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Time Business News
07-07-2025
- Politics
- Time Business News
Chitra Tripathi Honored with 'Bihar Gaurav Asmita Award' for outstanding contribution to ground reporting
Patna- In a glittering ceremony held at the Urja Stadi-um in Patna, celebrat-ed journalist and ABP News Vice President Chitra Tripathi was conferred with the prestigious Bihar Gaurav As-mita Award. The event, organized by the Bihar International Trade Organisations (BITO), brought together dignitaries and achievers from across the globe to celebrate the achieve-ments of individuals who have significantly contributed to the pride and progress of Bihar. The award was pre-sented by the Governor of Bihar, His Excellency Arif Mohammad Khan, in the presence of Union Minister Chirag Paswan and distinguished members of BITO representing 18 countries. These members have been in-strumental in promoting Bihar's heritage, culture, and identity at the inter-national level. Chitra Tripathi, a vet-eran television journal-ist with over two dec-ades of experience, was recognized for her con-sistent, courageous, and ground-level journal-ism that has frequently brought the spotlight on critical issues in Bihar. Her commitment to truth and fearless reportage has often set the tone for national debates and brought much-needed attention to the state's socio political challenges. Over the years, Tripathi's coverage of Bihar has resonated widely with audiences across the country. Her reports on the recurring floods in Bihar, the shocking Muzaffarpur shelter home scandal, and the controversial 'Bullet Re-porter' series during the election season have left a lasting impact. She has also reported firsthand on major political developments, including the first INDIA alliance meeting led by Nitish Kumar and his return to the NDA two years ago. Each of these reports showcased her tenacity and deep understanding of Bihar's political and social landscape. Her daily prime-time shows on ABP News Mahadangal at 5 PM and Janhit at 9 PM frequently feature in depth discussions Bihar-cen on issues. Recently, she launched a new program titled Charcha With Chitra, which premiered with a compelling interview of Tej Pratap Yadav, the elder son of RJD supre-mo Lalu Prasad Yadav. The interview, shot in Bihar, quickly went vi-ral on social media and sparked intense political discourse. Tripathi's dedication to reporting from the ground, often under challenging ging cond conditions, has earned her both praise and criticism. One such instance was her widely discussed cover-age from Sitamarhi during a devastating flood. In a bid to highlight the dire conditions faced by villagers, she conduct-ed a report sitting on a makeshift boat fashioned from banana tree trunks the only avail-able means of transportation for the marooned locals. While the visuals led to trolling on social media, the impact was immediate and tangible. Within 24 hours of the report's broadcast, proper boats and re-lief supplies were dis-patched to the affected areas, offering critical support to those who had survived on meager rations like flattened rice and sugar for days. Despite being born in Gorakhpur, Uttar Pradesh, Chitra Tripathi shares a deep emotional connection with Bihar. During her speech at the Bihar Gaurav Asmita event, she revealed that much of her childhood was spent with her grand-mother, Dharmdhari Chaubey, in Kuisa Bhathwan village, located in Gopalganj district of Bihar. Her memories of growing up in the village contin-ue to shape her under-standing ading of of the region's issues and people. TIME BUSINESS NEWS
Hans India
04-06-2025
- Business
- Hans India
A uniform 10% EWS quota across states is quite contentious
The Union Government has been implementing a fixed 10 per cent reservation quota for the economically weaker sections (EWS), exclusively for the general category (GC) population (castes other than SCs/STs/OBCs) in line with the 103rd Constitution Amendment Act in 2019. When it was challenged, the Supreme Court (Janhit case) upheld it in 2022. Most state governments began implementing a 10 per cent EWS quota, irrespective of the percentage of the GC population, which varies from state to state. Ironically, reservations for SCs, STs and OBCs vary across states. Such universality in the EWS quota is QUITE contentious. There are also other contradictions regarding the policy basis of this specific provision. Initial attempts: The quota for EWS began after overcoming the hurdles posed against its implementation in 1989. The then prime minister V P Singh proposed a five to 10 per cent EWS quota. However, this did not materialise. Subsequently, the P V Narasimha Rao government took the initiative forward and in 1991 mandated implementation of 10 per cent EWS quota and 27% OBC quota. The Supreme Court, however, struck down the EBC-quota in the Indira Sawhney case (1992) while upholding the Mandal Commission's recommendation of 27 per cent OBCs quota. The reasons cited was that the EWS quota was made purely on an economic-criterion, which has