Latest news with #JohnWinthrop
Boston Globe
17-07-2025
- Politics
- Boston Globe
Harvard's John Winthrop House will shorten name to lose association with slaveowner namesake
The house was long believed to be named after two individuals, both named John Winthrop. The first, and more famous of the two, was among the early Puritan settlers of the Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1630, serving as the colony's first governor. But the committee's report found that, when the house was established in 1931, it was actually named for the second individual alone — a professor of mathematics and natural philosophy at Harvard (and the governor's great-great-grandson) who twice served as the university's acting president, in 1769 and 1773–74. Winthrop House is mainly made up of two buildings, Standish Hall and Gore Hall, originally built as separate dormitories in 1914; a third building, Beren Hall, was completed in 2017. Advertisement The report concluded that the two John Winthrops, both the house's official namesake and his more famous Puritan ancestor, were associated with slavery. Both either personally owned slaves or contributed to the expansion of the practice in New England. 'Both Governor John Winthrop and Professor John Winthrop likely held some beliefs and engaged in some behaviors that we now regard as abhorrent and would have been considered objectionable by some even in their own time,' the report said. Advertisement Governor John Winthrop presided over most of the Pequot War, a bloody conflict in the 1630s described in the report as an 'attempted extermination' of the Pequot people. While colonists generally killed Pequot men instead of taking them prisoner, captured women and children were effectively forced into servitude. The governor himself was involved in the 'distribution' of these captives, the report said, though it's unclear how similar this system was to typical chattel slavery. He may have also kept some captives in his own household, at least temporarily. Professor Winthrop, a polymath astronomer described as 'one of the first American scientific thinkers to be taken seriously in European circles,' likely enslaved at least two people, George and Scipio, the report said. That history was enough to spur calls to 'dename' the house, a formal review process outlined by the university in 2021. The school's Generational African American Students Association, along with Natives at Harvard College, circulated a 'John Winthrop and his great-great-grandson destroyed communities,' read the 2023 petition. 'They did not believe in justice and equality for all. Our House system was created for community. We cannot have Houses named after people who betrayed that mission.' Thursday's report acknowledged that students of Black and indigenous backgrounds may feel alienated by the name of their residence house, which is part of a system the university describes as 'foundational to undergraduate students' personal, intellectual, and social lives.' But the report found that the Winthrop name itself 'has many positive associations' beyond the contributions of the two John Winthrops. Advertisement The authors specifically mentioned Robert Charles Winthrop, a Massachusetts politician and Harvard graduate 'The Winthrop name therefore mixes elements worth embracing with those worth repudiating; all are worth remembering,' the report said. 'Perhaps this is the most that one can hope for from an almost four-century long history of a family.' The report also found that keeping the Winthrop name would allow students to reckon with the university's history — something that it said would be less likely if the house was completely renamed. Camilo Fonseca can be reached at
Time of India
07-07-2025
- Business
- Time of India
Is American Exceptionalism over? Investors question ‘no alternative' doctrine as US dollar declines, economy slows, global competition rises
The concept of American exceptionalism - the belief that the United States is unique, even superior, in its values, governance, and economic resilience - has long shaped both national identity and global investment strategies. But as the U.S. economy shows signs of strain in 2025, investors and analysts are questioning whether the 'TINA' doctrine ('There Is No Alternative' to U.S. assets) still holds true. The U.S. dollar is experiencing its sharpest decline in over half a century, with the dollar index dropping 10.8% in the first half of 2025 - the worst start to a year since 1973. This rapid fall is driven by a combination of unpredictable economic policies, record-high U.S. deficits, and mounting concerns over the stability of American fiscal management. President Trump's erratic tariff strategies and repeated criticisms of the Federal Reserve have further undermined confidence in the dollar as the world's primary reserve currency. As a result, central banks worldwide are shifting their reserves away from the dollar and increasing their gold holdings. Gold prices have surged to record highs this year, as countries seek to protect their reserves from the risk of further dollar devaluation . Analysts note that the traditional 'safe haven' status of the dollar is being questioned for the first time in decades, prompting a global move to diversify reserves and reduce exposure to U.S. assets. