Latest news with #Jnanpith
The Hindu
10-07-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Madhav takes over as Andhra Pradesh BJP president, vows to carry forward party's legacy
P.V.N. Madhav officially assumed charge as BJP State president here on Wednesday amid a grand rally that witnessed participation from party workers and leaders across the State. The event coincided with the ABVP Foundation Day. The rally began at Tummalapalli Kalakshetram, where Mr. Madhav paid floral tributes at Dr. B.R. Ambedkar's statue. During the procession, Mr. Madhav garlanded the statue of legendary Telugu poet and Jnanpith awardee Viswanatha Satyanarayana. Hailing Mr. Satyanarayana's contribution to the Telugu language and literature, he noted the poet's role in advocating for Telugu as the legislative language of the State through a legislative lexicon. Addressing the media, Mr. Madhav demanded that Vijayawada's Lenin Centre be renamed after Viswanatha Satyanarayana, questioning the relevance of Lenin to India and advocating for a local icon who worked tirelessly for the Telugu language. 'Why should a place in India be named after Lenin, who has no connection to our country?' he asked. 'We must honour those who contributed to our culture and language. Viswanatha Satyanarayana deserves this recognition,' he said. At the party office, Mr. Madhav vowed to carry forward the party's legacy with the strength and determination demonstrated by his predecessors. He emphasised unity and proactive engagement, stating, 'Every worker is functioning with the spirit of being a leader. This collective zeal is the foundation of our movement.' Reflecting on political atmosphere in the State, Mr. Madhav said 'a decisive verdict has been delivered to end the anarchic rule,' signalling a turning point in the State's political landscape. Expressing his gratitude to the party, he said, 'I consider the post as a matter of great honour, and I will strive to uphold its dignity through dedicated service.' Mr. Madhav emphasised unity and strengthening of the party at the grassroot. 'Every karyakarta should feel like they are the president. We will move forward with discipline and national spirit,' he said. Recalling his ABVP roots, Mr. Madhav said it was meaningful to assume responsibilities on the ABVP Foundation Day. Outgoing president Daggubati Purandeswari expressed confidence that under Mr. Madhav's leadership, the party would grow stronger. 'The appointment of Mr. Madhav has already generated positive vibrations among party ranks. He will lead the BJP to greater heights in the State,' she said. Senior leaders, including Somu Veerraju, P. Vishnu Kumar Raju, Lanka Dinakar, N. Ramakrishna Reddy, V. Narayana Reddy, G. Sitaram Anjaneya Chowdhary, and B. Shivannarayana were present.
Time of India
09-07-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Rename Lenin Centre in Vijayawada after noted Telugu poet: New BJP chief
Vijayawada: In a politically charged statement that stirred fresh debate in Andhra Pradesh, newly appointed BJP state president PVN Madhav demanded that Lenin Centre, one of Vijayawada's prominent landmarks, be renamed after Viswanatha Satyanarayana, the celebrated Telugu poet and Jnanpith awardee. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now Speaking during a rally held in the heart of Vijayawada on the occasion of his swearing-in, Madhav questioned the relevance of naming a central location in the city after Russian revolutionary Vladimir Lenin, who he said had "no connection whatsoever to India or its heritage." "Why should we retain a name like Lenin Centre when we have icons like Viswanatha Satyanarayana who dedicated their lives to our language and culture?" Madhav asked, drawing loud cheers from BJP supporters. He added that the BJP would work towards rechristening the spot to honour Viswanatha Satyanarayana, who played a crucial role in preserving and promoting Telugu language and literature. Earlier in the day, Madhav, accompanied by several BJP leaders, paid floral tributes at the statue of Viswanatha Satyanarayana, acknowledging the poet's lifelong efforts in compiling a legislative lexicon aimed at recognising Telugu as the official language of the state. At the BJP state party office, Madhav formally took charge as the party's new state president on the occasion of ABVP foundation day. He said he would move forward with the strength and strategy laid down by his predecessors and hailed the discipline and dedication of BJP cadres. "Every worker is acting like they are the president of the party. That is the strength of BJP," he remarked. He also paid tributes to Dr BR Ambedkar, reaffirming BJP's vision rooted in social justice, nationalism, and cultural pride. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now "Nation-first slogan, commitment to upliftment of the last person in the queue, and the saffron flag – all of these form the core values that BJP brings to the people," he said. Former party chief and MP Daggubati Purandeswari, who was present at the event, expressed confidence in Madhav's leadership. She noted that the party completed organisational appointments from the village to state levels. "With the party's strengthening and his vision for the future of karyakartas, we are confident Madhav will lead the BJP forward in Andhra Pradesh," she said.
Time of India
09-07-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Is Tamil Nadu's Kanavu Illam Scheme Discriminating Against Literary Awardees?
