Latest news with #Kabir
Time of India
2 days ago
- Politics
- Time of India
Kaliganj row: TMC sends show-cause notice to Kabir
1 2 Kolkata: Trinamool Congress on Wednesday issued a show-cause notice to party MLA Humayun Kabir for visiting the family of a minor girl — killed in a bomb blast in Kaliganj on June 23 — and trying to offer them money without informing the party. Senior party members said that chief minister Mamata Banerjee was displeased by the ex-IPS officer's unauthorised action. Nine-year-old Tamanna Khatun was killed in a bomb blast during a political procession following Trinamool Congress's victory in the Kaliganj bypolls. Following the incident, CM Banerjee expressed her distress over the tragic loss of life and directed police to take strict action against the culprits. On Wednesday, Debra MLA Kabir visited the victim's family. He offered them money, which Tamanna's mother Sabina Yasmin rejected, and demanded the arrest of all the accused named in the FIR within 24 hours. You Can Also Check: Kolkata AQI | Weather in Kolkata | Bank Holidays in Kolkata | Public Holidays in Kolkata The show-cause notice, issued by state party president Subrata Bakshi, noted how Kabir's actions had negatively impacted the party's reputation. The notice emphasised that the party had not sanctioned Kabir's visit to offer compensation to the victim's family. Kabir has been told to respond to the show-cause notice within three days.
Hans India
21-06-2025
- Entertainment
- Hans India
Six years on, Sandeep Reddy Vanga marks ‘Kabir Singh' anniversary with gratitude and reflection
Filmmaker Sandeep Reddy Vanga took to social media on June 21 to commemorate six years since the release of Kabir Singh, the polarizing blockbuster that redefined Bollywood's approach to romantic storytelling. Sharing a nostalgic poster of Kiara Advani soaked in Holi colors, Vanga captioned the post with a simple message: 'Thanks for the love, 6 years for Kabir,' tagging lead actor Shahid Kapoor, music composers, and producers. Released on June 21, 2019, Kabir Singh was the Hindi adaptation of Vanga's own Telugu cult hit Arjun Reddy. While the film courted significant controversy for its depiction of toxic masculinity and emotional volatility, it simultaneously achieved staggering commercial success. Grossing over $40 million worldwide, it became the ninth highest-grossing Indian film of its time. Shahid Kapoor's portrayal of Kabir, a hot-headed surgeon spiraling into self-destruction after heartbreak, drew both critical acclaim and backlash. Despite the polarizing reactions, Kapoor earned a Filmfare nomination, and the film ultimately shifted the perception of romantic heroes in Hindi cinema—from idealized lovers to flawed, emotionally charged individuals. Kabir Singh's continued relevance owes much to its availability on streaming platforms like Netflix, where it continues to attract both new viewers and fresh debate. A 2023 University of Mumbai study cited the film as a turning point that challenged conventional romantic narratives, placing inner turmoil and psychological complexity at the heart of its story. As Vanga prepares for upcoming projects like Animal, his acknowledgment of Kabir Singh's anniversary underscores the film's enduring legacy. Love it or loathe it, Kabir Singh remains a cultural touchstone—provocative, impactful, and very much a part of India's cinematic conversation.
