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IOL News
05-06-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Who does and who doesn't meet the 'Afrikaner' criteria for Trump's resettlement offer?
The South African delegation led by President Cyril Ramaphosa with the US delegation and President Donald Trump at the White House. Image: GCIS With the second batch of white Afrikaners having quietly arrived in the United States last week, as part of President Donald Trump's offer to resettle them amidst false claims of white genocide and persecution in South Africa, a discussion has been raised around who exactly can meet the criteria. The second batch is part of a larger group that applied to be resettled within the US, according to the Head of Public Relations for trade union Solidarity, Jaco Kleynhans. Kleynhans further shared that there have been 70,000 enquiries and so far there have been about 8,000 formal applications. 'How many people will be resettled will be determined by many factors – how many people apply in future, (and) how many applications are successful?' Explaining their role in the process, Kleynhans said: 'We are not involved at all. We only help people with enquiries and refer them to the right people at the embassy.' A US Mission to South Africa spokesperson said: 'The U.S. Embassy in Pretoria continues to review inquiries from individuals who have expressed interest to the Embassy in resettling to the United States and is reaching out to eligible individuals for refugee interviews and processing.' 'Refugees continue to arrive in the United States from South Africa on commercial flights as part of the Afrikaner resettlement program's ongoing operations.' In their records, the spokesperson said they have received almost 50,000 inquiries regarding refugee resettlement to the United States from South Africa. Afrikaners waiting to be briefed by US government officials in a hangar at Dulles International Airport, Washington on May 12, 2025. Image: AFP According to the criteria, to be eligible for US resettlement consideration (USRAP), individuals must meet all of the following criteria: Must be of South African nationality; and Must be of Afrikaner ethnicity or be a member of a racial minority in South Africa; and Must be able to articulate a past experience of persecution or fear of future persecution. In his IOL opinion piece this week, Clyde N.S. Ramalaine argued that the criteria used, has opened an unexpected opportunity to examine how it could inadvertently apply to other historically marginalised South African groups, 'particularly the KhoeSan and Coloured communities'. 'The original purpose of the USRAP criteria appears to have been the protection of white South Africans fearing political and land displacement. However, its language is broad enough to permit reinterpretation. 'A literal application of its three criteria—nationality, minority status, and persecution—clearly allows for KhoeSan and Coloured inclusion,' Ramalaine said. Pan South African Language Board (PanSALB) CEO, Lance Schultz, explained that the word "Afrikaner" derives from the Dutch word Afrikaan, meaning "African," combined with the suffix -er, which denotes a person associated with a place or characteristic. 'Thus, 'Afrikaner' literally means 'one from Africa' or 'African' in Dutch.' Schultz explained that initially, "Afrikaner" was a broad term that could apply to anyone born in Africa, including people of mixed descent or even enslaved individuals, but over time, it became more narrowly associated with the white, Dutch-speaking settler population who developed a distinct cultural and linguistic identity separate from their European origins. 'Many views or schools of thought may exist regarding the historical origin of the word 'Afrikaner'; two of these can be explored. Firstly, the term 'Afrikaner' is regarded as having its roots in the Dutch colonial history of South Africa, and it refers to white Afrikaans-speaking persons. 'The term was initially used to describe people of European descent, primarily Dutch, who settled in southern Africa and identified with the continent as their home. This reflects the complex interplay of language, culture, and identity in the region,' Schultz said. He explained that the term "Afrikaner" has undergone significant changes in meaning, usage, and connotation since its emergence in the 17th century, reflecting shifts in historical, social, and political contexts in South Africa. 'After the end of apartheid in 1994, the term 'Afrikaner' became more contested. It remains primarily associated with white, Afrikaans-speaking South Africans, but is increasingly debated in terms of inclusivity. Some advocate for a broader definition that includes all Afrikaans speakers, regardless of race, such as Coloured and Black Afrikaans-speaking communities,' Schultz said. 'The legacy of apartheid has made 'Afrikaner' a polarising term for some, associated with historical oppression, while others view it as a cultural or linguistic identity divorced from political connotations. In modern South Africa, Afrikaner identity is diverse, with some embracing globalised or progressive values and others holding onto conservative or nationalist sentiments.' Head of Public Relations for trade union Solidarity, Jaco Kleynhans said that there have been 70,000 enquiries about US President Donald Trump's resettlement offer and so far there have been about 8,000 formal applications. Image: Graphic He explained that the categorising of who does and doesn't count as part of a specific ethnic group, such as "Afrikaner" in the context of Trump's 2025 executive order, involves navigating complex linguistic, cultural, and political terrain. 