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The Hindu
2 hours ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
Iran's man at the table
'It was the U.S. which betrayed diplomacy, but it is Iran which must return to the table!' questioned Iranian Foreign Minister Seyyed Abbas Araghchi in his address to the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) meeting in Istanbul on June 22, immediately after the U.S. bombed Iran's three nuclear facilities — Isfahan, Natanz and Fordow. Set against Israel and the U.S., his job was to tell the Islamic world how Iran was betrayed by the same powers with whom it was talking. A former member of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), Mr. Araghchi rose through the ranks of Tehran's foreign affairs between 1988 and 2013. Joining the IRGC during the 1979 resolution, Mr. Araghchi was reportedly chosen to be a part of the 'Quds Force', the IRGC's external affairs branch. While Mr. Araghchi has denied his role in the Quds Force, he was inducted into Iran's Foreign Ministry as an expert in international affairs in 1989. He had served as Iran's Ambassador in Finland, Estonia and Japan, before he was made the official spokesperson of the Foreign Ministry. In 2013, Mr. Araghchi was made Iran's chief negotiator to hold talks with the 'P5+1' group (the U.S., China, France, Russia, the U.K and Germany) on its nuclear programme. After 20 months of talks, Mr. Araghchi was successful in getting all parties to agree to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), which was signed in 2015. Iran was given relief in economic sanctions and was allowed to have a limited nuclear programme under the supervision of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). The U.S., however, unilaterally pulled out of the JCPOA in 2018 under Donald Trump. Israel offensive After the October 7, 2023 attack by Hamas, Iran's then Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian asserted that Tehran had no prior knowledge of the attack. Israel expanded the conflict by attacking Iran's ally in Lebanon, Hezbollah, and killing IRGC commanders in Syria. Houthis, Iran-backed rebels in Yemen, attacked tankers in the Red Sea. In April 2024, in retaliation for an Israeli strike on the Iranian embassy in Damascus, Tehran launched ballistic missiles at Israel. On May 19, 2024, a helicopter carrying Amir-Abdollahian and Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi crashed near the Iran-Azerbaijan border and Mr. Araghchi was chosen as the country's top diplomat in the Masoud Pezeshkian government. As Israeli airstrikes killed more Hamas and Hezbollah leaders, Iran launched its second direct attack on Israel in October that year, warning Israel to end its attack across its borders. Israel retaliated with air strikes. After Donald Trump returned to the White House, the U.S. offered dialogue to Iran, which Tehran accepted. On April 13, 2025, Mr. Araghchi held the first round of talks with Trump officials in Oman over the nuclear programme. 'It was a constructive meeting held in a very peaceful and respectful environment,' opined Mr. Araghchi. They met five times. On June 13, two days ahead of the sixth round of talks, Israel launched a massive attack on Iran's nuclear facilities, scientists and military leaders. On June 22, the U.S. joined Israel's war. Mr. Trump later claimed that U.S. strikes 'obliterated' Iran's nuclear programme. He also announced a ceasefire on Israel and Iran, after an Iranian attack at the American base in Qatar on June 23. 'Our nuclear installations have been badly damaged,' said Mr. Araghchi, accusing the U.S. of 'attacking the territorial integrity and national sovereignty of a UN member state'. Leaked U.S. Intelligence reports suggest that the U.S.-Israeli attack set back Iran's nuclear programme by a few months. Despite Mr. Trump's claims that talks with Iran would resume, Mr. Araghchi stated that Iran has no plan to meet with the U.S. over a nuclear deal, adding, 'we know our worth, value our independence, and never allow anyone else to decide our destiny'. As Iran recovers from the war, the challenge before Mr. Araghchi is to strengthen ties with the allies and manage ties with the rivals in a such a way that further external aggression would be prevented at least in the near future.