Mint
21-06-2025
- Politics
- Mint
Book excerpt: How the global story of caste activism began in Marathwada
CASTE BOOK , SURAJ YENGDE , SURAJ MILIND YENGDE , NEW BOOK , NONFICTION , INDIAN WRITING , INDIAN NONFICTION : Nanded, my hometown in Marathwada, has been home to one of the most radical forms of Dalit politics for over a hundred years. The Arya Samaj, the Hindu reform movement, established one of its earliest centres in Marathwada. Fearing Muslim influence on the subaltern castes, the Arya Samaj started to reconvert the latter by offering janeu, the sacred thread. However, this was not looked upon favourably by non-Dalit villagers, who by way of punishment forcibly tattooed Dalit converts with hot iron rods. Marathwada has also seen a significant presence of Sikhs, Nanded being an important holy place for the Sikh religion. The radical message of mystics and spiritual teachers like Kabir, Raidas, Nanak and Gobind was carried by practitioners of the Sikh faith. In particular, the vision of society that Kabir and Raidas preached found especial resonance among the Dalits of Marathwada. Also read: 'Something like Truth': Staging four monologues around truth and justice Following in this tradition, Marathwada Dalits carved out for themselves a political space, whose potential for mobilization and receptivity to radical ideas were noticed by B.R. Ambedkar. Issues around land, education and sovereignty were all highly politicized in Marathwada. Those who rejected their oppression as lower castes looked for ways of fighting back. To them, Ambedkar-led politics seemed like a promising avenue. In particular, Mahars (a caste of Dalits) in my region gave their allegiance to Ambedkar. Though Ambedkar was yet to visit them, they had heard about him and his voluminous writings. He came from their caste-community and had a national as well as international appeal. Dalit leaders from the wider Telugu-, Marathi- and Kannada-speaking regions, such as Bhagya Reddy Varma, B.S. Venkat Rao and B. Shyam Sundar, eventually joined Ambedkar and worked under his leadership. My district and region were one of many centres of radical politics. Nanded's representative to India's independent parliament in 1957 belonged to a crop of radical Dalit politicians: Harihar Rao Sonule was our statement of our collective belief in constitutional promise. He was one of the early batch of Dalit MPs from the All India Scheduled Caste Federation who were intent on gaining rights for Dalits in the newly independent country. In our house in Janta Colony, Ambedkar Nagar, Nanded, my father listened to the morning Marathi news on DD Sahyadri—a government-owned satellite TV station. We had a black-and-white 14-inch television set made by a Videocon company. Each morning the same ritual was followed as I prepared for school. One day in 1997 my father held me and made me watch the TV: Kofi Annan was being elected as the secretary general of the United Nations Organization. My father called it Oono—UNO. He wanted me to register that a Black man had ascended to the topmost position of an inter-governmental body, never mind that Annan originally came from the crop of Ghanaian elites. My father perhaps wanted me to see that the UN and other international bodies could not only be accessible to native elites the world over, but could be a space even of Dalit politics. When the Taliban blew up statues of the Buddha, he and his associates protested by petitioning the UN—in a letter written in Marathi. Years later, when I was an intern at the UN's human rights office in Geneva, I was dismayed by its sheer inability to provide nonpolitical solutions to issues of the day…. In the United States, the Dalit cause was taken up by the coordinated efforts of professional class Dalits who had settled there. Their activism began with protests against atrocities within India and led to attempts to hold the Indian state accountable by placing the issue of caste on the agendas of US political and policy circles. Later, activists like Laxmi Berwa and Yogesh Varhade took the UN route that their predecessors like B.R. Ambedkar, N. Rajbhoj and Bhagwan Das had followed. Solidarity represents one way of connecting the Dalit movement with a larger cause. But the desire for international solidarity did not significantly influence the activities of Dalits in India. Their work evolved in response to the radical shifts of Cold War-era politics. The movement was split between left and right. Some aligned with a nativist theory of liberation, while others drew on the left's internationalism. One faction was led by Namdeo Dhasal, the well-known leftist Panther. Left-wing savarna scholars wrote extensively about Dhasal and promoted his image. Raja Dhale, on the other hand, who led the other faction, was primarily known to circles of academics and writers because of his distance from leftist politics. Later he became so disillusioned with the Panthers' leadership that he left and pursued a career in a political party run by Ambedkar's grandson, only to end up dismayed by it. A vast number of Dalit Mahars who identified with Ambedkar and Buddhism embraced Dhale. My father was an associate of his in Nanded and was particularly interested in Dhale's literary activities. They remained friends. My name Surudhay—kindhearted—was given me by Dhale. However, because it was often mispronounced, I shortened the name to Suraj. When I was a student leader in Nanded, I invited Dhale to visit the university and deliver a lecture. He came and the old cadres packed the hall. He spoke but it wasn't an impressive speech. When my father passed away, Dhale paid a visit to my home. I was in South Africa; I rang him to thank him for the visit. In his usual way, Dhale said that he had not done anything extraordinary. 