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like This may be of interest to you! Undo This shift is not just a financial technicality - it's already affecting Americans. The weaker dollar makes foreign travel and imported goods more expensive, while also raising the cost of government borrowing as demand for U.S. Treasuries wanes. Meanwhile, the long-term consequences could include diminished U.S. influence in global markets and a fundamental reshaping of the international financial system. What Is American Exceptionalism? American exceptionalism is rooted in the idea that the U.S. was founded on distinct principles: democracy, liberty, and self-governance. The phrase 'city upon a hill,' first used by Puritan leader John Winthrop in 1630, and later observations by Alexis de Tocqueville, helped cement the notion that America is a model for the world. Proponents argue that the U.S. is obligated to play a special role in global affairs, spreading its values and serving as a beacon of freedom and opportunity. Critics, however, warn that this belief can foster a sense of superiority and blind spots to the nation's flaws. The TINA doctrine: Why investors have favored the US For decades, global investors have embraced the 'TINA' doctrine - seeing U.S. assets as the safest and most attractive option. This confidence has been reinforced by: Live Events America's consistent economic outperformance, especially after the 2008 financial crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic. The strength of U.S. institutions, deep capital markets, and the dollar's dominance in global finance. A culture of innovation and entrepreneurship, producing world-leading technology and consumer brands. 2025: Exceptionalism under pressure This year, however, cracks are appearing in the American economic story: Economic Slowdown : The U.S. economy shrank by 0.3% in the first quarter of 2025, raising concerns about the sustainability of recent outperformance. Fiscal Strain: The federal budget deficit remains high, and political battles over spending and debt are intensifying. Policy Shifts: The Trump administration's mix of pro-growth tax cuts and deregulatory moves is offset by new tariffs and tighter immigration rules, creating uncertainty for businesses and investors. Global Competition : Other regions, especially in Asia and Europe, are adapting and investing in technology and infrastructure, making them more competitive alternatives for global capital. Analysts note that while the U.S. still enjoys many structural advantages, the gap is narrowing. 'The idea that there is no alternative to U.S. assets is being tested for the first time in years,' said a senior strategist at a major investment bank. 'Investors are watching not just for growth, but for stability and predictability - qualities that are no longer guaranteed.' American exceptionalism remains a powerful force in politics and culture, but its economic underpinnings are facing new challenges. The U.S. is still a global leader, but the world is changing - and investors are beginning to look more seriously at alternatives.
Yahoo
04-03-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Opinion - Betraying Ukraine will not make America great
'A shining city upon a hill' — in the words of John Winthrop and Ronald Reagan, America has long been a nation guided by principle and purpose. To uphold this legacy, we cannot fail the simplest of tests: recognizing, condemning and deterring international aggression. Russia's war on Ukraine will end when Moscow stops waging it. Yet, three years in, political discourse in Washington has muddied what should be obvious to a child: the war cannot be resolved with a handshake or a simple 'deal.' This is an unprovoked war of aggression — a criminal act. Only the Russian invader — which kidnaps children, beheads prisoners of war, deploys North Korean troops and procures ballistic missiles from Iran — can end it. A third world war looms, and the sole force holding it back is Ukraine's unyielding courage — the willingness of Ukraine's bravest sons and daughters to sacrifice everything for freedom. We can't ask more of Kyiv, but we can and must demand more from Moscow. Russia has responded to every diplomatic overture with unceasing violence. If Vladimir Putin wanted peace, why did Moscow unleash a record 267 drones on Ukraine just days after the Trump White House extended an olive branch through talks between Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov? This stark display of duplicity and disrespect is a wake-up call that Washington must not ignore. Moscow could terminate its war in Ukraine today if it chose. Withdrawing forces from the territory of a sovereign state would not weaken Russia or threaten its security. If NATO were truly