Govt's Kanavu Illam scheme was meant to honour writers with housing, but ended up excluding many of them R S Raveendhren When a well-intentioned policy lacks adequate administrative or legal support, it is only natural that it becomes a non-starter, one that undermines the very ideals it was meant to uphold. This predicament plagues a flagship scheme announced by the Tamil Nadu govt in 2021. You Can Also Check: Chennai AQI | Weather in Chennai | Bank Holidays in Chennai | Public Holidays in Chennai The scheme Kanavu Illam (dream house) was launched inter alia to mark the 97th birthday of former chief minister late M Karunanidhi . It provided for the allotment of houses to Tamil writers who are recipients of civilian awards, such as the Jnanpith, Sahitya Akademi, or any national or state-level award. The 2022 order issued by the department of Tamil development and information stated that the Kanavu Illam allotment was 'not for the recipient of the award but for the award itself', implying that the house was an honour, not a piece of real estate. The policy clearly intended to recognise significant contributions to Tamil literature, regardless of whether an awardee already owned a house. It also outlined the selection process, norms, and implementation guidelines. Another circular that year stated that even those with existing homes could apply if they met the eligibility criteria. The scheme envisaged selecting up to 10 awardees each financial year starting from 2021. In response, many Tamil scholars applied, and several eligible recipients were shortlisted. But in an order dated Jan 1, 2024, the govt took a U-turn, declaring with retrospective effect that awardees would be ineligible for a Kanavu Illam if they or their spouses had purchased flats or plots from the Tamil Nadu housing board (TNHB), or had received any allotment of land or housing from govt bodies or the collector, whether at a concession or market rate. As a result, allotments for several eligible awardees were put on hold or rejected. These amended, retrospective conditions not only defeated the original intent of honouring literary contributions but also demeaned the awardees' achievements by applying arbitrary and irrational criteria. The order discriminates only against Tamil writers who acquired flats through TNHB or Tamil Nadu urban habitat development board, while those who bought homes privately remain eligible, a clear violation of Article 14 of the Constitution. The amended order fails the test of the doctrine of Intelligible Differentia by confusing private acts of applicants who have the means to purchase property with those deserving to be awarded under this beneficial scheme. What the amendment does effectively is discriminate against a class of people under the guise of honouring them. A policy is not a law. A policy can only succeed if and when it achieves its avowed object through legitimate means. If the govt can iron out the bottlenecks of unreasonable criteria, this scheme would admirably acquit itself with the glory it rightfully deserves. (The author is an advocate in Madras high court )
Time of India
28-06-2025
- Entertainment
- Time of India
Writers must become readers' voice: Jnanpith awardee
Mangaluru: Life is a continuous conflict between nature and distortion. This struggle is filled with choices of yes and no. Every human navigates through these decisions. The role of literature is to guide them through this maze, said Jnanpith awardee and Konkani writer Damodar Mauzo. He was speaking at the release of poet and critic HM Pernal's poetry collection, 'Zanel', at the MCC Bank Auditorium on Friday. "Today's readers have changed. They seek themselves in literature. Writers must become their voice. HM Pernal's poems resonate with this conflict. His verses often carry a dark hue, but within that darkness lies an undeniable truth, presented with unique sarcasm," Mauzo said. Chief guest Michael D'Souza, a promoter of Vision Konkani, praised Pernal's dedication to preserving and promoting Konkani literature. "There are three things we must never forget: Our parents, our mother tongue, and our motherland. HM Pernal and his peers have upheld these values through their literary efforts. Vision Konkani has already released 21 works by Konkani writers, and this momentum must continue," he said. Poet Melvyn Rodrigues, convener of the Konkani Language Advisory Board at Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi, introduced 'Zanel' and Pernal. He noted that Pernal's poems transform ordinary experiences into profound truths. "They may appear dark at first glance, but within that darkness lie unspoken realities," Rodrigues said. Nandagopal Shenoy, president of the World Konkani Centre, and Kishoo Barkur, president of Kavita Trust, were present on the dais. HM Pernal delivered the welcome address.
