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Arab News
24-05-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
The strategic value of deepening NATO-MENA ties
Recent developments in Syria and the ongoing war in Gaza serve as regular reminders of the importance of the Middle East to Western policymakers. At a time when many in the West, particularly in the US, would prefer to reduce their engagement in the region and focus more on areas such as the Indo-Pacific, the geopolitical realities on the ground continue to prevent this shift from becoming a reality. This is especially true for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, which has understandably prioritized the territorial defense of Europe in the face of external aggression in recent years. Yet NATO has also maintained engagement with the Middle East. It is clear why the organization cannot afford to ignore the region. Geography alone makes this impossible but the Middle East and Europe also share a host of security interests and overlapping challenges. These include terrorism, the humanitarian effects of mass migration, and concerns over nuclear proliferation. For these reasons, it makes strategic sense for NATO and countries in the Middle East to enhance their cooperation. In 2004, NATO established the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative, which has served as the alliance's primary platform for engagement with the Arab world. Qatar, the UAE, Bahrain, and Kuwait currently participate in the initiative, which formalizes regional cooperation between NATO and Gulf Cooperation Council countries, and has fostered high-level visits, joint training exercises and military education exchanges. NATO's on-the-ground presence in the region is anchored by the ICI-NATO regional center in Kuwait. In recent years, there has been an increase in senior-level engagement between NATO and Gulf states. Last month, for instance, the chairperson of the NATO Military Committee, Adm. Giuseppe Cavo Dragone, visited Kuwait for high-level discussions on NATO-Gulf cooperation. In February, recently appointed NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte visited Baghdad, his first visit to the region since taking office in October last year. During this trip, he reviewed NATO's role in regional security through the work of the NATO Mission in Iraq. Established in October 2018 at the request of the Iraqi government, this mission consists of several hundred NATO troops who train Iraqi security forces to prevent the reemergence of Daesh. The mission represents the alliance's most significant overseas operation today. Despite this level of engagement, NATO has yet to fully grasp the strategic value of a wider deepening of relations with Gulf states, or the broader importance of the Middle East to European security. For example, in NATO's 2022 Strategic Concept, a guiding document for the alliance, the Middle East was mentioned only in passing. The Istanbul Cooperation Initiative was not referenced at all. Even though 2024 marked the 20th anniversary of the initiative, NATO held no major events to commemorate this milestone. It again was barely mentioned in the final communique of NATO's Washington summit last year. A recent NATO-commissioned report on the expansion of engagement with the Global South offered little in terms of meaningful analysis. Luke Coffey Furthermore, a recent NATO-commissioned report on the expansion of engagement with the Global South offered little in terms of meaningful analysis or actionable recommendations for improving relations with the Middle East. Fortunately, opportunities for expanded cooperation do still exist. NATO's summit in the Netherlands next month presents an ideal occasion on which to bring the Middle East back into focus. With recent escalations in Syria and Gaza, the state of Middle East security serves as a reminder of the region's importance to the transatlantic community. One concrete step would be to convene a meeting of the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative during next month's summit, preferably at the heads-of-state or government level, or at a minimum at the level of foreign ministers. Since the inception of the initiative, there has never been a senior-level meeting in parallel with a NATO summit. As the Middle East undergoes another round of geopolitical shifts, now is the time to correct that oversight. NATO should also explore ways to assist any new, internationally recognized government in Syria with security sector reforms. In coordination with regional states, particularly those who participate in the initiative, NATO should consider whether a training mission akin to the one in Iraq could be established in Syria. In parallel, the alliance should also explore the possibility of engaging Syria through either the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative or NATO's Mediterranean Dialogue, the latter of which is its main platform for engagement with countries in North Africa and the Levant. Building on the momentum of US President Donald Trump's recent visit to Saudi Arabia, NATO should explore the potential for deepening its relationship with Riyadh. The foundation for this already exists; Rutte's predecessor as NATO chief, Jens Stoltenberg, made a historic first visit to Saudi Arabia in 2023. Since then, discussions have taken place about the formalization of ties between the alliance and the Kingdom. Although Saudi authorities have so far opted not to join the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative, the time might be ripe to revisit the issue and find mutually beneficial ways to enhance collaboration. In terms of tangible policy outcomes, two areas stand out for potentially closer NATO-Gulf cooperation: missile defense and maritime security. While NATO has no formal maritime security mandate in the Gulf, many of its member states participate in regional maritime task forces alongside Gulf states. Regarding missile defense, the war in Ukraine and the widespread use of ballistic missiles and drones across the Middle East underscore the growing importance and complexity of integrated air and missile defense. Because missile defense is inherently non-aggressive, it should be a politically viable area for cooperation. And given that the threats posed by missiles and drones are unlikely to diminish, deeper collaboration in this area makes sense. Next month's summit offers a timely chance for NATO to revitalize the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative and strengthen its strategic ties with Gulf partners. Doing so would contribute meaningfully to the stability and security of both regions.