'This policy has spotlighted the term 'Afrikaner' and raised questions about its definition, revealing language pitfalls that can lead to exclusion, misrepresentation, or manipulation of ethnic identity.' He added that ethnic categories like "Afrikaner" often blend linguistic, cultural, ancestral, and racial elements, but vague or inconsistent definitions can lead to misinterpretation or exclusion. 'The executive order appears to define 'Afrikaner' narrowly as white, Afrikaans-speaking South Africans, aligning with historical apartheid-era usage that excluded non-white Afrikaans speakers, such as the Coloured community, who form a significant portion of Afrikaans speakers. This exclusionary framing ignores the linguistic diversity of Afrikaans speakers and reinforces a racialised interpretation of the term.' Director at the Centre for Education Rights and Transformation from the University of Johannesburg, Professor June Bam-Hutchison, added that the Trump administration is instrumentalising an apartheid white racist notion of 'Afrikaner' as 'embedded within Afrikaner nationalism which mutated into the ethnic foundations of the 'chosen people' (white Afrikaners)'. 'Of course, indigenous people and Africans have never been at the heart of Trump's interests. Since 1994, we have embraced a South African inclusivity, rejecting 'Colouredism' as it has a nasty Apartheid history of imposed dislocation from Africa. 'It would be foolish to believe that Trump's presidency, in this gesture from its embassy, includes indigenous people from anywhere in the world, although opportunistic ethnic nationalists would want to claim refugee status to further Apartheid ideals of divide and rule. Such claims are questionable within this context,' Bam-Hutchison said. Bam-Hutchison said Trump's actions are about entrenching global white supremacy, and the strategic positioning politically and economically on the continent. 'Should 'Coloureds' claim refugee status on the grounds stated, it would be merely opportunistic in a country which brutally dispossessed the Native American people and in which the Black Lives Matter movement has major unsettled business with the Trump administration. 'Definitely, a highly suspicious gesture peppered with significant and glaring contradictions for the world to see at a time of live genocide in Gaza,' Bam-Hutchison said. When asked if even people from the Cape Flats, who see themselves as 'Afrikaners', could also apply, Kleynhans said, 'Yes'. 'The entire process has been discredited by many in the mainstream media, as well as in the South African government. We find this despicable. The US government has the right to offer refugee status to anyone they wish. 'Furthermore, many Afrikaners experience serious discrimination and persecution. Many Afrikaners feel completely alienated from the country they love so much. This is a tragedy. Furthermore, our main focus as Solidarity has always been and is to ensure that Afrikaners can remain in South Africa,' Kleynhans said. 'We do not want Afrikaners to feel that they have lost all hope for a future in South Africa. We will therefore continue to fight for a future for Afrikaners in South Africa.' Head of Public Relations for trade union Solidarity, Jaco Kleynhans said that there have been 70,000 enquiries, so far there have been about 8,000 formal applications. Image: Graphic
IOL News
02-06-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
The Unintended Consequences of US Refugee Policy for South African Minorities
Members of the Khoi and San community camped outside the Union Building in 2019 demanding that their rights be recognised. Image: Oupa Mokoena/African News Agency (ANA) Clyde N.S. Ramalaine The recent resettlement of 49 South Africans, described as 'Afrikaners', to the United States under refugee status via the US Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) has drawn public ridicule, suspicion, and commentary. While some predict their imminent return to sunny South Africa, the event offers an unexpected opportunity to examine how USRAP's criteria could inadvertently apply to other historically marginalised South African groups, particularly the KhoeSan and Coloured communities. This article does not support or validate the ideological narratives of groups like AfriForum or Solidarity, who claim persecution under terms like 'white genocide.' Such claims are unsubstantiated, racially selective, and morally indefensible. Instead, this article offers a literal and policy-driven reading of USRAP's eligibility framework, focusing not on its intentions but on its possible implications for marginalised non-white South African identities. USRAP eligibility criteria Under Executive Order 14204, USRAP permits applications from South Africans who meet three conditions: Must be of South African nationality; Must be of Afrikaner ethnicity or a member of a racial minority; Must articulate past persecution or fear of future persecution. Although influenced by racialised narratives of white Afrikaner persecution, the policy does not explicitly exclude non-white groups. This