'Milind was my associate, and I paid a visit" was his response. Dhale was known to call a spade a spade. He restricted himself to the activism of literature. He read many books. Whenever my father visited Mumbai, he would seek an audience with Dhale. I recall once we spent an entire day in Vikhroli, the area where Dhale lived. Years later when I was studying to become a scholar, I sought an audience with Dhale. He refused. He said that, like me, he had little time available; it was better that we should not impose ourselves on each other's time. His response made me feel he had become rude and bitter as an old man. A few years later when I spent about eight months in India, I realized why he had spoken in this way. In India, a meeting can easily last several hours. Dhale was also in a hurry to finish what he was writing—as he indicated to me. Also read: A new anthology of writings from south Asia celebrates marginalised voices Over the years, as my name became known in academic and literary circles, reports about me must have come to the attention of Dhale, for he commented to my cousin Nitin that 'Suraj has now become an important person". When Dhale died, the national media reached out to me to write an obituary. I was on the way to deliver a series of talks in Kolhapur. But I asked people to send me some books on Dhale and some of his original writings. I wrote the article on my journey from Aurangabad to Kolhapur, two sites driven by Ambedkar's politics. Dhale was widely read. He was among the first Dalits in the movement to actively pursue Black literature. In his young days, he dabbled in translating Black poets into Marathi. There are many such anecdotes about my father—who was my primary interlocutor to this history—and Dhale that touch my thinking and practice. The global story of caste or the story of global castes thus begins with my experience of growing up as a Dalit. It's also a story of Marathwada, India, which had the audacity to connect with the larger world. That is why the Dalit-Black nexus, which started as an investigation of literature and experience in Marathwada, became a precursor to the formation of an active political solidarity. Excerpted from 'Caste: A Global Story' with permission from Penguin Random House India. The book will be available around 30 June.
The National
20-06-2025
- General
- The National
‘Kibriyaa': Arabic word for grandeur balances pride and humility
Glory and grandeur run through the Arabic word of this week. Kibriyaa goes beyond pride. It suggests majesty and commands reverence, yet invites caution. Like most Arabic words, the seeds of its meaning lie in trilateral root letters – kaf, ba and ra – which generate a number of related names. There is Kabir, meaning great and a name consigned to males; and Takbir, meaning glorifying God, something worshippers do throughout their five daily prayers, particularly communally in the mosque. These related words also reflect the slippery slope from supreme confidence to conceit, with the latter described in Arabic by the stern-sounding istikbar. Because of the magnitude of its meaning, kibriyaa also holds a place in spiritual literature. The Quran establishes the term as divine territory, with a verse from Chapter 45 stating 'wa lahu al-kibriyaa'u fi as-samawati wa al-arđi" (And to Him belongs all grandeur in the heavens and the earth). In turn, the Quran also offers repeated warnings against arrogance, referred to as kibr, a spiritual poison said to erode good character. While preserving its resonant undertones, modern Arabic has also used kibriyaa in more secular contexts. An elderly and dignified person, for instance, may be described as possessing a form of kibriyaa. It is important to note, however, that the term in this case conveys earned gravitas – not pridefulness. That balance between self-respect and self-exaltation – in a region where both dignity and humility are honoured – is what keeps kibriyaa one of the most dynamic Arabic words. Its rich and weighty connotations mean it's not used casually, in pop songs or film titles for instance. It is also a reminder of the nuance of the Arabic language, in which from seemingly simple roots emerge entire philosophies on how to conduct oneself – teaching us what to aspire to, and what to avoid.
