Latest news with #JubaPeaceAgreement
Mada
6 days ago
- Politics
- Mada
Sudan Nashra: Hundreds killed in RSF onslaught on North Kordofan villages, military deploys reinforcements to Bara
In one of the deadliest waves of violence against civilians in the state, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) killed hundreds of people last week in villages surrounding the city of Bara in North Kordofan, amid a communications blackout that the Sudan Doctors Network described as deliberate. The scenes were 'horrific,' the network's spokesperson, Ahmed al-Nour Raqmallah, told Mada Masr, warning that the death toll could rise due to the collapse of medical services in the area. At the front lines, fierce fighting erupted in Um Samima, also in North Kordofan, where several senior military officers and commanders from military-allied groups were killed on Sunday. The RSF briefly captured parts of the town before the military retook control. The paramilitary group's advance had threatened to tighten its siege on Obeid, the state's capital, from three directions. A field source anticipated heavy fighting in the area over the coming days. On the political front, Prime Minister Kamel Idris continued to move forward with cabinet appointments, naming five new ministers this week — three of whom were nominated by armed groups signatories to the Juba Peace Agreement. Ahmed al-Mansoury was also appointed minister of livestock and fisheries resources. The newly appointed official is a businessman whose ties with the United Arab Emirates have raised concern about a potential conflict of interest in a critical sector as political tensions between Khartoum and Abu Dhabi grow over the UAE's backing of the RSF. The pro-military Democratic Bloc likewise rejected any Emirati involvement in peace efforts in their first meeting for a year, voicing support for mediation led by Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the United States. The statement followed Washington's move to revive the initiative to bring the three countries together with the UAE to address the conflict in Sudan. A Saudi diplomatic delegation also held meetings with Sudanese officials in Port Sudan last week in a bid to restart peace talks, though a source in the Transitional Sovereignty Council (TSC) downplayed the talks, describing them as routine. Meanwhile, the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-Revolutionary Democratic Current, led by Yasir Arman, submitted a reform memo to the anti-war Sumud alliance on Tuesday, urging it to prioritize civilian protection over political maneuvering. Civilians continued to bear the brunt of RSF violence in North Darfur, where indiscriminate shelling on Fasher and its nearby displacement camp killed more than a dozen people. The military repelled a major RSF ground assault on the city of Fasher on Wednesday following hours of clashes. *** Military holds ground in Um Samima after RSF attack, Sudan Shield Forces reinforcements deploy to Kordofan Fierce fighting broke out on Sunday in the town of Um Samima, west of North Kordofan's capital, Obeid, with control of the area briefly switching between the military and the RSF before the military regained full control and pushed RSF units back. The RSF has been battling to retain control of North Kordofan for weeks, fighting with foreign mercenaries in its ranks and seeking to stave off an offensive the military launched in early June. Several senior officers from the military and commanders from allied armed groups were killed in the clashes. RSF fighters infiltrated Um Samima in the early hours of Sunday and launched a surprise attack on military defenses, initially seizing parts of the town, an official in Obeid told Mada Masr. But the military regrouped for a counterattack, the official said. A military source also told Mada Masr that the military had deliberately drawn RSF fighters into Um Samima before the joint force of allied armed movements launched a flanking maneuver, laying a series of ambushes that led to the RSF's defeat. The military pursued the retreating fighters westward to the outskirts of Khawi in West Kordofan, the source added. Following its brief advance, the RSF issued a statement claiming full control over Um Samima. Spokesperson Fateh Gureishy described the operation as part of the group's broader military strategy to expand its presence in the area. The statement said RSF fighters killed more than 470 soldiers and seized a large cache of weapons and equipment. Several commanders in the military's camp were confirmed to have been killed. The military-allied Justice and Equality Movement announced the death of its Kordofan front commander Taher Arga, while the Baraa bin Malik Brigade confirmed the death of its field commander Hesham Beiram. According to the military source, other senior officers were killed, including a commander in the military's elite brigade and a colonel from the Fifth Infantry Division. But military troops recaptured the town within hours, as declared by Darfur Governor and Sudan Liberation Movement leader Minni Arko Minnawi, who is fighting in the joint force. The joint force later stated that they had killed over 300 RSF fighters, captured more than 25 others, and seized 102 RSF vehicles and 11 anti-aircraft guns. They also posted video footage showing close-range combat and RSF fighters fleeing on foot after abandoning their vehicles. Um Samima, which the military recaptured on May 11, has become a strategic stronghold in the western battleground. The town now serves as a key launchpad for military operations into West Kordofan and acts as a forward defensive line, protecting Obeid. According to the military source, the RSF sought to seize Um Samima to complete a three-pronged siege of Obeid. The group had already consolidated its presence in Bara to the north and last week expanded its control over the Kazgil area to the south. But following its latest defeat, the source said, the RSF may be forced to scale back its objectives and focus instead on defending Khawi and preventing a renewed military offensive. On Thursday, the military called up large reinforcements from its allied Sudan Shield Forces to the Kordofan front lines, a field source in the group told Mada Masr, anticipating that the Bara axis and nearby areas will see heavy battles in the coming days. Another military source told Mada Masr that after reclaiming Omdurman and Khartoum, the military relocated its western operations command, led by Khaled al-Shami, to Obeid to manage the wider western front. *** Hundreds killed in spike in RSF attacks on North Kordofan's villages Hundreds of civilians have been killed over the past two weeks in a series of RSF raids on villages across Kordofan, marking one of the deadliest escalations in the central region that has seen weeks of clashes. Forty-six civilians were killed in the Hilla Hamid village alone in an RSF attack on the Um Gerfa locality on July 13, according to the Sudan Doctors Network. 'The scene was horrific,' the network's spokesperson, Ahmed al-Nour Raqmallah, told Mada Masr. With most health centers out of service, he warned that the death toll could rise further due to the lack of medical care. The doctors network said 37 people were injured in the same attack. North Kordofan's Bara area has seen the worst of the spike in violence, with at least 300 people killed in the locality between July 10 and 13, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said on Tuesday. The attacks came amid a communication blackout, which has made it difficult to verify the full extent of the casualties. Violence against civilians in the region has increased steadily over recent weeks. But a sharp escalation began on July 10, a former administrative officer from the area told Mada Masr. RSF fighters looted the Nabda area west of Bara, the officer said, while villagers attempted to fend off the assailants using light arms, inflicting losses on the RSF. However, the RSF fighters regrouped and retaliated over the following days with heavily armed combat vehicles, killing scores of civilians, the source said, and forcing widespread displacement in villages surrounding Bara. The RSF attacked more than 100 villages in North Kordofan over the past two weeks, according to a local source from the Shag al-Noum village — which the former officer said has been burned to the ground in the latest attack. The local source compared the wave of assaults to that the paramilitary group carried out late last year in Gezira State. The Sudan Doctors Network said that the continued RSF assaults in North Kordofan are taking place under a deliberate media blackout, exacerbating civilian suffering and triggering new waves of displacement toward Obeid, a city already overwhelmed by overcrowding and severe shortages of food, water and medical supplies. 'The steady influx of newly displaced families is putting additional strain on already overstretched resources,' OCHA said. While the doctors network urged human rights and humanitarian organizations to intervene immediately, document the violations and press for an end to the attacks, the UN agency renewed its appeal for urgent humanitarian funding, noting that only 23 percent of Sudan's response plan has been financed to date, receiving just $950 million out of the total required amount. North Kordofan has seen a steady escalation in violence in recent months as it became a major battleground between the RSF and the Sudanese Armed Forces following the military's full capture of Khartoum. The violence has also spread to neighboring West Kordofan, where more than 20 people were killed last week in RSF raids on the villages of Fula and Abu Zabad, including victims of an airstrike on a school sheltering displaced families, OCHA said. The build-up of RSF operations against civilians in Kordofan began weeks ago, on June 15, with a raid on the villages of Bereima Rashid and Shogeifat, north of Nuhud in West Kordofan. RSF fighters looted homes, stole money and phones, and abducted three people whose whereabouts remain unknown, a source in the Dar Hamid emergency room told Mada Masr. On the same day, another RSF unit stormed the village of Shuwal, west of Bara, killing four civilians, a source in the village said. The RSF resumed its raids on June 25, targeting the village of Sunut, northeast of Obeid. The fighters looted homes and terrorized residents, forcing them to flee, a security source in North Kordofan's emergency committee told Mada Masr. That same day, an RSF unit