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Rudaw Net
09-07-2025
- Politics
- Rudaw Net
DEM Party urges concrete steps from Turkey as PKK braces to disarm
Also in Interview DEM Party urges legal, judicial reforms as PKK prepares to disarm Germany must recognize Kurds by ethnicity: Kurdish-German MP Kurdish education won't divide Turkey, says politician Diplomacy with Tehran fading as Israel-Iran tensions escalate: Ex-US negotiator A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - With the first group of Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) fighters scheduled to disarm on Friday, July 11, Tuncer Bakirhan, co-chair of Turkey's pro-Kurdish Peoples' Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party), spoke to Rudaw about the prospects for peace and urged the Turkish government to respond with concrete measures. In an interview with Rudaw's Shawkat Harki aired on Tuesday, Bakirhan confirmed that his party will attend the PKK disarmament ceremony in Sulaimani. He stated that the initial group expected to disarm will include "30 to 40 members" of the PKK, who will formally lay down and destroy their weapons. Bakirhan also said a message from jailed PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan is expected to be delivered during the ceremony. "Without his [Ocalan's] message, the PKK itself has said they won't proceed [with disarmament]," he explained. "Mr. Ocalan's message is essential." He noted there is a "high possibility" the message will be delivered in video format. Friday's event marks a significant step in a broader peace initiative spearheaded by the DEM Party, aimed at resolving the four-decade conflict between the PKK and the Turkish state - a conflict that has claimed more than 40,000 lives, primarily PKK fighters. In May, the PKK announced its intention to dissolve, following a February appeal by Ocalan to abandon armed struggle in favor of a political resolution focused on Kurdish rights. Ankara has cautiously welcomed the announcement, with Turkish officials emphasizing the need for concrete steps to fully complete the disarmament process. The PKK, in turn, has called for democratic reforms and greater cultural and political rights for Kurds as prerequisites for sustainable peace. With the PKK preparing to disarm, Bakirhan stressed that 'the ball is now in the government's court.' He called on the Turkish state to respond with democratic reforms, including recognition of Kurdish language rights, the release of political prisoners, and the restoration of political freedoms. 'There are currently an estimated 300,000 to 400,000 people in prison, including our party's co-chairs, parliamentarians, and elected mayors,' he said. Bakirhan also urged the swift formation of a parliamentary commission to oversee the reintegration of former fighters and address broader Kurdish issues through legislation. The DEM Party co-chair further praised the Kurdistan Region's constructive role in the peace process, noting, "From the beginning of the peace process until now, the Kurdistan Region has played a positive role. Their statements and actions have greatly contributed to this effort." The following is the full transcript of the interview. Rudaw: Greetings and respect to our dear Rudaw viewers. At a time of significant developments in Ankara, public and political attention is focused on the upcoming PKK disarmament ceremony. Meanwhile, serious negotiations are underway to create a new constitution and establish a parliamentary commission. Most recently, as is known, a delegation from the DEM Party visited Imrali Island and met with respected Mr. [Abdullah] Ocalan. In light of this, we are at the DEM Party headquarters. Our guest today is the co-chair of the DEM Party, respected Mr. Tuncer Bakirhan. We will ask him questions about current issues. First of all, welcome. Tuncer Bakirhan: Thank you, welcome to our center. I also greet your viewers and the Rudaw TV staff. We see each other often, especially out in the field, but this is our first time doing a formal interview like this. Yes, we've met many times, but this is our first interview together. I 'd like to start with the most pressing issue. As you know, a delegation from your party visited Imrali Island and met with Mr. Ocalan. What was his latest message regarding the PKK disarmament process? Yes, this is indeed a very important and historic process. The war has lasted 40 years, with great losses on both the Kurdish side and the State. Mr. Ocalan has expressed that this war must end, that weapons should be laid down, removed from the environment, and that democratic politics should take precedence. He made a call to his party, the PKK, and they responded in a historic way. The PKK agreed to lay down arms at his request and convened a congress to announce this. On the 11th of this month, there will be a disarmament ceremony. We will attend, and it will take place in the Kurdistan Region. Representatives from Turkish political parties, labor, women's, and youth organizations are also expected to be present. God willing, it will happen successfully and continue safely. The Respected Mr. Ocalan has said that weapons were once a necessary tool during the era of real socialism, 30-40 years ago. It was a very important tool and instrument during the era of real socialism. But now that phase is over. The Kurdish people have led a great struggle and built a strong organization. Today, both Kurds and their rights are increasingly recognized. While legal and political steps may still be lacking, even the government and non-racist segments of society now acknowledge the existence of the Kurdish people and talk about their rights. God willing, after disarmament, the Parliament will take a leading role. A commission will be established, and all parties in Parliament will be represented in it. Legal and political matters will be addressed there. You mentioned the ceremony will be held on the 11th. Some say it will be in Sulaimani and that preparations are underway. I'm curious - will a message from Mr. Ocalan be shared during the ceremony, either in writing or via video? Certainly there will be a message from him. Without his message, the PKK itself said we won't do it. Mr. Ocalan's message is necessary. There will be a message from him. His message will outline the path of democratic politics for both the party and the State. We are also curious and eager to hear what he will say during the ceremony. Is there a chance Mr. Ocalan's message will be in video format? I say there is a high possibility that it will be a video. After the DEM Party delegation returned from Imrali, they met with you and with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. What topics were discussed in the meeting with the Turkish President? The truth is that the Kurdish question is clear. Our delegation met with Mr. Erdogan after a 2-3 hour meeting with Mr. Ocalan on Imrali Island. They likely conveyed his