The Hindu
20-06-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Indian students and the death of the American Dream
Kabir has spent the past few months running. Every morning, before the California sun begins to glare on the cracked sidewalks, he slips on his shoes and bolts out the door. The run, he says, is what keeps him sane. 'It's the only time I can make a plan. What to say to the lawyer. Which papers to organise. Who to call for help.' How not to fall apart. Kabir (name changed on request), who had arrived from Pune to study at the University of California, had his student visa revoked along with thousands of others across the country. The email had come without warning. It had given him no time to prepare. Just a sudden vanishing of the ground beneath his feet. He hasn't stopped running since. 'I got this news on April 2, just a day after Eid. I had wanted to go home, but couldn't in these circumstances,' he says. And now, it may be a long while before he can. His Eid kurta and suit are still on the hanger, waiting to be worn. His apartment still carries the remnants of a celebration that didn't last. A few half-deflated balloons cling to the ceiling — a bittersweet memory, as just a few days before his visa revocation, he had won the H-1B lottery (a random selection process by which a limited number of H-1B visas are allotted every year). In the weeks that followed, Kabir's days became a blur — mornings on the pavement, afternoons in legal and immigration offices, evenings in community centres where other students like him sat huddled on plastic chairs, comparing legal notes, wondering what they had done wrong. Each time, the same questions, the same uncertainty, hung like static in the air. 'I run, I walk, I travel. Anything to escape my thoughts,' says Kabir. And yet, they are everywhere. In the faces of the other students who are caught in the same dragnet. In a mural stretched across a wall in Los Angeles that says, 'My brother and I are my parents' American Dream.' In the eye of the storm Kabir's story is not his alone. Thousands like Kabir have been left in limbo, their futures upended by the shifting tides of immigration law and political mood in the United States. In March, the Trump administration announced that it was cancelling $400 million in federal funding for Columbia University 'due to the school's continued inaction in the face of persistent harassment of Jewish students' and other alleged violations. Similar action was also directed against other Ivy League institutions such as Cornell, UPenn, Harvard, Brown, and Princeton. More than 1,800 students from nearly 250 colleges in the U.S. have had their visas revoked and their SEVIS records terminated without notice or due process. The American Immigration Lawyers Association estimates that 50% of those affected are from India. 'We are seeing many Indian students being targeted: Megha Vemuri and Prahlad Iyengar of MIT, Ranjani Srinivasan of Columbia, Badar Khan Suri of Georgetown University. This has had a chilling effect on the psyche of Indian students. They are carrying passports from the dorm to the classroom, which is not something typical. They are having conversations around what to do if ICE [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] shows up on campus,' says Akil Kasubhai, an alumnus of the University of Michigan and co-president of SAATH, a community that empowers South Asian youth to drive political change. What began as visa revocations of students who participated in or supported pro-Palestine protests had metastasised by April. Suddenly, hundreds of international students had their visas revoked. Denying student visas based on social media vetting is the latest step in this quickly unravelling saga. Rohan Soni, an alumnus of Columbia University and co-president of SAATH, says it is unfortunate that Indian students are targeted when they really just want to focus on their education. 'Most Indian students are quite reserved when it comes to politics. They keep a low profile so that they can get their degrees, join the workforce, and make a better life for themselves,' he says. 'We are seeing many Indian students being targeted. This has had a chilling effect on their psyche. They are going from dorm to classroom carrying their passports.'Akil KasubhaiUniversity of Michigan alumnus and co-president of SAATH A larger ideological campaign The Trump administration's move to ban international students has been unfolding alongside a systematic rollback of diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programmes across the country. In January 2025, an executive order directed all federally funded institutions to terminate all race- or gender-based diversity programmes, claiming they were in violation of meritocratic ideals and civil rights law. Soon after the order, the Department of Education launched investigations into 45 colleges for 'race-exclusionary practices'. The Department of Homeland Security also imposed stricter limitations on student visas: narrower Optional Practical Training (OPT) eligibility, intensive background checks, and increased scrutiny of STEM graduates, most of whom are from countries like India and China. Solidarity with Harvard The cloudy skies on Harvard's graduation day on May 29 were not new for Boston summer. But the bright blue globes held against the darkening sky were. These globes belonged to Harvard graduates who had raised them as a sign of solidarity with the international student body at the institution. Alan Garber, president of Harvard, echoed the sentiment as he opened his speech: 'To the class of 2025, from down the street, across the country, and around the world. Around the world — just as it should be.' As his words drew a standing ovation, just eight kilometres away, a judge was working to extend a court order allowing Harvard to enrol international students. Only a week earlier, on May 22, the Department of Homeland Security had revoked that ability. This had