raided the villages of Alhaguna and Lameina in the Kazgil locality, killing 22 civilians and injuring five, two of whom later died of their wounds, according to the source. *** Sources note concerns around new Cabinet appointees: Mining minister's conflict of interest, livestock minister's UAE ties New faces were selected to head the ministries of mining and livestock and fisheries as Prime Minister Kamil Idris moved forward with Cabinet appointments this week, naming five new ministers, including three that were nominated by armed groups signatories to the Juba Peace Agreement. Idris has undertaken a series of appointments in recent weeks as his initial vision for a technocratic, non-partisan cabinet effectively unraveled last week in a meeting with TSC members, held after weeks of pressure to secure the armed groups' allocations under the Juba peace deal. The meeting concluded with a reaffirmation of their entitlements, thawing a stalemate that had been in place since Idris took office in late May. Following five days of consultations at his office in Port Sudan's ministerial complex, Idris issued the new appointments on Tuesday, a member of the selection committee told Mada Masr. The Minerals Ministry went to the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM), led by Minni Arko Minawi, with the appointment of Nour Addaem Taha, the movement's assistant leader for media affairs. Minnawi personally backed Taha's nomination, the leader's office told Mada Masr, adding that he has full confidence in him. In light of Taha's ties to the mining sector, however, his appointment stirred controversy within the movement. Taha holds a senior role at a mining company managed by his family, raising concerns about potential conflicts of interest, a former official at the Minerals Ministry told Mada Masr. Other currents that support former minister Mohamed Bashir Abu Namo, also an SLM (Minnawi) member, also objected to Taha's nomination. Taha also faced public criticism from certain political groups over his views on Israel. Sudan formulated a deal with Tel Aviv to normalize relations in 2023, but its completion was postponed indefinitely by the outbreak of Sudan's war. The Sudanese Against Normalization group's general secretary, Muzafar al-Dageel, told Mada Masr that Taha's two-year residence in Tel Aviv casts doubt on his political orientation. The Human Resources and Social Development portfolio went to the political secretary of the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), Moatasem Ahmed, a prominent political figure within JEM who played a key role in the negotiations and implementation of the Juba Peace Agreement in 2020. The ministerial post is the second for JEM, following the reinstatement of its leader Gibril Ibrahim as Finance Minister, last week. The Infrastructure and Transportation Ministry went to Seif al-Nasr al-Tigany Haroun Gaber of the Sudanese Liberation Forces Alliance, led by TSC member Abdallah Yahya. Idris also appointed Ahmed al-Mansoury as livestock and fisheries minister. Mansoury maintains extensive business ties with Emirati firms, particularly in the food and livestock sectors, according to a source in Sudan's Chambers of Commerce. Mansoury established Al-Rawabi Dairy and Livestock Company in the UAE in 1989 and is regarded as an experienced figure in managing agricultural and livestock projects internationally. But his connections to the Emirati market have raised concerns in some political circles. Such affiliations, a former official at the Livestock Ministry told Mada Masr, could compromise the independence of decision-making in this vital sector. Tensions between Sudan and the UAE have mounted steadily during the war due to Emirati backing for the RSF. Yet despite the political strain, commercial ties between the two countries remain largely unaffected, a source in the Central Bank of Sudan said, with Sudanese imports from the UAE standing at around US$1.3 billion. Idris also reinstated former Information Minister Khaled al-Easar, a close associate of the prime minister. With these appointments, Idris's 'government of hope' now includes 15 ministers out of a total of 22 positions. The key Foreign Ministry portfolio remains unresolved. A senior official at the ministry told Mada Masr that the prime minister is still struggling to settle on a candidate. In the meantime, Ambassador Ali Omar Siddig is expected to continue to serve as acting minister until a consensus is reached on a replacement. *** Military repels RSF attack on Fasher, shelling kills over a dozen civilians Military forces celebrate after repelling RSF attack on Fasher. July 16. Source: X Military-allied armed groups celebrate victory over RSF in Fasher. July 16. Source: X In North Darfur's Fasher, the military and its allied forces repelled a new ground assault by the RSF on Wednesday amid ongoing shelling by the paramilitary group on the city and nearby displacement camps. The RSF attempted to advance on Fasher from the southwest before the assault was pushed back by the military, the joint force, resistance groups and mobilized civilian fighters, a field source in the joint force told Mada Masr. The fighting stretched from dawn until 6 pm and resulted in the death of RSF commander Adam Eissa al-Geneidy, according to Fasher's Sixth Infantry Division. Artillery exchanges between the two sides continued throughout the week, the joint force source added. Amid the shelling that accompanied the RSF's attempted advance, four members of the same family were killed and others were injured in strikes that hit the Wadi neighborhood, a medical source in Fasher told Mada Masr. On the same day, RSF artillery also struck the Abu Shouk displacement camp, killing eight people and injuring several, according to the camp's emergency room. The shelling also destroyed a number of homes in the camp. The UN has expressed alarm over the escalating fighting in Fasher following reports that a large RSF unit had entered the city last week — the first such incursion since the paramilitary group began its siege a year ago. Fasher is one of the military's last strongholds in the Darfur region. *** Arman's SPLM faction calls for reforms within Sumud alliance Urging a fundamental shift toward the needs of war victims and Sudan's deepening humanitarian catastrophe, the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-Revolutionary Democratic Current, led by Yasir Arman, submitted an internal reform memo to the Sumud alliance on Tuesday. The group announced that it had frozen its participation in Sumud's executive bodies. Sumud member Mohamed Abdel Hakam told Mada Masr that the alliance remains united despite internal debates, saying the discussions and the SPLM-RDC's memo — currently under review — includes constructive proposals aimed at improving performance. He dismissed reports that Arman's faction suspended its participation in the alliance, saying the group remains a core member. Sumud was formed after the February dissolution of the Civil Front for Democracy, headed by former Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok, just days before key members aligned with the RSF and signed the Nairobi declaration — a deal that later evolved into the RSF-led Tasees coalition. Now, Sumud, which continues to be led by Hamdok, includes Arman's SPLM faction, a National Umma Party faction led by Fadlallah Burma Nasir, the Sudanese Congress Party, the Unionist Alliance, civil society organizations, youth groups and resistance committees. SPLM-RDC emphasized that its latest memo was part of a longstanding tradition of pushing for reform within political alliances, especially in moments of social fragmentation, state collapse and the growing militarization of public life. It warned that the war has become a tool to erase the legacy of Sudan's revolution and the independence of its democratic civil movements. Focusing exclusively on the political process while neglecting the victims and failing to hold regional and international actors accountable for their role in the humanitarian crisis would likely lead to weak, power-sharing settlements, the statement said. The SPLM-RDC said it will continue engaging in dialogue within Sumud's leadership to push for necessary reforms, but made clear that it does not intend to take part in the current political process, including the proposed roundtable or Sumud's executive bodies. *** Rejecting UAE role in Sudan peace process, Democratic Bloc convenes for first time in a year Meeting in Port Sudan this week for the first time in over a year, the pro-military Democratic Bloc voiced support for mediation efforts led by the US, Egypt and Saudi Arabia to end Sudan's war, while firmly rejecting any role for the UAE. The meetings on Sunday and Monday coincided with a Saudi diplomatic delegation's visit to Port Sudan to explore the prospects of reviving peace talks, a source in the TSC and Sudan Liberation Movement (Minnawi) spokesperson Al-Sadig Al-Nour told Mada Masr. However, the TSC source downplayed the visit as routine and unlikely to have a significant impact at this stage. At the bloc's meeting, the political committee — headed by Minnawi — discussed the latest military and political developments and welcomed growing US engagement with Sudan. It praised US Secretary of State Marco Rubio's remarks that Sudan will be a diplomatic priority, and his appointment of Senior Advisor for African Affairs Massad Boulos to lead the effort. While also expressing appreciation for Saudi Arabia's and Egypt's roles, the bloc said the UAE cannot be considered a neutral party due to its backing of the RSF, describing the Gulf country as a main actor in the war. Senior US officials had gathered in Washington in June with the ambassadors of Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the UAE to discuss the Sudan conflict. Formed in 2021, the Democratic Bloc includes armed movements aligned with the military and political factions opposed to the anti-war Sumud coalition. Though long seen as a key political player, it has not convened formally in over a year. In its Sunday statement, the bloc called for a Sudanese-led solution to the war and warned against 'negative international interventions' that, it said, had helped fuel the conflict. It insisted the war must be accurately framed as 'a rebellion by the RSF militia against the Sudanese state' and praised neighboring countries — especially Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Eritrea — for backing Sudan's sovereignty and unity.
