Article 356 provides 'provisions in case of failure of constitutional machinery in States'. 📌Article 357 deals with the 'Exercise of legislative powers under Proclamation issued under article 356'. 📌Article 358 frees the state of all limitations imposed by Article 19 ('Right to freedom') as soon as an emergency is imposed. 📌Article 359 provides provision with regard to the 'suspension of the enforcement of the rights conferred by Part III during emergencies'. 📌Under Article 360 provisions about the financial emergency are provided. How many times has an emergency been imposed in India? Till now, three times an emergency has been imposed in India: 1. The first time the emergency was imposed was on October 26, 1962, on the grounds of war. 2. The second emergency was imposed on December 3, 1971, on the grounds of war. 3. The third-time emergency was proclaimed on June 25, 1975, due to an 'internal disturbance.' (Note: This ground of 'internal disturbance' was removed by the Constitution (Forty-fourth Amendment) Act, 1978.) Various provisions mentioned in Part XVIII of the Constitution provide for three types of emergencies: National Emergency (Articles 352-354, 358-359), President's rule (Articles 355–357), Financial Emergency (Article 360). National Emergency Under Article 352 of the Constitution, the President may, on the advice of the Cabinet headed by the Prime Minister, issue a proclamation of emergency if the security of India or any part of the country is threatened by 'war or external aggression, or armed rebellion'. (Note: In 1975, instead of armed rebellion, the ground of 'internal disturbance' was available to the government to proclaim an emergency.) This type of emergency is popularly referred to as a 'national emergency'. President's Rule According to Article 356 (1), if the President, on receipt of a report from the Governor of a State or otherwise, is satisfied that a situation has arisen in which the Government of the State cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of this Constitution, the President may by Proclamation— (a) assume to himself all or any of the functions of the Government of the State and all or any of the powers vested in or exercisable by the Governor or any body or authority in the State other than the Legislature of the State; (b) declare that the powers of the Legislature of the State shall be exercisable by or under the authority of Parliament; (c) make such incidental and consequential provisions as appear to the President to be necessary or desirable for giving effect to the objects of the Proclamation, including provisions for suspending in whole or in part the operation of any provisions of this Constitution relating to any body or authority in the State. Financial Emergency Article 360 of the Indian Constitution provides for financial emergency. It says, 'If the President is satisfied that a situation has arisen whereby the financial stability or credit of India or of any part of the territory thereof is threatened, he may by a Proclamation make a declaration to that effect.' Various political and social circumstances in India in 1974 and early 1975 led to the proclamation of the National Emergency. Some of these events were: 📍JP movement: Vikas Pathak writes- 'Early in 1974, a student movement called Navnirman (Regeneration) began in Gujarat against the Congress government of Chimanbhai Patel, which was seen as corrupt. As the protests became violent, Patel had to resign and President's Rule was imposed. Navnirman inspired a students' movement in Bihar against corruption and poor governance, and the ABVP and socialist organisations came together to form the Chhatra Sangharsh Samiti. The students asked Jayaprakash Narayan, a Gandhian and hero of the Quit India Movement, to lead them. He agreed with two conditions — that the movement would be non-violent and pan-Indian, and aim to cleanse the country of corruption and misgovernance. Thereafter, the students' movement came to be called the 'JP movement'. On June 5, during a speech in Patna's historic Gandhi Maidan, JP gave a call for 'Sampoorna Kranti', or total revolution. By the end of the year, JP had got letters of support from across India, and he convened a meeting of opposition parties in Delhi. He travelled across the country in January and February 1975. JP's rallies invoked the power of the people with the rousing slogan, 'Sinhasan khaali karo, ke janata aati hai (Vacate the throne, for the people are coming)'. 📍Railway Strike of 1974: In May 1974, the socialist leader George Fernandes led an unprecedented strike of railway workers that paralysed the Indian Railways for three weeks. 