Time Magazine
13 hours ago
- Politics
- Time Magazine
Trump Should Have Never Ditched the Iran Nuclear Deal
Questions remain over the true damage to Iran's nuclear program. But as conflicting comments and reports come in from the Trump Administration and Pentagon intelligence estimates, one thing is certain: Trump's failed diplomacy got us in this mess. I should know. Ten years ago, I was in Vienna as part of the U.S. team negotiating a deal to stop Iran from getting a nuclear weapon. Those negotiations culminated in the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). It was Trump's decision in 2018 to withdraw from the Iran nuclear deal that ultimately led to the perilous situation in the Middle East today. The JCPOA was the result of a sustained campaign of principled, effective U.S. diplomacy. President Obama began laying groundwork for this nuclear deal as soon as he came to office in 2009. His view—shared then and now across the U.S. political spectrum—was that the U.S. cannot accept a nuclear-armed Iran. At the time, Iran claimed that its nuclear energy program was for exclusively peaceful uses. Yet given evidence of Iran's past interest in possessing a nuclear bomb prior to 2003, the U.S. could not take this claim at face value. To get the nuclear deal, Obama and his national security team rallied the world to increase pressure on Tehran. The U.S., E.U., and other allies put in place punishing sanctions. The U.N. Security Council followed suit with a fresh round of sanctions in June 2010 that were wide-ranging and targeted the nuclear program. These sanctions worked: they convinced Iran to come to the negotiating table. To iron out the technical provisions of a deal, the U.S. then put together a team of top career diplomats, nuclear scientists, lawyers, and sanctions experts. It was a remarkable lineup of American patriots and professionals. It was my great honor to serve on that team. Our goal was to offer Iran phased and reversible sanctions relief in exchange for far-reaching limits on Iran's nuclear activities. To maximize leverage, we coordinated with other countries, including not just European allies but also Russia and China. It was difficult, exacting, high-stakes work—for months on end. The effort paid off. Iran agreed to substantial limits on its nuclear activities, including to export out of the country around 98% of its enriched uranium stockpile. Iran's commitments were then subject to intrusive and permanent international monitoring. By the end of the Obama Administration, the deal was working, with all sides implementing their commitments. Trump's abrupt withdrawal from the JCPOA in 2018 led to the predictable result: Iran's nuclear program surged ahead, breaking free of the deal's constraints. When Trump returned to office in January, he launched a hasty effort to negotiate a new deal. But it bore a striking resemblance to the deal negotiated by Obama, with one nuclear expert calling the Trump framework a 'dollar store JCPOA.' Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu tanked these talks with airstrikes on June 12. The U.S. launched its own strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities on June 22. Trump seems convinced the matter is now resolved. But what will be the fate of the tons of enriched uranium that Iran stockpiled after Trump withdrew from the JCPOA? How much Iranian nuclear infrastructure remains intact? Will Iran ever welcome back intrusive international monitoring of its nuclear activities, such as specified in the JCPOA? To resolve these questions, the Trump Administration will need to do the tedious, difficult work of pursuing complex negotiations. Talks look set to resume next week. But it will require a high level of technical expertise and diplomatic capacity. And the timing couldn't be worse, as Trump and Elon Musk's culture war on the so-called 'Deep State' has hollowed out and demoralized the ranks of government experts whose support was critical to achieving the JCPOA in the first place. This sad saga has reminded me of what we've lost in the Trump era. The JCPOA was a product of effective and principled American diplomacy, undertaken in close coordination with our closest allies. It was a team effort by countless government professionals and specialists, all motivated by patriotism and a sense of mission, and operating in an era where they were celebrated not denigrated. It was a victory of dialogue and diplomacy over bluster and bombs. Ten years ago that approach delivered results for the American people and the world. I worry about what comes next.


India.com
15 hours ago
- Politics
- India.com
Trust Under Fire: The World Watches Iran's Next Move
On June 25th, US President Donald Trump boldly declared that American and Israeli strikes may have wiped out Iran's nuclear program. 'We destroyed the nuclear,' he said, suggesting there's nothing more to demand from Iran—except a promise never to build nuclear weapons again. But not everyone is convinced. While Iran's nuclear infrastructure has clearly suffered serious damage, experts warn that it's too early to say the program is fully dismantled. Reports indicate that some facilities may still be intact. This uncertainty, if not addressed quickly, could grow into a far bigger problem. Despite the damage, Iran still seems to control a stockpile of highly enriched uranium. If enriched further, this material could be used to build several nuclear bombs. U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance has acknowledged the risk and promised that Washington will act in the coming weeks—starting with talks that may soon resume with Tehran. President Trump insists that no new nuclear deal is needed. But the reality is more complicated. Real peace and long-term stability require smart diplomacy. Only through open discussions and strong verification can the world be sure about what nuclear capabilities Iran may still have. Iran's earlier strategy was to stay close to nuclear weapon capability without crossing the line—hoping it would prevent attacks. That strategy now lies in ruins. The recent strikes didn't just hit nuclear facilities; they also targeted military and political sites. This could push Iran to actually pursue nuclear weapons in secret. If that happens, Iran may avoid using big, well-known sites like Natanz or Fordow. Instead, it might choose small, hidden locations—harder to detect, even with advanced spy tools. Iran already has the ingredients: enriched uranium, high-tech centrifuges, and trained experts. Rebuilding its program could take months, not years. Even if Iran chooses not to restart its weapons program, the world must stay alert. Years of careful monitoring, funding, and cooperation will be needed to make sure nuclear ambitions don't quietly return. Iran's past record of hiding its activities adds to the challenge. Winning back global trust won't be easy. Making things harder is Iran's worsening relationship with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)—the world body that oversees peaceful use of nuclear technology. In the past, the IAEA played a crucial role in enforcing the 2015 nuclear deal, known as the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action). That deal gave inspectors access to key Iranian sites—some of which have now been destroyed. Tensions with the IAEA didn't begin with the recent war. In 2018, when the Trump administration pulled out of the JCPOA, Iran was still in compliance. But after that, Tehran began rolling back its own commitments. By 2021, it had stopped following the 'Additional Protocol,' which allowed IAEA inspectors deeper access. Most special monitoring measures under the JCPOA were also shut down. Despite limited access, the IAEA continued some inspections and found that Iran's nuclear program was growing more advanced. But Iran's refusal to cooperate pushed the IAEA's Board of Governors to declare, on June 12, that Tehran had violated its global commitments. The next day, Israel launched its military campaign. U.S. officials cited the IAEA report to justify their strikes. Even during the conflict, the IAEA urged Iran to remain in contact with its emergency team. IAEA chief Rafael Grossi reminded the U.N. Security Council: 'Nuclear sites and materials must not be hidden or put at risk during war.' Now that the guns have fallen silent, the big question is: what role can the IAEA still play? Iran is still a member of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), which requires it to report all nuclear sites and allow inspections under the Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement. But the future of cooperation looks uncertain. Iran is angry. Its leaders feel the world didn't do enough to protect its nuclear sites. Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has openly criticised the international community. Senior advisor Ali Larijani even warned the IAEA chief: 'Once the war ends, we will deal with Grossi.' Iran has already announced that it will stop sharing certain information with the IAEA. Its parliament has passed a bill calling for a complete halt to cooperation. In the days ahead, global leaders must tread carefully. It's important to understand Iran's genuine concerns and political pressures—without letting them become excuses for restarting a secret weapons program. The line between frustration and manipulation is thin and dangerous. Talks between the U.S. and Iran are expected soon. One of the top priorities should be restoring verification measures. The world needs to know what equipment, material, and expertise Iran still has—and whether these could be used to rebuild the nuclear program. A similar crisis happened after the first Gulf War, when Iraq gave up its nuclear plans but kept blocking inspectors. The world was never fully sure if Iraq had truly stopped, leading to years of doubt and foreign intervention. That approach didn't bring peace—and we must not repeat that mistake with Iran. If we want lasting peace, not just a pause between crises, countries must work together through international agreements and transparent systems. Recent events have shown the power of U.S. and Israeli intelligence—but also the risk of relying only on secret reports, which can be misread or misused. Rebuilding trust with Iran will be hard. But without cooperation and clear rules, the next crisis will be harder to prevent—and nearly impossible to stop once it begins.


Saudi Gazette
a day ago
- Politics
- Saudi Gazette
Iran's FM says talks with Washington 'complicated' by US strikes on nuclear sites
TEHRAN — Iran's top diplomat said on Friday that the possibility of new negotiations with the United States on his country's nuclear programme has been "complicated" by US strikes on three of the sites, which he conceded had caused "serious damage." The US was one of the parties to the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) which saw Iran agree to limit its uranium enrichment programme in exchange for sanctions relief and other benefits. That deal unravelled in 2018 after President Donald Trump unilaterally pulled the US out during his first term, calling it the "worst deal ever negotiated." Trump had suggested he is interested in new talks with Iran and said the two sides would meet next week. In an interview on Iranian state television broadcast late on Thursday, Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi left open the possibility that his country would again enter talks on its nuclear program, but suggested it would not be anytime soon. "No agreement has been made for resuming the negotiations," he said. "No time has been set, no promise has been made and we haven't even talked about restarting the talks." The American decision to intervene militarily "made it more complicated and more difficult" for talks on Iran's nuclear programme, Araghchi said. In Friday prayers, many imams stressed Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei's message from the day before that the war had been a victory for Iran. Cleric Hamzeh Khalili, who also is the deputy chief justice of Iran, vowed during a prayer service in Tehran that the courts would prosecute people accused of spying for Israel "in a special way." During the 12-day conflict with Israel, Iran hanged several people who it already had in custody on espionage charges, sparking fears from activists that it could conduct a wave of executions after the fighting ended. Authorities have reportedly detained dozens in various cities on the charge of cooperation with Israel. Israel attacked Iran on 13 June, targeting its nuclear sites, defence systems, high-ranking military officials and atomic scientists in waved of strikes. In almost two weeks of fighting, Israel said it killed some 30 Iranian commanders and 11 nuclear scientists, while hitting eight nuclear-related facilities and more than 720 military infrastructure sites. More than 1,000 people were killed, including