Mada
11-07-2025
- Politics
- Mada
Sudan Nashra: High-level security talks in Cairo between Sudan, Egypt, Libya over border triangle PM names five ministers, armed groups retain ministerial portfolios
Still trying to contain the fallout from the Rapid Support Forces' (RSF) takeover of the border triangle between Egypt, Sudan and Libya, and amid what one Sudanese intelligence source described as an 'expanding presence of smuggling networks and armed groups in the border region,' Cairo hosted high-level security delegations from the other two countries on Wednesday. The meeting follows an earlier round of Egyptian-mediated indirect talks this month between Transitional Sovereignty Council (TSC) Chair and Sudanese Armed Froces (SAF) Commander-in-Chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and Libyan National Army commander Khalifa Haftar. Sudan has accused forces aligned with Haftar of supporting the RSF's advance into the border triangle — a claim Haftar denied during the talks earlier in July. On the political front, Prime Minister Kamel Idris has failed to hold onto his vision of a purely technocratic cabinet in the face of mounting pressure from the armed movements signatory to the Juba Peace Agreement. This week, he appointed five ministers, three of whom represent the armed movements, including the long-serving Finance Minister Gibril Ibrahim. On the norwestern battlefront, the RSF renewed its military buildup around Fasher while continuing to shell civilian areas where the humanitarian crisis is deepening. Continuing the siege it began on Fasher over a year ago, the RSF has also turned down a week-long humanitarian truce proposed by the United Nations. In the capital, Khartoum, returnees described to Mada Masr dire shortages of water, electricity and health services, despite attempts by both national and state-level authorities to resume operations in the city, which has been devastated by two years of war. *** High-level security talks in Cairo address pressing concerns at Egypt-Sudan-Libya border after RSF takeover Senior security officials from Sudan, Egypt and Libya convened in Cairo on Wednesday for a high-level meeting to address the crisis along their shared border triangle, according to a Sudanese intelligence source who spoke to Mada Masr. The talks focused on the fallout from the RSF's takeover of the strategic area in June. Potential security concerns topped the agenda, according to the intelligence source and a senior TSC official. In a detailed briefing on the situation in the area, the Sudanese side warned of the security implications if the RSF forms a parallel government in the areas of Sudan it holds. The scenario, the official said, would threaten both Sudanese and Egyptian national security and could open southern Libya to the rise of militant groups and transnational terrorist networks. The RSF took another step last week toward the establishment of such a parallel government, announcing the formation of a leadership body for its Tasees coalition. The RSF-led coalition emerged after the paramilitary first unveiled its ambition to establish parallel governance in its strongholds across Sudan during the Nairobi conference in February. RSF commander Mohamed Hamdan 'Hemedti' Dagalo has been named as the Tasees leadership body's head. Also on the agenda in Cairo were efforts to build a shared framework to address cross-border challenges, the intelligence source said. According to the source, irregular migration, arms trafficking and human smuggling all represent concerns, alongside broader national security issues — particularly the expanding presence of smuggling networks and armed groups in the border region. Sudan, the source added, directly warned both Cairo and the Benghazi government of the growing presence of terrorist factions and militias in the triangle area, and called for the formation of joint security committees to address the destabilizing effects of RSF control over desert routes that could serve as corridors for cross-border insecurity. A Sudanese Foreign Ministry source described the Cairo meeting as a culmination of Egypt's ongoing mediation between Sudan and Libya, and said the aim will be to create a joint platform to address urgent security and border issues. A prior round of indirect talks, mediated by President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, were held in Cairo on July 3 between TSC Chair and SAF Commander-in-Chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and Libyan National Army commander Khalifa Haftar. The Sudanese delegation included top officials from the General Intelligence Service, military intelligence and the Foreign Ministry, the intelligence source said. *** Kamel Idris appoints 5 ministers, armed movements retain posts Following weeks of friction with the armed movements signatory to the Juba Peace Agreement, Prime Minister Kamel Idris finally appointed five new ministers on Thursday. The step was the latest in Idris's efforts to complete the formation of what he called the ' government of hope ' and brings the total number of appointed Cabinet ministers to 10 out of 22 posts. Though Idris had pledged to form a nonpartisan technocratic government, the military-allied armed movements ultimately secured their share of cabinet positions as per the terms of the Juba agreement. After the power struggle over key ministries, a breakthrough was reached during a high-level meeting between Idris and TSC members Shams Eddin al-Kabbashi and Yasser al-Atta, a source within the TSC told Mada Masr. The source inidcated that the consensus established during the meeting cleared the way for Thursday's appointments. These included the reappointment of Mohamed Kortkila Salih to lead the Federal Governance and Rural Development Ministry. Kortkila, a senior member of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) faction led by TSC Deputy Chair Malik Agar, has held the post since February 2021. He first assumed the office under Abdalla Hamdok's second government. Gibril Ibrahim, leader of the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), was reappointed as finance minister. Having held the position since early 2021 under the Juba Peace Agreement, he is now the longest-serving official to lead the Finance Ministry in Sudan's history. Abdallah Mohamed Darf, from eastern Sudan, was named justice minister. A prominent pro-military figure, he heads the Popular Resistance Forces in Kassala State and is widely seen as a loyalist of the National Congress Party, which dominated national politics under ousted President Omar al-Bashir. Also among the appointees are Mahasen Ali Yaaqoub, who was named minister of industry and trade — a post she has held since 2021 as acting minister through the onset of the war — and Bashir Haroun Abdel Karim Abdallah as minister of religious affairs and endowments. Abdallah leads the Sudanese Alliance armed movement, previously headed by former West Darfur Governor Khamis Abakar, who was killed by the RSF in June 2023. As per the meeting between Idris and the TSC, the JEM retains the ministries of finance and social welfare and development. The Sudan Liberation Movement, led by Darfur Governor Minni Arko Minaawi, will hold onto the Minerals Ministry, with strong indications it will also regain control of the Humanitarian Aid Commission — which has been temporarily assigned to the SPLM-N faction led by Agar, the source said. *** Hours after military declares control, RSF recaptures Kazgil in North Kordofan The RSF announced on Tuesday that it had retaken the Kazgil area in North Kordofan, just hours after the military claimed it had control of the region. Military spokesperson Nabil Abdallah had said on Monday that the military-allied Sayyad mobile unit had defeated RSF fighters in Kazgil and Rayyash, taking control of both areas after inflicting heavy losses on the paramilitary. The RSF later said it seized Kazgil and captured 45 fully equipped combat vehicles, drones, various weapons and a large amount of ammunition, claiming 330 military soldiers were killed in the operation. The paramilitary's fighters circulated video footage showing their entry into and deployment across the area. An RSF field source told Mada Masr that the group had reinforced its ranks after the military advanced to Kazgil and Rayyash, and forced SAF units to withdraw toward the Um Arda and Ban Gadeed areas. The joint force of military-allied movements has dismissed claims that it has withdrawn from the front entirely as baseless, confirming that its fighters remain active across all battlefronts. Located on the southern edge of North Kordofan, Kazgil has