📍Raj Narain verdict: On June 12, 1975, Justice Jagmohanlal Sinha of Allahabad High Court delivered a historic verdict in a petition filed by Raj Narain, convicting Indira Gandhi of electoral malpractice, and striking down her election from Rae Bareli. On appeal, the Supreme Court gave the Prime Minister partial relief — she could attend Parliament but could not vote. Late in the evening of June 25, 1975, President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, acting on the advice of the Prime Minister, issued a proclamation of Emergency under Article 352(1) of the Constitution, which at that time empowered him to do so on grounds of threat to the security of the nation from 'war or external aggression' or 'internal disturbance'. (Note: The Constitution (Forty-fourth Amendment) Act, 1978 subsequently replaced the words 'internal disturbance' with 'armed rebellion'.) After the national emergency was declared, significant changes occurred in the country since the declaration of emergency converted the federal structure into a de facto unitary one as the Union acquired the right to give any direction to state governments, which, though not suspended, came under the complete control of the Centre. Newspapers were subjected to pre-censorship. UNI and PTI were merged into a state-controlled agency called Samachar. 'Almost all opposition leaders, including JP, were detained. About 36,000 people were put in jail under the Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA).'-Vikas Pathak of the Indian Express wrote. The national emergency of 1975 brought about numerous changes in various aspects of India's democracy. Some of the major constitutional changes made during the national emergency of 1975 were: 📍38th and 39th Constitutional Amendments: With the opposition in jail, Parliament passed The Constitution (Thirty-eighth Amendment) Act that barred judicial review of the Emergency, and The Constitution (Thirty-ninth Amendment) Act placed the election of the President, Vice President, Prime Minister, and Speaker beyond the jurisdiction of courts. 📍42nd Constitutional Amendment: The Constitution (Forty-second Amendment) Act made changes to a range of laws, taking away the judiciary's right to hear election petitions, widening the authority of the Union to encroach on State subjects, gave Parliament unbridled power to amend the Constitution with no judicial review possible, and made any law passed by Parliament to implement any or all directive principles of state policy immune to judicial review. Post-emergency The emergency was lifted early in 1977 amd the Janata Party — the product of the merger of the Jana Sangh, Congress (O), the socialists and Bharatiya Lok Dal — came to power, and Morarji Desai became India's first non-Congress PM. From constitutional amendments to the emergence of a coalition government, the aftermath of the national emergency introduced new social forces and led to the decentralization of power. Some of the major constitutional changes post-emergency were: 📍44th Constitutional Amendment: The Janata government reversed many of the constitutional changes effected by the 42nd Amendment Act of 1976. It did not do away with the provision of the emergency, but made it extremely difficult to impose for the future. It made judicial review of a proclamation of emergency possible again, and mandated that every proclamation of emergency be laid before both Houses of Parliament within a month of the proclamation. Unless it was approved by both Houses by a special majority — a majority of the total strength of the House and not less than two-thirds of the members present and voting — the proclamation would lapse. The 44th Amendment removed 'internal disturbance' as a ground for the imposition of an emergency, meaning that armed rebellion alone would now be a ground, apart from war and external aggression. However, the 44th Amendment left the words 'secular' and 'socialist', inserted in the Preamble by the 42nd Amendment, untouched. 📍Shah Commission and its report: The Shah Commission, constituted by the Janata government to report on the imposition of the Emergency and its adverse effects, submitted a damning report that found the decision to be unilateral, and adversely affecting civil liberties. History offers invaluable lessons on how to keep from repeating the mistakes that led to the lowest points in our past. The imposition of the Emergency is one such event in Indian political history that continues to guide present and future generations, given its implications for democracy and the right of citizens to live with dignity. The lesson from the 1975 emergency is that to protect democracy, it's necessary to guarantee accountability and rule of law through the independent judiciary, free press, political opposition, and, most importantly, active civil society. Apurva Vishwanath of The Indian Express writes in 'How Indira Gandhi used the Constitution to subvert democracy'- 'Democracy is a legal construct that is held together through collective adherence to constitutional requirements that ensure accountability and the rule of law. They are drawn from the functioning of the political Opposition, an independent judiciary, a free press, and a robust civil society.' Prelims (1) If the President of India exercises his power as provided under Article 356 of the Constitution in respect of a particular State, then ( UPSC CSE 2018) (a) the Assembly of the State is automatically dissolved. (b) the powers of the Legislature of that State shall be exercisable by or under the authority of the Parliament. (c) Article 19 is suspended in that State. (d) the President can