a threat, Moscow would be reinforcing its defenses along the Finnish border, not betting everything on a craven attempt to recolonize a peaceful neighbor. America won the Cold War — but, contrary to the Kremlin's shameless spin, no one lost. In fact, the world stepped back from the brink of nuclear apocalypse, red terror came to an end, and Russians, Ukrainians, Kazakhs, Moldovans, Armenians and countless others had their first real chance at freedom. Putin, a wanted war criminal, refuses to see it, but the collapse of the USSR was not the greatest calamity of the 20th century. It was the downfall of a brutal, extractive empire — and it could have been a historic opportunity for the Russian people. But, alas, after briefly flirting with democracy in the 1990s, the Kremlin swiftly crushed all Russian dreams of freedom. Now, the predatory state under Putin is working to drag the world back into the darkness of colonial conquest. The America I know does not stand by as tyrants redraw borders by force — recall the success of Desert Storm, when U.S. leadership earned global respect. The America I know does not betray friends or stab allies in the back, does not kick the victim of a vicious attack in the gut while that victim is fighting for survival, does not negotiate with terrorists. And when we see nations willing to fight and die for freedom, America stands with them. Transatlantic unity and American leadership should make tyrants and revanchists afraid again. Because if Russia succeeds in unraveling the post-Cold War order, it will not stop with Ukraine. Other authoritarian states — be they in Tehran, Pyongyang or Beijing — are watching. They see that Russia has faced few consequences for launching an unprovoked war, for slaughtering civilians in broad daylight, for violating the long European peace established in 1945. If we fail Ukraine now, we will have opened the door to a world where every nation — ours included — is less safe. As Reagan put it, 'The ultimate determinant in the struggle now going on for the world will not be bombs and rockets but a test of wills and ideas — a trial of spiritual resolve: the values we hold, the beliefs we cherish and the ideals to which we are dedicated.' The America I know is a generous place that stood on the right side of history more often than not. Our economy is strong — the envy of the world. If our federal budget were a dollar, the support we give to Ukraine would amount to half a penny. Ukraine didn't ask to be invaded, and it shouldn't have to beg for aid. America's prosperity and security rest on the fragile balance established after the Cold War. If Moscow profits from belligerence, it will unravel the credibility of U.S. deterrence. Russia's war is a neo-imperialist campaign that must be stopped. Our tomorrow will be shaped by the choices we make today. This war must end. But not with concessions, another frozen conflict or a victory for the aggressor. Putin can and will 'tear down' this war — if America demands it. Andrew Chakhoyan is an academic director at the University of Amsterdam. He previously served in the U.S. government at the Millennium Challenge Corporation and studied at Harvard Kennedy School and Donetsk State Tech University. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
04-03-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
Betraying Ukraine will not make America great
'A shining city upon a hill' — in the words of John Winthrop and Ronald Reagan, America has long been a nation guided by principle and purpose. To uphold this legacy, we cannot fail the simplest of tests: recognizing, condemning and deterring international aggression. Russia's war on Ukraine will end when Moscow stops waging it. Yet, three years in, political discourse in Washington has muddied what should be obvious to a child: the war cannot be resolved with a handshake or a simple 'deal.' This is an unprovoked war of aggression — a criminal act. Only the Russian invader — which kidnaps children, beheads prisoners of war, deploys North Korean troops and procures ballistic missiles from Iran — can end it. A third world war looms, and the sole force holding it back is Ukraine's unyielding courage — the willingness of Ukraine's bravest sons and daughters to sacrifice everything for freedom. We can't ask more of Kyiv, but we can and must demand more from Moscow. Russia has responded to every diplomatic overture with unceasing violence. If Vladimir Putin wanted peace, why did Moscow unleash a record 267 drones on Ukraine just days after the Trump White House extended an olive branch through talks between Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov? This stark display of duplicity and disrespect is a wake-up call that Washington must not ignore. Moscow could terminate its war in Ukraine today if it chose. Withdrawing forces from the territory of a sovereign state would not weaken Russia or threaten its security. If NATO were truly a threat, Moscow would be reinforcing its defenses along the Finnish border, not betting everything on a