been the site of repeated clashes and changes in control between the RSF and the military amid escalating fighting in recent months across the wider Kordofan region. A former military officer told Mada Masr that SAF's pullback, despite earlier gains, was in line with a broader strategy to draw RSF fighters in, weaken their forces and strike key positions before fully reclaiming the territory. The southern axis — stretching from Obeid toward Hammadi and Debeibat, then onto Foula, Babanusa, Adila and Daein — remains one of the most difficult fronts for the military, according to the former officer, due to the heavy presence of local groups loyal to the RSF along the route. On Wednesday, military drones targeted RSF positions and gatherings in Bara, Um Gerfa and Kazgil, killing one RSF officer and several fighters, a SAF source told Mada Masr. The drone strikes, the source said, are part of preparations for a ground offensive being planned across several towns and cities in North Kordofan. *** Fasher reels as thousands flee under escalating RSF attacks on military's Darfur foothold The humanitarian situation in Fasher, the capital of North Darfur, continues to deteriorate amid escalating shelling and drone strikes by the RSF, which has stepped up efforts to seize control of the strategic city. Fasher, under RSF siege since May 2024, is the military's last major foothold in Darfur. On Wednesday, the Fasher Resistance Committees reported widespread shelling by the RSF across several neighborhoods in the city. Shelling also struck the Abu Shouk displacement camp's market area on Tuesday, killing three civilians and injuring many more, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). Drone strikes added to the toll on Thursday, when a medical source told Mada Masr that eight people had been killed in an RSF drone strike on a shelter where dozens of civilians were taking refuge. RSF artillery fire killed at least 45 people in the Abu Shouk displacement camp north of Fasher in June alone, the camp's emergency committee stated on Sunday. The camp, home to around 190,000 people, now faces acute shortages of food and basic supplies after charity kitchens and aid distribution were suspended in April. OCHA warned that conditions in North Darfur remain alarming as the ongoing violence is forcing families to flee. Over 3,200 people fled Abu Shouk and parts of Fasher between June 26 and July 6, the International Organization for Migration said. International efforts to secure humanitarian access to Fasher have so far failed. Last week, the RSF rejected a UN-proposed humanitarian ceasefire in Fasher and has since escalated its offensive on the city. A senior official in the military's General Staff told Mada Masr that SAF is determined to hold the city, describing it as a strategic junction between west and east Sudan, bordering key routes into Chad, Libya and Egypt. Control of Fasher, the official said, means control over military supply lines, humanitarian corridors and population movement across Darfur. The RSF continues to amass forces on the city's outskirts, while the military — backed by the joint force of the allied armed movements — maintains defensive positions inside the city. An RSF source told Mada Masr that capturing Fasher would cement the group's control over Darfur and allow it to establish a regional command center. It would also pave the way for advances into Kordofan, Gezira and possibly eastern Sudan, the source said. On Thursday, the RSF announced it had downed a Turkish-made Akinci drone operated by the military over Fasher. The group claimed the drone had carried out a series of indiscriminate strikes on civilian areas in Zamzam, Kuma and Malit. *** Ethiopian militias cross into eastern Sudan, sparking fears among farmers Ethiopian militias crossed into Sudanese territory this week, raising alarm among residents and farmers in the eastern state of Gadarif. Armed groups breached the disputed Fashaga border triangle on Sunday and blocked several farmers from accessing their lands, a source on Gadarif State's security committee told Mada Masr. The incursion comes at a critical time, just as the farming season is set to begin. The Sudanese military had taken over 95 percent of the Fashaga border triangle from Ethiopian forces in a military operation launched in November 2020, ending nearly 25 years of control by Ethiopian militias, backed by the federal military, over the fertile region. One resident from the border area said that one of the armed groups raided and looted a local market, attacking traders and civilians before retreating across the border into Ethiopian territory without being intercepted. Several farmers who spoke to Mada Masr attributed the incursion to the Sudanese military's preoccupation with security developments elsewhere in the country. Residents in the affected areas fear that repeated incursions could further destabilize the region, particularly given their frequency in recent years. Many have called on the Sudanese government to take urgent measures to reinforce border security and protect the farming season — a vital source of livelihood for the area's population. *** Returnees to Khartoum face service shortages, war's aftermath Displaced residents returning to the tri-city capital of Khartoum are grappling with severe shortages in essential services, including clean water, electricity and healthcare, several returnees told Mada Masr. Tens of thousands have returned to the capital this year as the military re-established control over Khartoum after two years of war. In East Dayoum, a central Khartoum neighborhood, Mohamed Salah described a dire water crisis, with residents waiting up to two days to access a nearby clean water well. He added that despite announcements about efforts to restore the Mogran water station in northern Khartoum, the facility has yet to supply the neighborhood with water. On Sunday, Khartoum's Water Authority announced that the Mogran and Bayt al-Mal stations entered a test run as part of efforts to stabilize water services disrupted since the onset of the war. The authority added that two more stations — Gereif and Shagara — are also set to resume operations in the coming period. Power outages continue to compound the crisis. Widespread damage to substations and transmission lines has left entire neighborhoods in the dark. 'We've had no electricity for more than two years,' Mugahed Azhary, a resident of Gabra in southern Khartoum, said. 'The grid needs extensive repairs and specialized companies to handle the maintenance. This can't be left to community efforts — the state must take responsibility.' According to Azhary, electricity has returned to parts of the city, including Abu Adam, Kalakla and areas further south toward Jebel Awliya, but supply remains weak due to issues with transformers. When the military regained control of Khartoum in March, authorities started urging displaced residents to return. On Tuesday, Khartoum Governor Ahmed Othman Hamza called on citizens to come back and contribute to the city's reconstruction, saying, 'the government alone cannot rebuild Khartoum.' In the Ashara neighborhood in southern Khartoum, Mohsen Bashir said the emergency aid they were promised by authorities and humanitarian organizations has yet to arrive, despite residents' urgent need. Elsewhere in the capital, residents are still dealing with the remnants of war. In Khartoum 2, Amin Sayed told Mada Masr, unexploded ordnance and abandoned military equipment remain scattered in areas previously held by the RSF, with no specialized teams deployed to clear them. Some government institutions have resumed operations from their headquarters in Khartoum, including the foreign and education ministries, as well as the Central Bank of Sudan. Several hospitals and health centers that had suspended operations during RSF control have also reopened, such as the outpatient clinics at the Ibrahim Malek Teaching Hospital and the emergency units at the Bahri and Hajj al-Safi teaching hospitals in Bahri, the capital's eastern city. On the public health front, Khartoum's Forensic Medicine Authority said on Saturday that it has relocated 3,800 bodies from various locations across the capital. The authority emphasized that it is the sole entity authorized to remove and relocate corpses and unmarked graves from homes, streets, neighborhoods and public areas. It also noted that all related services — including transportation, exhumation and burial — are provided free of charge by a dedicated committee, and called on the public to report any unburied or improperly buried remains directly to its offices.