make laws relating to that State. (2) Which of the following are not necessarily the consequences of the proclamation of the President's rule in a State? (UPSC CSE 2017) 1. Dissolution of the State Legislative Assembly 2. Removal of the Council of Ministers in the State 3. Dissolution of the local bodies Select the correct answer using the code given below: (a) 1 and 2 only (b) 1 and 3 only (c) 2 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3 (3) Which principle among the following was added to the Directive Principles of State Policy by the 42nd Amendment to the Constitution? (UPSC CSE 2017) (a) Equal pay for equal work for both men and women (b) Participation of workers in the management of industries (c) Right to work, education and public assistance (d) Securing living wages and human conditions of work to workers. (4) Consider the following statements: (UPSC CSE 2019) 1. The 44th Amendment to the Constitution of India introduced an article placing the election of the Prime Minister beyond judicial review. 2. The Supreme Court of India struck down the 99th Amendment to the Constitution of India as being violative of the independence of judiciary. Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (a) 1 only (b) 2 only (c) Both 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2 Under what circumstances can the Financial Emergency be proclaimed by the President of India? What consequences follow when such a declaration remains in force? (UPSC CSE 2018) (Sources: Explained: The story of the Emergency, Emergency and its lessons, How Indira Gandhi used the Constitution to subvert democracy, Constitution of India, 49 years of Emergency: Here is what happened over the two years that changed India's history) Subscribe to our UPSC newsletter. Stay updated with the latest UPSC articles by joining our Telegram channel – Indian Express UPSC Hub, and follow us on Instagram and X. 🚨 Click Here to read the UPSC Essentials magazine for June 2025. Share your views and suggestions in the comment box or at Roshni Yadav is a Deputy Copy Editor with The Indian Express. She is an alumna of the University of Delhi and Jawaharlal Nehru University, where she pursued her graduation and post-graduation in Political Science. She has over five years of work experience in ed-tech and media. At The Indian Express, she writes for the UPSC section. Her interests lie in national and international affairs, governance, economy, and social issues. You can contact her via email: ... Read More
Indian Express
29-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
From Caste to its Census: What you must know for UPSC Exam
UPSC Issue at a Glance is an initiative of UPSC Essentials to focus your prelims and mains exam preparation on an issue that has been in the news. Every Thursday, cover a new topic in a lucid way. This week's issue is focused on Caste and its census. Let's get started! If you missed the previous UPSC Issue at a Glance | Trump's 100 days in White House : Greenland, Gulf of Mexico, WHO Exit, and Reciprocal tariffs – All you need to know from the Indian Express, read it here. The Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs (CCPA) on April 30 approved the inclusion of caste data in the upcoming population census. Union Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw made the announcement, underscoring the constitutional framework that makes Census a Union subject. The move revives a long-standing debate over caste-based enumeration and its use in governance, policy, and politics. In this context, it becomes essential for aspirants to understand caste and census from a broader perspective relevant for their upcoming exams. (Relevance: UPSC Syllabus-General Studies: I, II: Indian Polity and Governance- Constitution of India, Public Policy, Rights Issues, Population and Associated Issues, Government Policies & Interventions, Welfare schemes for vulnerable sections of the population by the Centre and States and the performance of these schemes.) A census is the process of collecting, compiling, analysing, and disseminating demographic, social, and economic data about all individuals in the country at a specific time. There is a constitutional mandate to carry out a census in India. It is mentioned as item 69 on the Union List of subjects, meaning only the Union government is empowered to undertake the exercise. It is also mandated with several references regarding the reorganisation of constituencies for Parliament and state assemblies. However, the Constitution does not specify when the census should be conducted or how frequently it should take place. The Census of India Act of 1948, which establishes the legal framework for the Census, also lacks details on its timing or periodicity. As a result, there is no constitutional or legal requirement for a census to be conducted every 10 years. Significance of Census The Census may not be a legal requirement, but its utility has established it as a regular and essential exercise as it provides a comprehensive overview of the country's demographic, economic, social, and cultural profile. The significance of the census is: 1. It provides primary and authentic data at the village and ward levels for towns that serve as the foundation for all statistical activities, influencing the planning, administration, and economic decision-making processes. 