come on the heels of billions frozen in funding by the government and threats to strip Harvard of accreditation and tax-exempt status. The administration cited concerns over campus activism and alleged antisemitism. Even as Harvard fought back, arguing that these were retaliatory moves undermining institutional autonomy and academic freedom, Trump issued another proclamation on June 4 barring Harvard-bound international students for six months. This time, when the federal judge granted a temporary restraining order to halt enforcement, she also acknowledged 'immediate and irreparable injury' — a phrase that is more than just legalese for the thousands of international students caught in the dragnet. According to the Community Explainer by the South Asian American Policy Working Group, a network of organisations that address policy issues affecting South Asian communities, 'More than 1,800 students from nearly 250 colleges have had their visas revoked and their SEVIS records terminated without notice or due process. Only about half of them received actual notice of their visa revocations, so many might not even be aware of their visa termination.' SEVIS, or the Student and Exchange Visitor Information System, maintained by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, keeps an electronic record of the immigration status of international students and exchange visitors. 'A lot of students got nervous and self-deported. Who knows when they will be able to come back now. At the same time, there are others who are not leaving the U.S. for that very reason. It is a double-edged sword. They are afraid to go, they are afraid to stay.'Sonjui KumarChair of Board, Asian Americans Advancing Justice (one of the organisations advocating for students' rights in Georgia) Indian students have been hit the hardest All these changes in the past few months, however, have not impacted all international students equally. Indian students, the largest single group of foreign students in the United States, have been hit especially hard. The American Immigration Lawyers Association estimates that 50% of those affected are from India. In this climate of uncertainty, international students find themselves in the crosshairs. Kabir says there was no explanation given when his visa was revoked. 'We were left to guess what the issue could be.' In some cases, visas were revoked because of a late fee payment, a long-forgotten speeding ticket, or an old address not updated in time. He remembers one Indian student who had his visa revoked because of a fine for catching the wrong-sized fish. 'The most serious infraction by an Indian student that I came across was a DUI [driving under the influence],' says Kabir. Normally, minor infractions don't result in visa revocation, according to Atlanta-based Sarah Hawk, Partner & Chair of Immigration and Global Mobility at Barnes & Thornburg, a business law firm. In the case of these students, often the infractions happened a long time ago and were never proven. 'South Asians, of whom Indians are the largest number, tend to be more racially profiled,' says Kalpana V. Peddibhotla, Executive Director of California-based South Asian American Justice Collaborative. 'One of my clients, an Indian student, was once arrested on false allegations by a security officer at the mall. The police officer who arrested him found no evidence of wrongdoing. Yet, this student, who went on to graduate and do his OPT training, suddenly had his visa revoked after all these years. It has cost him his entire career, just as it is costing so many other students the same way,' she adds. These crackdowns have also raised concerns about surveillance and due process. Suneeta Dewan, a New York-based immigration lawyer, says that social media vetting has left most students confused. 'It's very random, very arbitrary. Students are worried and are asking if they should self-deport. They don't know what could get them into trouble.' Kabir says he has not met any of the students whose visas were revoked because of social media posts. 'People say they have gone underground.' In this atmosphere, for Kabir and other Indian students, even running everyday errands has turned into an act of vigilance. Every time they are outside and see a police car, someone always jokes, 'Hey, is that ICE?' And then they all go quiet. 'This is being used not necessarily to vet out security threats, but to enforce an agenda of reducing the number of international students from India,' says Peddibhotla. Susan Kerley, therapist and Clinical Director at Marietta Counseling for Children and Adults, Georgia, warns of life-altering trauma to students. 'Imagine going through this as a young adult in a foreign country where you no longer know whom or what you can trust. The changing rules have created uncertainty, stress, and anxiety. The students haven't changed; the rules have. It is disempowering,' she says. 'I would encourage students to think of the history of visa — who is included and who is excluded in these parameters. I think of this as an opportunity to understand our relationship to history and to the civil rights movement .'Swati BakreMentor, The Family Institute at Northwestern University Legal battlegrounds Some students are actively resisting civil rights rollbacks. Nationwide, they have filed over 65 lawsuits, of which they have secured temporary relief in 35. In Georgia, for instance, 133 students had their visas reinstated. Kabir is one of the students who got his visa reinstated in California. 'It happened out of the blue. They said there had been a mistake.' He is still reeling from the impact of what had happened. 'I was getting ready to leave the country. I had discussed who would take on my house sublease, who would get my furniture, who would take care of my plants. It was just a matter of boarding a flight,' he says. But the struggle is far from over. 'I can't leave the U.S. for now,' says Kabir. Once a visa is revoked, even reinstatement does not guarantee re-entry. 