IOL News
11-07-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Sudan: Idris Government Faces Crisis Over Exclusion of Armed Movements
Sudan's Prime Minister Kamal Idris. Image: Ashraf Shazly / AFP Once again, Kamal Idris, the army-appointed Prime Minister of Sudan, seeks to bypass escalating political divisions over cabinet appointments by unilaterally naming three new ministers - for Health, Higher Education, and Agriculture - joining the already appointed Ministers of Defence and Interior. The current controversy revolves around the selection of 22 ministers whom Idris insists are technocrats. However, the Joint Forces - armed movements allied with the Sudanese army - view the appointments as an encroachment on the ministerial quota allocated to them under the Juba Peace Agreement. Late last Thursday night, Idris announced the appointment of al-Moiz Omar Bakhit as Minister of Health, Ismat Qureshi as Minister of Agriculture and Irrigation, and Ahmed Madawi as Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research. The announcement has only reignited tensions that never truly subsided. Public Disputes Recent reports indicate heightened verbal spats among the signatories of the Juba Peace Agreement regarding power-sharing ratios. Mohamed Bashir Abu Nama, chief negotiator of the Sudan Liberation Movement, asserted that factions incorporated into the peace agreement at a later stage are not entitled to a share of the 25% power allocation stipulated in the agreement. That quota, he insisted, is reserved solely for armed movements that originally signed the accord, not for groups from other tracks such as the North and Central regions, which were assigned separate shares in state-level governance. In a Facebook post quoted by Sudan Tribune, Abu Namu clarified that three groups - Mustafa Tambour's movement, Ali Shakoush's faction, and the Tammuz Movement - were added to the agreement at the initiative of South Sudanese mediators and the Sudanese government. These factions, he noted, were formed under specific circumstances and had no significant military activity at the time of the agreement's signing. Observers and media leaks suggest growing friction among Gabriel Ibrahim, head of the Justice and Equality Movement; Minni Arko Minnawi, Governor of Darfur; and Mustafa Tambour of the Sudan Liberation Movement. Meanwhile, Sudanese Army Chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan appears to be exploiting these divisions to fragment the Joint Forces. Reports indicate Minnawihas shown signs of cooperation, while Gabriel Ibrahim remains adamant about retaining control over the Ministries of Finance and Social Welfare. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading Settling for Scraps In a lengthy Facebook post, Sudanese analyst Mujahid Bushra argued that ever since the Juba Peace Agreement granted the armed movements 25% representation in the transitional government, the army identified corruption and power lust among certain movement leaders. The military, he claimed, capitalized on this to orchestrate a coup against the civilian government, which had begun publicly advocating for the dismantling of the army's economic empire, an empire accounting for over 82% of Sudan's economy. Bushra added: 'But the army, directed by the Islamic Movement - Sudan's branch of the Muslim Brotherhood - knew what others didn't: that the 25% allocation was carved out of the mere 18% of resources not already under military control. The army manipulated the ignorance and greed of the movements, using them to oust the civilians via the '25% coup' in October 2021.' Today, despite the sacrifices made by the Joint Forces - men, arms, and lives - to protect the army and the kizan (a Sudanese term for the Muslim Brotherhood), the post-war reality has shifted. The military and the Brotherhood now seek even that 25%, needing all resources to finance the war and recoup losses from the collapse of their shadow economy. According to Bushra, the Joint Forces made a strategic blunder, not only in demanding their share of power and wealth but also in threatening rebellion or opening the door to rivals, despite knowing the regime's dependence on them. What they failed to foresee, he says, is that some within their own ranks might accept crumbs in exchange for turning against them. He cited a recent statement from a Darfur track leader urging 'political realism' - a remark interpreted by many as justification for accepting an unjust division of power. Secret meetings have reportedly taken place between members of the Sovereignty Council and certain movement leaders outside the formal Joint Forces channels, suggesting moves to isolate the current leadership. Bushra posed a question to the Joint Forces' leaders: 'Will you continue playing puppets on the Port Sudan stage while your cause is flayed, your fighters' sacrifices stolen, and the country's wealth distributed behind your backs? Do you really believe the army - which betrayed peaceful protesters, the Forces of Freedom and Change, the Rapid Support Forces, and now you - would hesitate for a moment to sell you out once you're no longer useful?' He warned that today, the Joint Forces are nothing more than the army and Brotherhood's last remaining 'legal cover' in their confrontation with civilians and the RSF. They're being held close, not out of loyalty, but out of fear. 'Will you keep sacrificing your sons' lives for a regime that denies you even the leftovers? Will you allow the Darfur track to be turned into fuel for a military that arms your rivals with 50,000 men to fight and replace you?' A Grim Fate Awaits Sudanese writer Mahmoud al-Duqm, in an op-ed for Al-Siha, painted a bleak picture for Joint Forces leaders in Port Sudan and River Nile State. After fulfilling their role - fighting the RSF in Khartoum's triangle and the surrounding deserts, burying their dead, and licking their wounds - they are now being driven out. Public insults, accusations of betrayal and heresy, and character assassination are becoming routine in Port Sudan. Their sacrifices in this 'war of regret' have earned them only ridicule and scorn. Al-Duqm expressed astonishment that the Muslim Brotherhood in Port Sudan have not chosen Gabriel Ibrahim, the dismissed Finance Minister and head of the Justice and Equality Movement, as Prime Minister, despite his Brotherhood affiliation and deep involvement in finance and real estate. But the military's entrenched power dynamic, rooted in decades of control since independence, has no room for leaders like Ibrahim, Minnawi, or Tambour. Their historical role, he argues, is to serve as cannon fodder—fighters and guards, not ministers or decision-makers. He reminded readers of Minnawi's personal losses - two brothers killed, thousands of fighters lost - yet all he has received is nothing. Even the Juba Peace Agreement's promises have been stripped away. Since Kamal Idris's appointment as Prime Minister, the Joint Forces have faced a barrage of accusations - fleeing the border triangle, retreating from El-Obeid, relocating to Jebel Kordofan - all allegedly in defiance of al-Burhan, who now leans more heavily on the Abu Aqla Kikel faction. Al-Duqm ended with a pointed message: 'The people of Darfur, and Sudan at large, now see that the Joint Forces' leaders are nothing but war profiteers with no regard for the interests of Darfur's people. They have become a disruptive force, a burden to the nation. And the countdown has begun: war between the army and the Joint Forces is no longer a question of if, but when.' Bayethe Msimang Amid escalating political divisions, Sudan's Prime Minister Kamal Idris unilaterally appoints new ministers, igniting controversy and raising questions about the future of the Juba Peace Agreement, writes Bayethe Msimang. Image: IOL * Bayethe Msimang is an independent writer, commentator and analyst. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media.