Indian Express
17-06-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Yogendra Yadav on Nirmal Verma: A critic of the modern Indian mind
Nirmal Verma (1929-2005) is an unlikely thinker to turn to for reclaiming our positive nationalism. Many would consider him unfit for this project, as his ideas could be appropriated by the other, narrow-minded nationalism. That is precisely why we need to revisit Verma, the thinker, when we mark this October the 20th anniversary of his passing away. Verma is not a familiar name in what passes for the world of ideas in contemporary India. Very few know about him. Those who do, usually think of him just as a fiction writer. And the few who read his social and political writings tend to be unsure what to make of them. He wasn't exactly an unknown Indian, though. Among the finest 20th-century fiction writers in Hindi — a Jnanpith awardee for a body of work that comprised five novels, a dozen collections of short stories, drama and travelogues and another dozen translations of European classics — he is remembered mainly as a creative writer, not as a 'thinker'. It didn't help that he chose to write in Hindi, though he was equally proficient in English. In the later years of his life, he leaned towards the BJP and was dubbed a Hindutva apologist. He treated such descriptions with contempt, but they stuck because of his controversial takes on the Mandir and Mandal disputes. While literary critics have written extensively about his fiction and other creative writings, the 10 collections of his reflective essays have remained almost unnoticed. The contrast is significant as his essays are not simply an elaboration of his literary self. As Alok Bhalla notes in the introduction to India and Europe: Selected Essays (2000), the only English collection of his essays, there is an apparent disjunction between the two. Verma's fiction was unapologetically modernist, it explored the 'arid silence that lies between people who have lost faith in each other'. But his reflective essays are an expression of disenchantment with modernity. The very first collection, Shabd Aur Smriti (1976), laid the foundations of an Indian critique of Orientalist knowledge, before the publication of Edward Said's Orientalism. 'Ateet: Ek Atmamanthan', a path-breaking essay in this book, anticipated what Ashis Nandy was to argue later, that the Indian way of relating to the past is very different, and none the worse for it, from what we call history. His essays in Kala ka Jokhim (1981), Itihas Smriti Akanksha (1991) and Sahitya ka Aatm Satya (2005) could be called cultural critique in the broadest sense and were often preoccupied with themes of literature, art, creativity. Underlying all his reflective writings is a fundamental question: Can we save Indian civilisation from the inner disintegration it experienced as a result of the colonial encounter? In collections such as Shatabdi ke Dhalte Varshon Mein (1995) and Doosare Shabdon Mein (1999), he posed this question directly via nationalism, secularism, socialism, civilisation and India's encounter with Europe. The depth of his reading and understanding of European literature and art was unmatched by any 20th-century Hindi writer. His 1988 lecture at Heidelberg University, 'India and Europe: Regions of Resonance', (Hindi version published as Bharat aur Europe: Pratishruti ke Kshetra) stands out for its subtle explorations of the colonial encounter and for maintaining an independent voice in the era of 'post-colonial' studies. The publication of Sansar Mein Nirmal Verma (2024), a two-volume collection of his interviews, helps to give a rounded picture of Verma, the thinker. Notwithstanding such a body of work, I could not find a single scholarly book or even an extended essay that goes beyond shallow polemics and offers a serious outline or critique of his ideas. This vacuum needs to be addressed. Political partisanship comes in the way of filling this vacuum. Verma's biographical trajectory generated a good deal of controversy during his lifetime. He started as a communist but grew disillusioned with the ideology during his decade-long stay in Czechoslovakia. While his fiction stayed away from political polemics, his essays began interrogating the ideals of secularism, socialism and modern development, which were articles of faith at that time. He turned to Indian traditions, to Buddha, Ramakrishna Paramahansa (more than Vivekananda), Sri Aurobindo and, above all, Mahatma Gandhi (not Jawharlal Nehru) for intellectual inspiration. His opposition to the Emergency and then to OBC reservation, and his ambivalence on the Babri Masjid demolition and the Pokhran tests, completed his intellectual isolation. Interestingly, though the left disowned and attacked him, the right could never own his ideas. Why should we revisit a thinker like Verma? And why do it now? Because he forces us to ask questions that 'progressive' modern Indians have avoided. Because the void left by this silence and indifference has allowed our nationalism to be captured by a fake variant. Because Verma poses these questions in a way that is at once sharp and constructive. Because unless we face these uncomfortable questions, we cannot reclaim our nationalism. Cultural or rather civilisational issues are at the heart of Verma's intellectual quest. He views the post-Independence Indian nation-state as a successor to Indian civilisation, a modern state that carries the responsibility of forging an alternative to the dominant Western paradigm of development. His unabashed concern about India's unity and its territorial integrity is rooted in this wider non-jingoistic concern. His answer is unclear, and often hints that Hindus are the custodians of national unity and integrity. Yet the question remains: How do we frame and claim the nationalist concern for the unity and integrity of India? His critique of secularism was ruthless and sometimes over the top, yet it offered arguments to critique Hindu communalism as well. It invites us to introspect: Did secular politics not engage in selective amnesia? Verma offered a deep, if a tad romantic, defence of India's living traditions. His affirmation of these traditions does not suffer from ethnocentricism; for him Indian civilisation continues to carry the integral view of a universe that does not place humans at the centre of the world, something that the modern West has lost. He offered a brutal critique of the modern Indian mind, including the stalwarts of the Bengal renaissance, for their intellectual surrender to the West, for their intellectual slavery. You could say that his story of Indian civilisation accommodates Hinduism, Buddhism and Sikhism but is equivocal on the role of Islam in India. There is a pronounced unease, if not denial, of the question of caste inequality in Indian society. Yet he leaves a big question with us: Is our critique of colonialism limited to its political and economic consequences? Or are we willing to look at the intellectual and cultural consequences of colonialism on the Indian self? And if we do, how can we not face the cultural heteronomy that has continued to shape the Indian mind since political independence? How do we propose to respond to this continued cultural colonialism that has seeped into our political, economic and educational institutions? Verma was not the only one who asked such questions and was relegated to the margins of modern Indian intelligentsia. One can think of A K Saran, J P S Uberoi, Ramesh Chandra Shah, Daya Krishna, Dharam Pal and of course Ashis Nandy. Unlike some of them, Verma related these questions to the issues of his times, sometimes polemically. It would be premature to take his answers as the finished product of a new nationalism. But it would be a colossal mistake not to take his questions as the starting point to rethink our nationalism. The writer is member, Swaraj India, and national convenor of Bharat Jodo Abhiyaan. Views are personal