'Even though the courts have addressed the issue in some cases where the visas were revoked, if you have a student visa that was cancelled, you can't leave and then come back,' says Nisha Karnani, Partner at Georgia-based Antonini & Cohen Immigration Law Group. Kabir says there are many who did not get their visa reinstated. They packed in a hurry, booked the cheapest flight home, and were gone, leaving behind their hard work, their dreams, their investment. Hawk's business client had someone on a student visa who had his status revoked and had to leave for India. Later, he received a notification that they had made a mistake. But the damage had already been done. 'Now he has to get another visa appointment and a visa stamp for F-1 to enter,' she says. 'South Asians, of whom Indians are the largest number, tend to be more racially profiled. This (the crackdown) is being used not necessarily to vet out security threats, but to enforce an agenda of reducing the number of international students from India.'Kalpana V. PeddibhotlaExecutive Director of California-based South Asian American Justice Collaborative American Dream no more? At over 27% — 4.2 lakh in total — Indians form the largest group of international students in the U.S., as per a 2024 report by the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Following the upheavals in the system, however, the picture seems to be changing dramatically. 'I ran an analysis that compares SEVIS data from March 2024 and March 2025. The most dramatic shift is the 27.9% decline in Indian students,' writes Chris R. Glass, Professor of Practice in the Department of Educational Leadership and Higher Education at Boston College, on his Substack. That's almost one lakh fewer Indian students who have chosen the U.S. as their education destination in 2025. 'There is a massive shift in the mentality of international students; they feel less comfortable coming to the U.S.,' says Soni of SAATH. As Indians look to other countries for higher education opportunities, it's not just a loss for students but also for the United States. 'International students boost the U.S. economy,' reminds immigration attorney Karnani. According to College Board, a 120-year-old U.S.-based non-profit that pioneered the SAT and AP tests, the average tuition and fees for an undergraduate student are $30,780 in public institutions and $43,350 in private institutions, not including the standard cost of living of $10,000-$25,000 per year. During the 2023-24 school year, 1.1 million international students contributed nearly $44 billion to the U.S. economy, as per NAFSA: Association of International Educators. At 27%, Indian students contributed almost $12 billion to that amount. Not only do the students bring in money, they also produce some of their best work here. 'International students are a huge part of industry and innovation in the country,' says Kesubhai. Emerging as new favourites among Indian students are France, New Zealand, Germany, Bangladesh, Russia, Ireland, and Uzbekistan, according to a report by Arpan Tulsyan, Senior Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation. She writes, 'For Indian middle-class families, sending a child to the U.S. involves several years of savings — with costs ranging between ₹3.5 million and ₹5 million annually. Any uncertainty for visa approval or the work authorisation process turns U.S. education into a high-risk investment, significantly altering the family's cost-benefit analysis.' Learnings from a crisis The visa ban may be legally contested, but the intent behind it lingers as the aftershock of a political earthquake. Swati Bakre is a trauma-informed clinician. She is also an educator and mentor at The Family Institute of Northwestern University. She says, 'I would encourage students to think of the history of visa — who is included and who is excluded in these parameters. I think of this as an opportunity to understand our relationship to history and to the civil rights movement because the present moment does not stand in isolation from the past.' For international students, their futures are held hostage to an ideological war they did not start. A war that is no longer just about policy. It is about who gets to belong. Who gets to learn. Who gets to dream in a language not their own. It is also about the purpose of education in America and whether institutions like Harvard can continue to be spaces for freedom, debate, and plurality in a time when those very ideals are being recast as threats. Bakre says, 'I would like to validate the anxiety that these students are feeling. But I would also ask them to take perspective, realign, and think of the best way to make an impact in this world. This crisis could be an opportunity for them to be really conscious of what they want to do and why, what they are looking for from an education in the U.S., and whether their goals are being met in this environment.' Kabir says his mother breaks down on every phone call. 'My family background is in the Indian Navy. I get support from my brother and father. But it's hard for my mother. My nephews and nieces also tell me, 'Come home, Chachu'.' But it will be a while before Kabir can come home to his family. In this environment, the waiting room has shifted. It is no longer outside the U.S. embassy in Delhi or beneath the blinking screens at JFK International Airport. It now resides inside the body. Indian students in the United States know this space well. It follows them from campus hallways to summer sublets. They wait. For visa reinstatements. For legal appointments. For someone in the administration to see them not as a number but as a name. They wait to be home as they dream of an Indian summer while being stuck on American soil. They wait for mango season and for a world that will let them taste it. The writer is a USC Annenberg Fellow for Writing and Community Storytelling, and deputy editor of the U.S.-based Khabar magazine.