Kuwait Times
08-05-2025
- Politics
- Kuwait Times
GCC region remains priority for NATO, official tells Kuwait
KUWAIT: Javier Colomina, NATO's Special Representative for the Southern Neighborhood, emphasized that the Gulf region remains a top priority for NATO's engagement with its southern neighborhood. During his visit to Kuwait, Colomina discussed the ongoing challenges facing the Middle East and their broader implications for global stability, underscoring NATO's commitment to deepening cooperation with Kuwait on regional security and political issues. In remarks delivered during the 21st meeting of the Presidents and Heads of Gulf Red Crescent Societies, hosted Thursday in Kuwait, Colomina praised the outstanding humanitarian contributions made by Kuwait and highlighted the country's leadership role within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). He extended his gratitude to His Highness the Amir of Kuwait, Sheikh Meshal Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, for his strong support of Gulf unity, development, and international collaboration. Colomina reiterated that NATO seeks to enhance political dialogue with GCC countries, with particular focus on deepening ties with states outside the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative (ICI) — a key NATO outreach program launched to strengthen security collaboration with the Gulf. He emphasized that one of the main objectives of his visit was to explore ways to further increase the frequency and depth of political discussions with Gulf nations, particularly in light of Kuwait's leadership of the 45th session of the GCC. Javier Colomina Ambassador Abdulaziz Al-Jarallah A centerpiece of Kuwait's collaboration with NATO is the NATO-ICI Regional Center in Kuwait City, which Colomina hailed as a leading model for successful partnership between NATO and the Gulf region. The center serves as a hub for political dialogue, military cooperation, training, and capacity-building efforts between NATO and its Gulf partners. Colomina noted that the center enables cooperation not only with ICI member states but also with a broader range of regional partners, enhancing the alliance's engagement across multiple fields including security, defense, diplomacy, and crisis management. In his discussions with Kuwaiti officials, Colomina addressed key regional issues such as ongoing conflicts, terrorism, cybersecurity threats, and emerging challenges like climate change, food security, and energy security. He emphasized that developing joint approaches to these issues is essential for ensuring both regional and global stability. From the Kuwaiti side, Ambassador Abdulaziz Al-Jarallah, Assistant Foreign Minister for International Organizations, reaffirmed Kuwait's strong and continuous commitment to its partnership with NATO. Al-Jarallah highlighted Kuwait's early participation in the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative in 2004 and the significant milestone of hosting the NATO-ICI Regional Center in 2017 — a first for the region — as examples of Kuwait's leadership and active engagement in international security cooperation. Al-Jarallah noted that the center plays a critical role in hosting regular training sessions, workshops, and seminars in coordination with NATO officials and member states. These activities address not only traditional security concerns but also new global challenges that demand innovative and coordinated responses. He stressed that Kuwait remains deeply committed to diplomacy, mediation, and preventive dialogue as primary tools for resolving international disputes and promoting peace. Kuwait's foreign policy, he added, consistently prioritizes stability, peaceful coexistence, and constructive engagement with both regional neighbors and the international community. Looking ahead, both sides affirmed the importance of maintaining and expanding high-level visits, political consultations, and practical cooperation between NATO and Kuwait. They agreed that sustained engagement would be vital for addressing shared challenges and advancing collective security and prosperity in the Gulf region and beyond. — KUNA
Arab News
03-05-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
NATO's potentially constructive role in Syria
More than two decades after the launch of the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative, NATO and its partners are assessing the progress they have made and looking for new ways to solidify their partnership and encourage new members to join. To attract new partners, NATO needs to become more relevant to the region's concerns. One of those concerns is the fragile situation in Syria, and NATO is well suited to play an effective role there. Success in the country will have positive spillover effects throughout the region. NATO has taken a number of steps to strengthen its ties to the region. At its Vilnius summit in 2023, the organization launched a comprehensive reflection on threats, challenges, and opportunities in the South. At its 2024 summit in Washington, during which NATO celebrated the 75th anniversary of its founding in 1949, it went further by adding more depth and a wider scope to its southern neighborhood policy, to 'foster greater security and stability in the Middle East and Africa, contributing to peace and prosperity in the region.' It adopted an action plan for a 'stronger, more strategic and result-oriented approach' toward its southern neighbors, and said this would be regularly updated. To implement this more active approach, NATO's secretary-general appointed a special representative for the southern neighborhood, who serves as the organization's focal point for the region. It said this would 'reinforce our dialogue, outreach, visibility and our existing instruments for cooperation, such as the Defense Capacity Building Initiative, the Hub for the South and the NATO-Istanbul