IOL News
11-07-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Sudan: Idris Government Faces Crisis Over Exclusion of Armed Movements
Sudan's Prime Minister Kamal Idris. Image: Ashraf Shazly / AFP Once again, Kamal Idris, the army-appointed Prime Minister of Sudan, seeks to bypass escalating political divisions over cabinet appointments by unilaterally naming three new ministers - for Health, Higher Education, and Agriculture - joining the already appointed Ministers of Defence and Interior. The current controversy revolves around the selection of 22 ministers whom Idris insists are technocrats. However, the Joint Forces - armed movements allied with the Sudanese army - view the appointments as an encroachment on the ministerial quota allocated to them under the Juba Peace Agreement. Late last Thursday night, Idris announced the appointment of al-Moiz Omar Bakhit as Minister of Health, Ismat Qureshi as Minister of Agriculture and Irrigation, and Ahmed Madawi as Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research. The announcement has only reignited tensions that never truly subsided. Public Disputes Recent reports indicate heightened verbal spats among the signatories of the Juba Peace Agreement regarding power-sharing ratios. Mohamed Bashir Abu Nama, chief negotiator of the Sudan Liberation Movement, asserted that factions incorporated into the peace agreement at a later stage are not entitled to a share of the 25% power allocation stipulated in the agreement. That quota, he insisted, is reserved solely for armed movements that originally signed the accord, not for groups from other tracks such as the North and Central regions, which were assigned separate shares in state-level governance. In a Facebook post quoted by Sudan Tribune, Abu Namu clarified that three groups - Mustafa Tambour's movement, Ali Shakoush's faction, and the Tammuz Movement - were added to the agreement at the initiative of South Sudanese mediators and the Sudanese government. These factions, he noted, were formed under specific circumstances and had no significant military activity at the time of the agreement's signing. Observers and media leaks suggest growing friction among Gabriel Ibrahim, head of the Justice and Equality Movement; Minni Arko Minnawi, Governor of Darfur; and Mustafa Tambour of the Sudan Liberation Movement. Meanwhile, Sudanese Army Chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan appears to be exploiting these divisions to fragment the Joint Forces. Reports indicate Minnawihas shown signs of cooperation, while Gabriel Ibrahim remains adamant about retaining control over the Ministries of Finance and Social Welfare. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading Settling for Scraps In a lengthy Facebook post, Sudanese analyst Mujahid Bushra argued that ever since the Juba Peace Agreement granted the armed movements 25% representation in the transitional government, the army identified corruption and power lust among certain movement leaders. The military, he claimed, capitalized on this to orchestrate a coup against the civilian government, which had begun publicly advocating for the dismantling of the army's economic empire, an empire accounting for over 82% of Sudan's economy. Bushra added: 'But the army, directed by the Islamic Movement - Sudan's branch of the Muslim Brotherhood - knew what others didn't: that the 25% allocation was carved out of the mere 18% of resources not already under military control. The army manipulated the ignorance and greed of the movements, using them to oust the civilians via the '25% coup' in October 2021.' Today, despite the sacrifices made by the Joint Forces - men, arms, and lives - to protect the army and the kizan (a Sudanese term for the Muslim Brotherhood), the post-war reality has shifted. The military and the Brotherhood now seek even that 25%, needing all resources to finance the war and recoup losses from the collapse of their shadow economy. According to Bushra, the Joint Forces made a strategic blunder, not only in demanding their share of power and wealth but also in threatening rebellion or opening the door to rivals, despite knowing the regime's dependence on them. What they failed to foresee, he says, is that some within their own ranks might accept crumbs in exchange for turning against them. He cited a recent statement from a Darfur track leader urging 'political realism' - a remark interpreted by many as justification for accepting an unjust division of power. Secret meetings have reportedly taken place between members of the Sovereignty Council and certain movement leaders outside the formal Joint Forces channels, suggesting moves to isolate the current leadership. Bushra posed a question to the Joint Forces' leaders: 'Will you continue playing puppets on the Port Sudan stage while your cause is flayed, your fighters' sacrifices stolen, and the country's wealth distributed behind your backs? Do you really believe the army - which betrayed peaceful protesters, the Forces of Freedom and Change, the Rapid Support Forces, and now you - would hesitate for a moment to sell you out once you're no longer useful?' He warned that today, the Joint Forces are nothing more than the army and Brotherhood's last remaining 'legal cover' in their confrontation with civilians and the RSF. They're being held close, not out of loyalty, but out of fear. 'Will you keep sacrificing your sons' lives for a regime that denies you even the leftovers? Will you allow the Darfur track to be turned into fuel for a military that arms your rivals with 50,000 men to fight and replace you?' A Grim Fate Awaits Sudanese writer Mahmoud al-Duqm, in an op-ed for Al-Siha, painted a bleak picture for Joint Forces leaders in Port Sudan and River Nile State. After fulfilling their role - fighting the RSF in Khartoum's triangle and the surrounding deserts, burying their dead, and licking their wounds - they are now being driven out. Public insults, accusations of betrayal and heresy, and character assassination are becoming routine in Port Sudan. Their sacrifices in this 'war of regret' have earned them only ridicule and scorn. Al-Duqm expressed astonishment that the Muslim Brotherhood in Port Sudan have not chosen Gabriel Ibrahim, the dismissed Finance Minister and head of the Justice and Equality Movement, as Prime Minister, despite his Brotherhood affiliation and deep involvement in finance and real estate. But the military's entrenched power dynamic, rooted in decades of control since independence, has no room for leaders like Ibrahim, Minnawi, or Tambour. Their historical role, he argues, is to serve as cannon fodder—fighters and guards, not ministers or decision-makers. He reminded readers of Minnawi's personal losses - two brothers killed, thousands of fighters lost - yet all he has received is nothing. Even the Juba Peace Agreement's promises have been stripped away. Since Kamal Idris's appointment as Prime Minister, the Joint Forces have faced a barrage of accusations - fleeing the border triangle, retreating from El-Obeid, relocating to Jebel Kordofan - all allegedly in defiance of al-Burhan, who now leans more heavily on the Abu Aqla Kikel faction. Al-Duqm ended with a pointed message: 'The people of Darfur, and Sudan at large, now see that the Joint Forces' leaders are nothing but war profiteers with no regard for the interests of Darfur's people. They have become a disruptive force, a burden to the nation. And the countdown has begun: war between the army and the Joint Forces is no longer a question of if, but when.' Bayethe Msimang Amid escalating political divisions, Sudan's Prime Minister Kamal Idris unilaterally appoints new ministers, igniting controversy and raising questions about the future of the Juba Peace Agreement, writes Bayethe Msimang. Image: IOL * Bayethe Msimang is an independent writer, commentator and analyst. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media.