2. Various national and international agencies, scholars and business professionals utilize this data to plan and formulate policies. 3. The data provided by the census forms the basis for every social and economic indicator as relying on outdated data, such as statistics that are 15 years old, is unreliable in a constantly changing environment. This unreliability can disrupt various indicators regarding India and negatively impact the effectiveness of all types of developmental initiatives. 4. The Census provides a foundation for conducting various surveys nationwide. It is essential for making informed decisions based on factual evidence. Democratic processes, like the delimitation of electoral constituencies, as well as affirmative action initiatives, such as reservations, also rely on data from the Census. After understanding the census and its significance, it becomes crucial to know about the caste and its historical basis, which provides the foundation to understand the ongoing debate regarding the caste census. The word 'caste' is often used to describe India's unique social system. While social arrangements producing similar effects have existed in other parts of the world, the exact form has not been found elsewhere. According to the NCERT, 'the word 'caste' refers to a broad institutional arrangement that in Indian languages is referred to by two distinct terms, varna and jati.' Varna (literally 'colour') is the name given to a four-fold division of society into—Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras—with the 'untouchables' placed outside and below this hierarchy. Jati is the word generally used to refer to the institution of caste in Indian languages. The precise relationship between varna and jati has been the subject of much speculation and debate among scholars. According to the NCERT, 'the most common interpretation is to treat varna as a broad all-India aggregative classification, while jati is taken to be a regional or local sub-classification involving a much more complex system consisting of hundreds or even thousands of castes and sub-castes.' This indicates that although the four varna classification is used throughout India, the jati hierarchy has more local classifications that vary from region to region. P Chidambaram explains- 'The origins of the Indian caste system lie in varna. Varna is the four-fold division among Hindus — Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Sudra. The lines that divided them were horizontal, hierarchical and unbreachable: once you were born in a Brahmin or Kshatriya or Vaishya or Sudra family, you will remain there for your life and your progeny will remain there for the duration of their lives.' He continues to write, 'Buddhism and Jainism were born out of a revolt against the unbreachable divisions in the Hindu religion.' Chidambaram wrote, 'Within each varna there were divisions and sub-divisions and each one of them came to represent a caste (jati) or a sub-caste. Each caste or sub-caste became a closed shop; it framed its own tyrannical rules; and violations were punished by exclusion or expulsion.' 'The worst form of caste oppression was untouchability. An 'untouchable' — now called a Dalit — was totally excluded from Hindu society. He was not only lower than the Sudra, the lowest in the varna hierarchy, he was actually outside Hindu society. His role was to serve those who belonged to the varna hierarchy, to fill lower-order occupations like cobbler and undertaker, and to do the 'unclean' jobs such as scavenging and skinning carcasses', wrote Chidambaram in 'Across the aisle- India at 70: The curse of caste', The Indian Express. Concerning the exact age of the caste system, there are different opinions. However, it is generally agreed that the four varna classification is roughly three thousand years old. According to the NCERT, 'the 'caste system' stood for different things in different periods.' In its earliest phase, in the late Vedic period, the caste system was really a varna system and consisted of only four major divisions. These divisions were not very elaborate or very rigid, and they were not determined by birth. Movement across the categories seems to have been not only possible but quite common. It is only in the post-Vedic period that caste became the rigid institution. The demand for a caste census came up before almost every census, as records of debates and questions raised in Parliament show. The demand usually came from among those belonging to Other Backward Classes (OBC) and other deprived sections. This time, however, things have been quite different. With the Census 2021 delayed several times and opposition parties making the loudest calls for a caste census, the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs (CCPA) on April 30 approved the inclusion of caste data in the upcoming population census. But it's not the first time that caste data will be included