opens an interpretive doorway that, when read literally and consistently, may qualify KhoeSan and Coloured South Africans—groups with longstanding, legitimate claims of marginalisation. South African nationality - A contested construct The idea of a unified 'South African nationality' is not neutral or straightforward. South African identity has been deeply shaped by colonial conquest, apartheid-era racial division, and selective post-apartheid nation-building. Far from a cohesive category, 'South African' is an ongoing site of contestation, haunted by economic inequality, cultural marginalisation, and incomplete reconciliation. Under apartheid, nationality was fractured across pseudo-ethnic 'homelands.' Today, the uncritically adopted 'Rainbow Nation' rhetoric fails to conceal the persistence of racial and spatial disparities. For many, especially KhoeSan and Coloured South Africans, national identity remains fractured, imposed, and weaponised against their claims to full inclusion and recognition. Afrikaner identity - An exclusionary social construct The term 'Afrikaner' has always been a politically fluid concept. It was only in the 20th century, under apartheid, that it solidified as a synonym for white Afrikaans speakers. However, Afrikaans itself is a Creole language born at the Cape from African, European, and Asian linguistic influences. Millions of non-white South Africans—particularly the KhoeSan and Coloured communities—speak Afrikaans as their mother tongue and have made significant contributions to its literary and cultural legacy. If 'Afrikaner' is used to denote those rooted in Africa who speak Afrikaans, then the most authentic claimants are arguably the KhoeSan and Coloured peoples. To exclude them is to perpetuate apartheid's racial gatekeeping. The USRAP, though likely intending to privilege white identities, inadvertently opens space for those previously denied recognition within the very cultural matrix it seeks to protect. The notion of a "white Afrikaner" as a uniquely persecuted category is built on historical erasure. Afrikaner culture is not racially homogeneous. Its racialisation is a mid-20th-century political invention, not a cultural or linguistic truth. If USRAP implicitly assumes whiteness under the 'Afrikaner' identity, it contradicts its own stated openness. Racial minorities - Recognition beyond whiteness The policy's second clause, which asserts, 'or a member of a racial minority', broadens the scope for inclusion. Here, the KhoeSan and Coloured groups qualify, both as racial minorities and as communities subjected to historical persecution and contemporary marginalisation. The KhoeSan, South Africa's first people, have endured centuries of displacement, genocide, and erasure. Today, despite growing self-identification, they remain denied official indigeneity and reparative justice. Their exclusion from land reform and identity recognition makes them textbook examples of persecuted minorities. Coloured South Africans, a category created by apartheid to obscure Indigenous ancestry and maintain social control, also remain in a state of political liminality. This imposed identity, still used in state policy, has allowed the post-apartheid government to deny both their indigeneity and their oppression, framing them as 'beneficiaries' of apartheid while excluding them from targeted redress. Post-1994 policy continues to maintain racial categories rooted in apartheid logic. In practice, this has meant retaining the 'Coloured' label to contain indigenous claims and limit state accountability. Despite Steve Biko's inclusive definition of Black Consciousness, embracing all non-white oppressed peoples, the state's operational framework reserves 'African' identity for Nguni-Bantu groups, excluding KhoeSan and Coloured communities from full African identification and associated redress. A policy that outruns Its intentions The original purpose of the USRAP criteria appears to have been the protection of white South Africans fearing political and land displacement. However, its language is broad enough to permit reinterpretation. A literal application of its three criteria—nationality, minority status, and persecution—clearly allows for KhoeSan and Coloured inclusion. If USRAP is truly about offering refuge to marginalised South Africans, then KhoiSan and Coloured communities not only qualify but arguably embody the policy's intent more authentically than the white Afrikaners it was implicitly designed to protect. The US Refugee Admissions Program, though politically motivated and ideologically framed, unintentionally exposes the contradictions in South African identity politics and racial categorisation. Its criteria, if interpreted without racial bias, could provide an unexpected platform for historically marginalised communities like the KhoeSan and Coloured peoples to assert claims long denied by the South African state. This article is not an endorsement of emigration as a political solution. Rather, it is a call to critically examine how refugee policy, constructed with one ideological target in mind, might unintentionally illuminate deeper questions of identity, marginalisation, and justice. USRAP, as worded, opens a policy loophole. This gateway challenges racialised assumptions about Afrikaner identity and repositions the conversation around who truly qualifies as persecuted in post-apartheid South Africa.