Mada
28-06-2025
- Politics
- Mada
Sudan Nashra: Burhan agrees to week-long humanitarian truce in Fasher Armed groups' ministerial quotas derail PM's technocratic vision Hemedti makes first field appearance in two years, strikes conciliatory tone toward Egypt, armed groups
Amid a deepening humanitarian catastrophe in North Darfur's Fasher — besieged by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) for over a year — Transitional Sovereignty Council (TSC) Chair and Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) Commander-in-Chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan agreed on Friday to a humanitarian truce proposed by United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres during a phone call between the two. North Darfur Health Ministry General Director Ibrahim Khater told Mada Masr that an air bridge is expected to be deployed soon to deliver aid to the city. On the political front, Prime Minister Kamel Idris is facing mounting obstacles in his bid to form a nonpartisan technocratic government — a key pledge he made upon taking office a month ago. In his consultations with the TSC and armed movements signatories to the Juba Peace Agreement, Burhan offered recommendations that effectively made regional representation a key criterion in the selection process, while armed movements are insisting on retaining the ministerial quotas granted to them under the deal. Both demands undermine Idris's promise. Across Sudan's western border with the Central African Republic, the UN Security Council raised alarm over RSF incursions into the neighboring country and its cooperation with local armed groups. Domestically, internal rifts within RSF ranks are emerging in West and North Kordofan, as well as in Nyala, South Darfur, amid an increasingly volatile security landscape in RSF-controlled areas. In Bara, North Kordofan, clashes broke out between Sudanese RSF fighters and mercenaries, followed by sweeping raids on villages across the state. In West Kordofan, tensions escalated between members of the Messira and Rizeigat tribes after discriminatory treatment of those wounded in last week's assault on Babanusa. Meanwhile in Nyala, South Darfur, RSF groups attacked two RSF prisons in an attempt to release detainees. Infighting among RSF factions continues in the city's neighborhoods, alongside widespread looting and detentions. In his first field appearance among his troops in nearly two years, RSF Commander Mohamed Hamdan 'Hemedti' Dagalo struck a conciliatory tone toward Egypt, proposing a political dialogue to resolve tensions. His comments came less than two weeks after the RSF took control over the strategic border triangle between Sudan, Egypt and Libya, in the far northwest of Northern State. *** PM's vision for technocratic cabinet runs into political, regional quotas During consultations with the TSC and armed movement signatories to the Juba Peace Agreement, Prime Minister Kamel Idris's plan to form a fully nonpartisan technocratic cabinet ran into interference. TSC Chair and SAF Commander-in-Chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan offered recommendations that push regional representation to be a key criterion in the selection process, while armed movements are insisting on retaining their ministerial positions without change. A former cabinet official told Mada Masr that Idris is under a lot of pressure from the armed groups, especially the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), which is not only insisting on keeping certain ministries but is also lobbying for the reappointment of former ministers. In a statement issued Tuesday, JEM spokesperson Mohamed Zakaria reaffirmed the group's commitment to the Juba Peace Agreement, including the executive positions it guarantees. The group's leader, Gibril Ibrahim, has served as finance minister since 2021. Signed in October 2020 between the transitional government and several armed groups led by the Sudan Revolutionary Front, the deal granted these movements representation across transitional institutions — three seats on the TSC, five unspecified ministerial posts in the executive cabinet and 75 seats in the transitional legislative council. The five ministries they ultimately came to occupy are finance, minerals, labor and social development, administrative reform and federal governance. Meanwhile, though Idris had hoped to avoid entrenched regional divisions in his Cabinet, Burhan's recommendations effectively made regional representation a determining factor in the selection criteria, a senior official at the Cabinet secretariat told Mada Masr. Sudan's transitional period has been marked by deepening ethnic and regional divisions — rifts that have only widened with the outbreak of war. These dynamics are mirrored in the makeup of the TSC, whose membership is structured around geographical representation. Still, a senior TSC source told Mada Masr that the delay in forming the government does not constitute a serious obstacle. The purpose of the consultations with the armed groups and the TSC is to ensure the new government's success, the source said. Amid the stall, Idris moved ahead with appointments outside the portfolios held by armed groups — though regionally weighted — issuing a decree on Tuesday naming Lieutenant General Hassan Dawoud Kabroun, from South Kordofan, defense minister, and Police Lieutenant General Babiker Samra, from the Red Sea State, as interior minister. A source at the Defense Ministry described Kabroun as one of the military's most prominent commanders, credited with defending the General Command in central Khartoum during the two-year siege. Another military source noted that Kabroun maintains strong ties with military-aligned battalions and that his appointment was welcomed by combat units fighting alongside the military. As for Samra, a source at the Interior Ministry said he has held several senior leadership roles within the ministries, including as director of the criminal investigations and intelligence department and of general inspection department, as well as head of administrative and planning affairs. He has also completed advanced training in Sudan and abroad, notably in Egypt, and has participated in programs on strategic studies and migration control, according to the source. Some ministers in the Cabinet that was dissolved upon Idris's appointment are expected to retain their posts. Three informed sources in the TSC said Energy Minister Mohie Eddin Naim and Health Minister Haitham Mohamed Ibrahim may be reappointed, following praise from Burhan and other council members for their performance. Both are independent figures with no ties to political parties or armed groups. Consensus has also been reached between the TSC and Idris over the nomination of diplomat Badr Eddin al-Geifry as the new foreign minister, a senior diplomatic source told Mada Masr. As political influence has already begun to shape the new transitional period, the prospects of a true technocratic, nonpartisan government that Idris pledged in his speech last week appears to be waning. RSF commander Mohamed Hamdan 'Hemedti' Dagalo made his first public field appearance in two years, addressing his troops in a remote area outside Khartoum. Hemedti had only made two public field appearances with his troops — first on Nile Street near the Presidential Palace on the war's first day, and again, months later, in southern Khartoum — before vanishing from the field and only appearing in pre-recorded video messages. In a speech delivered Tuesday and filmed by a drone camera, Hemedti was flanked by masked guards and standing before thousands of RSF fighters, as he struck a defiant tone toward the military leadership while adopting a more conciliatory stance when speaking about the armed movements fighting against him and toward Egypt. Hemedti expressed a desire to open a new chapter in relations with Egypt, voicing respect for the Egyptian people and emphasizing that disputes should be settled through dialogue. Hemedti has repeatedly accused Egypt of directly participating in military operations against his forces. In May 2024, he told Asharq News that the Egyptian Air Force had targeted RSF troops in the Karrari locality in Omdurman. Later in October, he claimed Egyptian aircraft had bombed his forces at Jebel Moya during the battles that ended in the RSF's defeat. Again in early June 2025, he said Cairo supplied the military with eight aircraft. His call for dialogue comes shortly after the RSF announced control over the strategic border triangle between Sudan, Libya and Egypt in mid-June, describing it as a step toward enhancing security and combating smuggling. Hemedti also pledged to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid to conflict-affected areas, saying the RSF would work to secure roads and access routes. Vowing a crackdown on what he described as criminals and outlaws in RSF-held regions, he instructed his troops in different states to enforce order. Among other pledges made during his speech, he promised to pay overdue salaries to RSF fighters. Addressing residents of northern Sudan, where the RSF has expanded its operations in recent weeks, Hemedti insisted that forces deployed in the area included no looters — an implicit response to persistent accusations of abuse against civilians. He also launched a scathing attack on the military, claiming it had been severely weakened and vowing to 'crush what remains' of it. At the same time, he struck a more conciliatory tone toward leaders of armed groups allied with the military — naming Darfur Governor and Sudan Liberation Movement leader Minni Arko Minnawi and JEM's Gibril Ibrahim — saying he would welcome