in the census. Notably, every census until 1931 had data on caste, and in 1941, caste-based data was collected, but it was never published due to the global crisis of World War II. Ahead of the first census of independent India, the government chose to avoid the question of caste. Thus, the data collected in censuses since 1951 include the numbers of individuals belonging to the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) and of various religious denominations, but the members of caste groups other than SCs and STs have not been counted. In the absence of such a census, there is no proper estimate for the population of Other Backward Classes (OBCs), various groups within the OBCs, and others. The Mandal Commission estimated the OBC population at 52%; some other estimates have been based on National Sample Survey data, and political parties make their own estimates in states and Lok Sabha and Assembly seats during elections. The recent decision by the central government to reintroduce caste enumeration in the census represents an important development in India's engagement with identity politics and social equity. As a result, the debate surrounding the caste census has resurfaced. In this context, let us explore some of the potential challenges and benefits associated with a caste-based census. The aim is to understand both sides of the argument, drawing on insights from recent articles published in The Indian Express. Issues associated with Caste Census 'Census classifications have the potential to entrench identities and aggravate social divisions' One of the major concerns related to the caste census is its negative impact on the country's social fabric. As Alok Bansal and Yashawardhana explain, 'Another reason cited for supporting this (caste census) exercise is that it will help the government shape its policies in line with the aspirations of different groups. But this kind of action might have far-reaching effects and even permanently fracture India's social fabric. This has been demonstrated by history: during British rule, the inclusion of religion in the census and subsequent creation of separate electorates had a negative impact on social cohesion, eventually resulting in India's partition. Similarly, adding caste to official census data is bound to aggravate social differences, strengthen identity politics, and splinter the country along caste lines. Thus, this is by no stretch of the imagination a harmless exercise.' It also have been argued that caste census may entrench the caste system and could derail the movement towards the creation of a casteless society. As Alok Bansal and Yashawardhana explain, 'Census classifications have the potential to entrench identities and aggravate social divisions. More significantly, contrary to religion, which continues to have some influence over personal rituals and ceremonies, caste is purely a vestige with no functional relevance in any facet of modern life. Consequently, in today's India, most youth, especially in urban India, do not identify themselves by their caste and some are not even aware of it. Inter-caste marriages have become the norm and their progenies obviously do not wish to identify themselves with any. Unfortunately, conducting a caste-based Census would force these youth to identify as members of a particular caste, thereby entrenching the caste system.' Benefits of Caste Census 1. 'Caste census is not mere data collection — it will reshape social identities' In support of the caste census, it has been argued that it will empower the marginalised sections of society. As Sumeet Mhaskar Prabodhan Pol explains, 'The push for caste enumeration today must be understood as more than a bureaucratic exercise. It is a reckoning with both colonial legacies and deeper historical inequalities based on caste. By exposing disparities in land ownership, education, and employment, a caste census could dismantle the myth of a 'post-caste' India. It has the potential to empower marginalised voices to challenge systemic exclusion.' They further argue that 'while it (caste census) risks entrenching divisions, its absence allows dominant groups to exploit ambiguities and perpetuate inequity under the guise of formal equality.' Data on castes in the Census would provide an evidentiary foundation to confront castes not as a relic of the past but as a living structure of power, which demands targeted redressal and not erasure through silence. 2. 