been contended in the judicial scrutiny of OBCs reservation in various occasions. A further, 10 per cent EWS quota exceeds the 50 per cent ceiling laid down by the apex court (Balaji and other cases). Commission and Amendment: The UPA government in 2006 constituted a S R Sinho Commission to study economic backwardness among the general category (GC) population and recommend specific policy provisions. In its 2010 report, the panel suggested an economic criterion for identifying EWS in the GC population- all persons in BPL families and those with annual income below the non-taxable income tax slab. The NDA Government considered the Sinho Commission report and brought in the 103rd Constitution Amendment Act 2019. When it was challenged in the Janhit case, the Supreme Court in 2022 upheld the 10 per cent EWS quota, following which the Centre laid a less than Rs eight lakh income-criterion for identifying the EWS eligible among GC population. Subsequently, the Union Government's Expert Group retained the criterion. Pending the final verdict, the apex court permitted the criterion. Contradictions: Certain contradictions persist in the implementation of 10 per cent EWS quota. Firstly, its policy basis is itself contradictory; study, methodology and procedures. Kaka Kalelkar chaired the first Commission for Backward Classes (1953-55) and identified BCs on the basis of four indicators-social status, education, government employment and participation in industry, trade and commerce). The B.P. Mandal chaired the second commission (1979-80) devised a three-dimensional (social, education and economic) 11-indicator criterion for identifying backward classes. The thrust was on social, educational and economic dimensions of backwardness. The Mandal Commission conducted a massive survey across 405 districts, including in urban areas. Concomitantly, many state-level committees and commissions for BCs contemplated a rigorous criterion in identifying backward classes. In contrast, the Sinho Commission solely relied on economic criteria without such rigorous study and methodology. Its recommendations are based on its visits to states and Union Territories and interacting with officials and functionaries implementing the welfare policies, experts and civil society organisations. When they were contested, the judicial proceedings did not validate the methodology and procedures conducted for the commissions and committees. In all previous verdicts, the economic-criterion has been contended the most in identifying BCs. However, there is a marked difference vis-à-vis the Sinho panel report. Secondly, the EWS quota exceeding the 50 per cent ceiling is allowed while strictly restricting the SC/ST/OBCs reservation to 50 per cent. The SC/ST quotas are fixed in proportion to the population share in states. Hence, a space for the OBCs reservation quota, at the Centre and in states, is the balance. The OBCs quota is adjusted for the creamy-layer among the OBCs. The OBCs' creamy-layer criteria differ across the Centre and states. In contrast, EWS quota at the Centre and in states is not bound by the above limitations. Of course, exclusion of GC creamy layer benefiting from EWS quota is applicable on the Rs eight lakh income criterion, the basis of which is again contentious (verdict pending). The 10 per cent EWS quota across states shall also follow the same creamy layer criterion. It is not subject to varying income levels across states and differences between the Centre and states. Thirdly, the uniform 10 per cent EWS quota is contentious as the population of SCs, STs and OBCs varies across states. Neither is the EWS quota adjusted to the GC share in a state, nor the EWS creamy-layer income to the state income. When the Centre's 27 per cent OBCs quota is not mandatory across states, then why should the 10 per cent EWS quota be? For instance it makes sense if Uttarakhand implements the 10 per cent EWS quota as more than a quarter of its population come under the GC category, which is not the same case as regards other states, in proportionate terms. BCs are the losers: The OBCs are the losers. Each social category is entitled to equal opportunity. Following democracy's basic principle of proportionate representation, quota should be earmarked in accordance with the population share in the states. The Constitution has ensured that reservations are near to the population share of SCs and STs. However, most Indian states have OBCs that are in excess of 50 per cent of their state population. The OBC quota is around 32 per cent. In many states, around 10 to 15 per cent of the population are in the GC bracket. Quota is earmarked for all the four mutually exclusive social categories-SC/ST/OBC/GC. However, the difference between reservation quota and population share of each indicates it is the highest for OBCs and hence their relative deprivation is higher. As a result, EWSs in GCs are safeguarded more than OBCs, who are historically deprived. (The writer is Associate Professor and Coordinator (Research Cell on Education), CESS, Hyderabad