Cooperation Initiative Regional Center in Kuwait.' As part of this focus, NATO opened a liaison office in Amman and broadened the scope of its cooperation with Iraq's security institutions, building on the efforts of its mission in Iraq. The Istanbul Cooperation Initiative was established in 2004 during NATO's summit in the Turkish city, hence the name, to 'promote security cooperation on a bilateral basis between NATO and partner countries in the broader Middle East region.' In 2017, the organization established a regional center in Kuwait to coordinate Istanbul Cooperation Initiative activities, including training, capacity building, defense planning, defense budgeting, combating terrorism, and preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Four Gulf Cooperation Council member states have joined the initiative, and others take part in some of its activities without joining. Despite its name, Turkiye is not a member of the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative. Most countries around the world have welcomed the new government in Syria, which appears determined to restore peace and security internally and play a positive role regionally. It is working to reestablish the rule of law in most parts of the country, and disband unlawful armed groups or integrate them into formal security forces with clear controls and chains of command. It has cracked down on drug trafficking, arms smuggling, and other malign activities that were quite common under the previous Assad regime. However, the new authority in Damascus faces formidable challenges which NATO is well positioned to help, starting with restoration of government authority throughout Syria. The challenge in the northeastern part of the country is complicated by the presence of Turkish and American forces, who support opposing sides in that region. Replacing them with a neutral force, such as NATO, should be acceptable to Turkiye and the US, both of whom are key members of the alliance. A NATO deployment would have to be negotiated with Damascus, which might consider this solution better than the current chaos in which the Syrian Democratic Forces, the main militia for Syrian Kurds, is reluctant to allow government forces into the area, while Turkish-Kurdish group PKK roams freely there, causing understandable security anxieties for Ankara. The security apparatus in Syria needs to be restructured along new principles. Dr. Abdel Aziz Aluwaisheg There is mutual mistrust between Turkiye and the Syrian Democratic Forces, whose tolerance of the PKK presence has caused tensions between Ankara and Washington, the SDF's patron. Damascus might find that a NATO presence would make it easier to implement agreements with the SDF on integrating northeastern Syria with the rest of the country, and the militia with the Syrian Armed Forces. The SDF might also welcome NATO's role in the face of uncertainty regarding the continued American presence in the area. Fighting terrorism is the second challenge with which NATO could help. It could coordinate counterterrorism efforts in the area, which is one of the main areas cited by the organization for its engagement with the wider Middle East region. Concerns about a resurgence of Daesh are shared by most countries, and the new Syrian government appears determined to prevent this from happening. Stopping Daesh from regrouping is the main reason for the presence of US troops in the area and is also cited by the SDF as one of its main functions, together with guarding camps holding former Daesh fighters and their families. The Global Coalition Against Daesh is obviously there as well but it needs support. NATO could help pave the way for the Syrian government to take on the job of fighting terrorism and guarding the camps until the fate of their inhabitants is decided. The third way in which NATO can provide assistance is by helping the new government to rebuild Syria's security forces. They need training and equipment. Gulf Cooperation Council countries have started this process and NATO could help recruits acquire the skills they need, building on the organization's long experience in this area. Capacity building is one of the main functions of NATO and the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative. In the case of Syria, which has experienced decades of despotic rule during which security forces were trained to violate the human rights of citizens, killing hundreds of thousands of innocents and jailing and torturing others for exercising their basic rights of freedom of expression and association. The security apparatus in Syria needs to be restructured along new principles. NATO could help with this. The organization is gearing up for its annual summit next month in the Hague. The issue of enhanced engagement with the Middle East is likely to be on the agenda, although the uncertainty about US President Donald Trump's approach to the organization will likely dominate discussions, given the testy relationship NATO had with him during his first term. Experts expect both sides to be more realistic this time around, however, insofar as NATO members have accepted that they need to up their defense spending, while the Trump administration appreciates the useful role the organization fulfills. Washington might find it is to its advantage that NATO plays a greater role in the Middle East, including Syria. This would be another example of the burden sharing that Trump is keen on. His administration has already been engaged with the Syrian government and given it a list of asks, including efforts to fight terrorism and destroy chemical weapons. NATO could engage with Damascus and help it deal with such demands. • Dr. Abdel Aziz Aluwaisheg is the GCC's assistant secretary-general for political affairs and negotiation. The views expressed here are personal and do not necessarily represent those of the GCC. X: @abuhamad1