'Data does not polarise, distrust does. That is why we need Caste Census' In support of the caste census, it have been argued that it will help the government shape its policies in line with the aspirations of different groups as it will provide the real picture of the Indian society. Abhinav Prakash and Priyank Chauhan explain, 'From Indra Sawhney (1992) to the Maratha verdict (2021), the Supreme Court has repeatedly asked governments to produce quantifiable data before extending or fine-tuning quotas. The Mandal Commission, too, based its estimates on 1931 Census numbers and sample surveys. Since then, we have added layers of creamy‑layer exclusions, sub‑quotas, and economic criteria — all without a verifiable data set. The consequence is two‑fold. First, policy loses legitimacy; anecdotes fill the vacuum where evidence should reside. Second, welfare delivery rewards the better-organised castes while bypassing the most deprived. A credible, disaggregated caste census would allow us to base policy on ground realities, restoring both efficacy and public trust.' They further explain, 'To frame the caste census as divisive misunderstands both the purpose of democracy and the nature of caste. Division is not caused by recognition; it is caused by systemic invisibility. Invisibility is a privilege enjoyed by those who do not need the state. For the rest, recognition is the first step towards remedy. The various social and political movements of weaker castes, especially those small in number in post-independent India, are aimed at becoming 'visible to the state'.' 3. 'Counting caste in the census is a step toward building fraternity' Kuriakose Mathew and Arjun Ramachandran writes- 'caste is not just social; it is spatial as well. It tells us not only who someone is, but where they live, whom they live among, whom they avoid, and the distances between different castes. Geography and caste are entangled. The all-caste census will give us the first comprehensive cartography of caste in India — who is clustered where, which jatis cohabit, which ones don't.' Recording caste irrespective of one's caste is the first step towards people-building in India. Express View: Government's decision to hold caste census is very welcome– 'The government's decision to hold a caste census with the next population Census is a turning point and a milestone. In a sense, it is the state catching up with the lived socioeconomic and political reality. Caste shapes hierarchy and discrimination, culture and belonging. It plays a role in structuring opportunity and social mobility. It influences choices and trajectories, from education to employment, and rituals of birth, death and marriage. There is work to be done after the caste census announcement. The design of the questionnaire will be consequential, and there will be the task of connecting the dots between the data and government policy…There are challenges ahead, but the fact that caste will finally be counted provides a robust, data-driven basis for policy and politics.' Prelims (1) Consider the following statements about conducting the Caste Census: 1. The Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs (CCPA) approved conducting a caste census in the upcoming population census. 2. It will be only the second time post-independence. Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (a) 2 only (b) 1 only (c) Both 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2 (2) Consider the following statements: (UPSC CSE 2009) 1. Between Census 1951 and Census 2001, the density of the population of India has increased more than three times. 2. Between Census 1951 and Census 2001, the annual growth rate (exponential) of the population of India has doubled. Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (a) 1 only (b) 2 only (c) Both 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2 (3) Consider the following statements with reference to the census in India: 1. The first All India Census was attempted in 1872. 2. From 1881, decennial censuses became a regular feature. Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (UPSC-CDS(II) – 2024) (a) 1 only (b) 2 only (c) Both 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2 (Note: The aspirants should also refer to the questions from other competitive exams conducted by the UPSC which might be useful for UPSC–CSE.) (4) Which of the following articles of the Constitution of India provides for promotion of educational and economic interests of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other weaker sections? (a) Article 45 (b) Article 47 (c) Article 48 (d) Article 46 Mains Why is the delayed census a matter of concern? (Sources: Cabinet approves caste Census, Caste: how a Spanish word, carried by the Portuguese, India at 70: The curse of caste, Social institutions continuity and change-NCERT, Why a caste Census is not 'harmless', Caste census is not mere data collection, Counting caste in the census is first step towards building fraternity, Data does not polarise, distrust does. That is why we need Caste Census) Subscribe to our UPSC newsletter. Stay updated with the latest UPSC articles by joining our Telegram channel – Indian Express UPSC Hub, and follow us on Instagram and X. 🚨 Click Here to read the UPSC Essentials magazine for May 2025. Share your views and suggestions in the comment box or at Roshni Yadav is a Deputy Copy Editor with The Indian Express. She is an alumna of the University of Delhi and Jawaharlal Nehru University, where she pursued her graduation and post-graduation in Political Science. She has over five years of work experience in ed-tech and media. At The Indian Express, she writes for the UPSC section. Her interests lie in national and international affairs, governance, economy, and social issues. You can contact her via email: ... Read More