at least 417 civilians, according to the Washington-based Human Rights Activists group. Iran fired more than 550 ballistic missiles at Israel, most of which were intercepted but those that got through caused damage in many areas and killed 28 people. Israeli military spokesperson Brigadier General Effie Defrin said Friday that in some areas it had exceeded its operational goals, but needed to remain vigilant. "We are under no illusion, the enemy has not changed its intentions," he said. The US stepped in on Sunday to hit Iran's three most important nuclear sites with a wave of cruise missiles and bunker-buster bombs dropped by B-2 bombers, designed to penetrate deep into the ground to damage the heavily-fortified targets. Iran, in retaliation, fired missiles at the US military base, Al Udeida, in Qatar on Monday but caused no known casualties. Trump said the American attacks "completely and fully obliterated" Iran's nuclear programme, though Khamenei on Thursday accused the US president of exaggerating the damage, saying the strikes did not "achieve anything significant." There has been speculation that Iran moved much of its highly-enriched uranium before the strikes, something that it told the UN nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency, that it planned to do. Even if that turns out to be true, IAEA Director Rafael Grossi told Radio France International that the damage done to the Fordow site, which is built into a mountain, "is very, very, very considerable." Among other things, he said, centrifuges are "quite precise machines" and it's "not possible" that the concussion from multiple 30,000-pound bombs would not have caused "important physical damage." "These centrifuges are no longer operational," he said. Araghchi himself acknowledged "the level of damage is high and it's serious damage." He added that Iran had not yet decided whether to allow IAEA inspectors to assess the damage, but they would be kept out "for the time being". — Euronews


Euronews
a day ago
- Politics
- Euronews
Iran's FM says talks with US 'complicated' by strikes on nuclear sites
Iran's top diplomat said on Friday that the possibility of new negotiations with the United States on his country's nuclear programme has been "complicated" by US strikes on three of the sites, which he conceded had caused "serious damage." The US was one of the parties to the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) which saw Iran agree to limit its uranium enrichment programme in exchange for sanctions relief and other benefits. That deal unravelled in 2018 after President Donald Trump unilaterally pulled the US out during his first term, calling it the "worst deal ever negotiated." Trump had suggested he is interested in new talks with Iran and said the two sides would meet next week. In an interview on Iranian state television broadcast late on Thursday, Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi left open the possibility that his country would again enter talks on its nuclear program, but suggested it would not be anytime soon. "No agreement has been made for resuming the negotiations," he said. "No time has been set, no promise has been made and we haven't even talked about restarting the talks." The American decision to intervene militarily "made it more complicated and more difficult" for talks on Iran's nuclear programme, Araghchi said. In Friday prayers, many imams stressed Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei's message from the day before that the war had been a victory for Iran. Cleric Hamzeh Khalili, who also is the deputy chief justice of Iran, vowed during a prayer service in Tehran that the courts would prosecute people accused of spying for Israel "in a special way." During the 12-day conflict with Israel, Iran hanged several people who it already had in custody on espionage charges, sparking fears from activists that it could conduct a wave of executions after the fighting ended. Authorities have reportedly detained dozens in various cities on the charge of cooperation with Israel. Israel attacked Iran on 13 June, targeting its nuclear sites, defence systems, high-ranking military officials and atomic scientists in waved of strikes. In almost two weeks of fighting, Israel said it killed some 30 Iranian commanders and 11 nuclear scientists, while hitting eight nuclear-related facilities and more than 720 military infrastructure sites. More than 1,000 people were killed, including at least 417 civilians, according to the Washington-based Human Rights Activists group. Iran fired more than 550 ballistic missiles at Israel, most of which were intercepted but those that got through caused damage in many areas and killed 28 people. Israeli military spokesperson Brigadier General Effie Defrin said Friday that in some areas it had exceeded its operational goals, but needed to remain vigilant. "We are under no illusion, the enemy has not changed its intentions," he said. Operation Midnight Hammer The US stepped in on Sunday to hit Iran's three most important nuclear sites with a wave of cruise missiles and bunker-buster bombs dropped by B-2 bombers, designed to penetrate deep into the ground to damage the heavily-fortified targets. Iran, in retaliation, fired missiles at the US military base, Al Udeida, in Qatar on Monday but caused no known casualties. Trump said the American attacks "completely and fully obliterated" Iran's nuclear programme, though Khamenei on Thursday accused the US president of exaggerating the damage, saying the strikes did not "achieve anything significant." There has been speculation that Iran moved much of its highly-enriched uranium before the strikes, something that it told the UN nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency, that it planned to do. Even if that turns out to be true, IAEA Director Rafael Grossi told Radio France International that the damage done to the Fordow site, which is built into a mountain, "is very, very, very considerable." Among other things, he said, centrifuges are "quite precise machines" and it's "not possible" that the concussion from multiple 30,000-pound bombs would not have caused "important physical damage." "These centrifuges are no longer operational," he said. Araghchi himself acknowledged "the level of damage is high and it's serious damage." He added that Iran had not yet decided whether to allow in IAEA inspectors to assess the damage, but they would be kept out "for the time being."