craven attempt to recolonize a peaceful neighbor. America won the Cold War — but, contrary to the Kremlin's shameless spin, no one lost. In fact, the world stepped back from the brink of nuclear apocalypse, red terror came to an end, and Russians, Ukrainians, Kazakhs, Moldovans, Armenians and countless others had their first real chance at freedom. Putin, a wanted war criminal, refuses to see it, but the collapse of the USSR was not the greatest calamity of the 20th century. It was the downfall of a brutal, extractive empire — and it could have been a historic opportunity for the Russian people. But, alas, after briefly flirting with democracy in the 1990s, the Kremlin swiftly crushed all Russian dreams of freedom. Now, the predatory state under Putin is working to drag the world back into the darkness of colonial conquest. The America I know does not stand by as tyrants redraw borders by force — recall the success of Desert Storm, when U.S. leadership earned global respect. The America I know does not betray friends or stab allies in the back, does not kick the victim of a vicious attack in the gut while that victim is fighting for survival, does not negotiate with terrorists. And when we see nations willing to fight and die for freedom, America stands with them. Transatlantic unity and American leadership should make tyrants and revanchists afraid again. Because if Russia succeeds in unraveling the post-Cold War order, it will not stop with Ukraine. Other authoritarian states — be they in Tehran, Pyongyang or Beijing — are watching. They see that Russia has faced few consequences for launching an unprovoked war, for slaughtering civilians in broad daylight, for violating the long European peace established in 1945. If we fail Ukraine now, we will have opened the door to a world where every nation — ours included — is less safe. As Reagan put it, 'The ultimate determinant in the struggle now going on for the world will not be bombs and rockets but a test of wills and ideas — a trial of spiritual resolve: the values we hold, the beliefs we cherish and the ideals to which we are dedicated.' The America I know is a generous place that stood on the right side of history more often than not. Our economy is strong — the envy of the world. If our federal budget were a dollar, the support we give to Ukraine would amount to half a penny. Ukraine didn't ask to be invaded, and it shouldn't have to beg for aid. America's prosperity and security rest on the fragile balance established after the Cold War. If Moscow profits from belligerence, it will unravel the credibility of U.S. deterrence. Russia's war is a neo-imperialist campaign that must be stopped. Our tomorrow will be shaped by the choices we make today. This war must end. But not with concessions, another frozen conflict or a victory for the aggressor. Putin can and will 'tear down' this war — if America demands it. Andrew Chakhoyan is an academic director
Yahoo
14-02-2025
- Yahoo
New exhibition explores stories of emigration
An exhibition has opened that focuses on the historical stories of people who left a county to emigrate abroad. Departures will be showcased at the Suffolk Archives building in Ipswich, Suffolk, and follows a previous exhibit about immigration stories called Arrivals. The project tells the stories of emigrants from Suffolk, such as colonists arriving on the US east coast, people leaving for the Australian and Californian Gold Rushes and GI brides departing for the US after World War Two. Emily Shepperson, the exhibition and interpretation officer at the Suffolk Archives, said: "A lot of emigration leads back to the [British] Empire, and we've obviously been talking about that a lot recently. "We've had periods in the past where we've been very proud of the Empire, where as now we talk about it much more critically, looking at what did Empire mean for people?" The exhibition - which runs from 14 February to 1 June - includes original letters, on loan from the Massachusetts Historical Society, by the early American colonist John Winthrop, who emigrated from Suffolk to New England in the 17th Century. Also on display are documents signed by Bartholomew Gosnold, who was from Otley Hall, near Ipswich, and emigrated to Virginia where he established a colony in 1607. "[Gosnold] went out over to the east coast of America which, in his words, he 'discovered', but of course, there were already people living there," said Ms Shepperson. "But he named places like Cape Cod after the amount of fish that he saw there and Martha's Vineyard, which he named after his daughter Martha who'd recently passed away." The exhibition also includes an original passenger list for the Titanic - which is on loan from the National Archives - and stories of more recent people who have emigrated from Suffolk to start new lives elsewhere. Follow Suffolk news on BBC Sounds, Facebook, Instagram and X. Arrivals exhibition shares migration stories Windrush quilts bring community together Messages of unity shared at multicultural festival Suffolk Archives