their return to the RSF's side if they chose to do so. *** Sudanese, foreign RSF fighters clash in North Kordofan, civilians flee as RSF raids, loots villages across state Clashes broke out on Monday in the city of Bara, North Kordofan, between Sudanese members of the RSF and foreign fighters aligned with them, resulting in casualties and a sharp deterioration in the area's security situation. Fighting broke out between RSF fighters from the Messiria tribe and a group of mercenaries led by Stephen Buay, the rebel South Sudanese commander, a resident of Bara told Mada Masr. The confrontation was triggered by accusations from Messiria fighters that the foreign mercenaries were sowing chaos and looting civilians, according to the source. Both sides sustained casualties before the RSF commander in the area, Mohamed Abdallah al-Naem, intervened to deescalate the situation, vowing to take action against the perpetrators, the source said. Still, the source described the situation in Bara and its surroundings as chaotic and dangerous, with residents fleeing toward safer areas. On Tuesday, RSF fighters launched a wave of attacks in both northern and southern North Kordofan. To the southwest of Bara, RSF fighters raided and looted several villages, killing or injuring residents who tried to defend their property, a second source from Bara said. The most violent assaults targeted the villages of Sunut and Um Tagar. The same pattern unfolded on the same day in southern North Kordofan, where RSF fighters stormed the villages of Alhagouna and Lamina in Kazgil. According to three local sources, the fighters looted homes and attacked resisting residents, leaving more than 20 civilians killed or wounded. The attacks coincide with RSF expansion in and around Bara on Monday and Tuesday. According to the second source in Bara, RSF units have taken positions in nearby areas including Um Gerfa and Um Sayala. Forces under the command of Ahmed 'Gogga' Adam — who led widespread atrocities in Gezira State and the Gamuia villages south of Omdurman — have been stationed in Um Lahm, outside Bara, and continue to pose a serious threat to local residents. On Wednesday, the RSF announced they regained control of the town of Rahid al-Nuba, which the military had captured two weeks earlier. A field source told Mada Masr that the RSF dispatched 30 combat vehicles carrying troops to Rahid al-Nuba on Thursday in a bid to solidify their hold and block any renewed military advance. Rahid al-Nuba is located along the western Saderat Road, a strategic route the military is working to secure as part of a broader push to reclaim northern parts of North Kordofan. A military source said the military deployed heavy reinforcements in the area on Sunday. *** Tribal rift ignites in RSF after disputed treatment of wounded fighters in West Kordofan Heavy losses sustained by the RSF during their failed attempt last week to seize the military's command center in Babanusa, West Kordofan, have ignited internal tensions within RSF ranks. The fallout from the battle took a distinctly tribal turn that went beyond disagreements, a tribal source told Mada Masr. According to the source, friction has escalated between fighters who are members of the Mahariya clan and the broader Rizeigat tribe on one side, and those from the Messeria tribe on the other, over the treatment of the dozens of wounded fighters after last week's clashes. While injured Mahariya and Rizeigat fighters were transferred to well-equipped hospitals in Daein, Messiria casualties were taken to under-resourced facilities in Muglad and Um Jack. The disparity sparked outrage among the Messiria, who viewed it as a clear act of discrimination. Speaking to Mada Masr, a resident in Muglad described it as a 'double humiliation in a moment of vulnerability.' A source in the General Intelligence Service said the incident reveals the fragility of the RSF's internal structure, which has long relied on precarious tribal alliances. Such divisions could cause the RSF to fracture from within, the source said, triggering defections or rebellions, especially as it comes under mounting military pressure on multiple fronts. Rival armed groups or the military might then exploit such internal unrest to regain territories, according to the source. *** RSF factions launch prison raids in Nyala, South Darfur Fighting broke out this week at two prisons in Nyala, the capital of South Darfur, as RSF groups attempted to free detainees held at the facilities. On Tuesday, clashes broke out between prison guards and RSF units loyal to Major General Essam Fadil — the RSF senior leader who had been detained by the group — at Dagris Prison, southwest of the city, a resident told Mada Masr. The prison houses a significant number of military officers and soldiers captured by the RSF. The assault did not target the location where Fadil is being held. A retired military officer from the Rizeigat tribe, Fadil was reinstated into the RSF several years before the current war erupted. The prison raid came amid deteriorating conditions in Nyala, where the RSF launched a sweeping campaign of arrests targeting both military personnel and civilians suspected of collaborating with the military. According to the source, RSF fighters tried to storm Dagris Prison to release detainees, but guards, bolstered by reinforcements, eventually regained control. Nonetheless, several detainees managed to escape. Simultaneously, another RSF group attacked Nyala's Kobar Prison, leading to the escape of dozens more detainees, the source added. A military source told Mada Masr that Fadil has been held under heavy guard since November 2024, amid declining health. He was accused of communicating with the military and attempting to coordinate a surrender. At the time, Fadil appeared in a video denying he had defected from the RSF. Fadil is regarded as the fourth highest ranking RSF leader after the Dagalo brothers and Operations Commander Osman Mohamed Hamid. Before the war broke out in April 2023, he served as assistant commander for administrative affairs and headed the RSF's committee tasked with combating negative phenomena. In response to the prison attacks, head of the RSF-affiliated civilian administration Youssef Idris announced on Saturday the formation of a committee to investigate the incidents at both the Kobar and Dagris prisons. Idris said that the committee's mandate is limited to establishing the facts surrounding this week's attacks on the two facilities. Meanwhile, Nyala remains gripped by a sharp deterioration in security, as lawlessness and infighting between RSF factions continue to escalate. Caption: Civilians in Nyala flee amid RSF clashes last week. The source in Nyala said that RSF elements have been carrying out widespread looting, arbitrarily detaining civilians on charges of collaborating with the military, and demanding ransoms for their release. They have also been extorting traders and imposing fees on vehicles along main roads. Infighting has spilled into residential neighborhoods, and bodies of both military officers and civilians are left in the streets, according to the source. *** UN Security Council links RSF to cross-border armed activity in Central African Republic As instability deepens along Sudan's RSF-held western border, the UN Security Council directly accused the RSF of collaborating with armed groups near the border with the Central African Republic. In a statement on Tuesday, the council condemned the killing of a UN peacekeeper in a June 20 attack by what it described as 'suspected Sudanese armed elements.' It noted that this marked the third assault on the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic since the start of 2025. Council members voiced concern over the implications of Sudan's conflict for the humanitarian and security situation, pointing to 'incursions by the RSF in the territory of the Central African Republic and their cooperation with local armed groups.' The statement also referenced multiple reports of illicit cross-border trafficking networks that 'continue to fund and supply armed groups in the Central African Republic.' The council called for the need to further investigate and combat these threats. Burhan agreed on Friday to a humanitarian truce in Fasher, North Darfur, during a phone call with UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres. Guterres called on Burhan to declare a one-week humanitarian truce in Fasher to support UN efforts and facilitate aid delivery to thousands of civilians trapped in the besieged city. Burhan agreed to the proposal and stressed the importance of implementing relevant UN Security Council resolutions. The council adopted a resolution in June 2024 that calls for the RSF to end the siege on Fasher, and for the warring parties to ensure the protection of civilians and allow and facilitate 'the rapid, safe, unhindered and sustained passage of humanitarian relief.' The Darfur regional government, in coordination with the military's Sixth Division in Fasher, is preparing to carry out airdrop operations to deliver humanitarian aid, a military source in the division said. North Darfur's Health Ministry General Director Ibrahim Khater also confirmed to Mada Masr that large-scale logistical efforts were underway to deliver relief supplies by air. The truce and renewed aid deliveries come as the humanitarian crisis in North Darfur — particularly in Fasher — continues to deepen. The city has been under a tight RSF siege for months, cutting off supply routes and pushing it to the brink of disaster. Airdrop operations had been suspended after an RSF attack brought down a military aircraft over Fasher in March, according to Khater.