message. We've held thousands of meetings before, and they may have communicated the demands of our people or discussed a roadmap. At this stage, the major responsibility lies on the shoulders of the respected on the shoulders of the government and parliament. Until now, they said the problem was the PKK and the weapons. After the 11th, that issue will no longer be on the table. The ball will be in the government's court. Legal and political rights for Kurds, language rights, the issue of political prisoners, and the trustee system will become key topics. Now that the PKK is laying down arms - a positive step in our view - democratic steps must follow. People want peace. As we travel across Turkey, we hear this from everyone: Turks, Kurds, Arabs, women, and men. But until now, the government's actions so far haven't inspired confidence. The government needs to gain the nation's trust now and it needs to take democratic steps for this. For example, there are 300 to 400 thousand people currently in jail. They arrested our co-chairs, our parliamentarians, our mayors. Trustees were appointed in contradiction to the will of the people. A solution needs to be found for this. People are afraid to express their opinions publicly or on social media. Opposition mayors are being arrested. If there is peace, why do such things still happen? We don't want peace just between Kurds and the government - we want peace for all of Turkey: with Kurds, Alawites, youth, and everyone. The Kurdish and Turkish issues should come to the table. The parliament and the commission should work on Kurdish language rights and political rights, as well as on the demands of the Alawites. You mentioned the ceremony on the 11th, which the world is watching. What will the program look like? How many PKK members will disarm? Will the weapons be burned or handed over? Do you have any technical information? We don't know many details yet. We're guests at the event. Probably around 30–40 PKK militants - more or less - will disarm. That is the beginning. If the government's intention is genuine, disarmament will grow and larger groups will lay down arms in future ceremonies. But for that to happen, laws need to be passed: what will these fighters do? Where will they go? Their families and lives are here. They need a plan, but this is the first step, and I believe it will continue gradually. There has been a long history of efforts to resolve the Kurdish question. Since 1993 many attempts have been made. Are you afraid that this atmosphere will once again fall apart, or are you more hopeful this time? Of course, every possibility exists. We believe in ourselves, we believe in our people. We have been among the people for the last 3-4 months. Our faith is greater this time. Because we all see the developments in the Middle East. There are threats and pressures. Against these threats, democracy is the greatest security. Turkey also knows this well. Either we will become like the Middle East, or we will be a democratic country and solve Turkey's problems. Our faith is greater this time. Because we know the government also has a need, the state also has a need. Everyone is tired - the state, families, the Kurdish people. This war has raged on for 40–45 years. Turkey's economy is also suffering. People know that war spending takes away from their own bread and livelihood. This time, society-wide faith is greater. Turkey faces threats and pressures in the Middle East; democracy is the best security. Turkey could either follow the path of regional turmoil, or it could become a true democracy and resolve its problems. We have greater optimism this time. But we must be careful of provocations, especially in this region. God willing, I believe it can succeed. There are threats and pressures. Against these threats, democracy is the greatest security. Turkey knows this well. Either we become like the rest of the Middle East, or we become a democratic country and solve Turkey's problems. Our faith is greater this time, because we know the government also has needs - the state also has needs. We are all tired. The state is tired, families are tired. This war has gone on for 40 to 45 years. Everyone wants it to end now. This war is also damaging Turkey's economy. Those who are struggling financially also want the war to end. They know very well that the money spent on war is their bread and olive money. Their money is going to this war. This time, it's not just our faith - everyone has faith. In this regard, our belief is strong. We are not engaging in politics or tactics - we truly want this resolved. Are there provocations? Yes, there are. This is Turkey, this is the Middle East. Therefore, we need to be very careful - with our language, our words, and our actions. God willing, I believe it will succeed this time. There is also serious public support. The Rawest Research Center in Diyarbakir conducted research showing that 65 percent of Turks and 81 percent of Kurds support this process. Doesn't this increase your faith? How do you see this support? Yes, yes, this is very important. If there's no public support, what can we do? The government sees this too. Initially, they had some hesitation, but centers like Rawest and other research institutes conducted surveys and saw that the public supports this process. As you can see, the government came around. That's a good thing. When the nation is involved and gives support, success is more likely. The people's support and demands increase our belief. You're right. Let me also ask about the [main opposition Republican People's Party] CHP's stance. People - both Kurds and Turks - support this process. But does the CHP, as the main opposition, recognize this public support? How do you see the CHP's stance? Honestly, the CHP's initial stance was very good. We, along with the Imrali delegation, met with them 3 to 4 times. We visited each other. But recently, pressure on them has increased. Their mayors were arrested, trustees appointed, and this pressure continues. So, they've shown some hesitation. Yesterday, we visited them again - our delegation made contact. The Imrali delegation may visit again soon. The CHP's involvement is very important. It's now the first party. Whether we accept it or not, if they support this work, things will move better and faster. We want them at the table - to sit with them and hear their views. Their stance is not bad. You know there are nationalist elements within, but their leadership has been good - they haven't opposed this process. They have offered some support, which is appreciated. Not just the CHP - all organizations in Turkey need to be involved in this work. The more helpers this process has, the easier and more successful it will be. So, when we meet with the government, we always say: this is not just about us and the AKP. This is everyone's process - for all of Turkey. Therefore, everyone in Turkey needs to be involved. The door must be open to all. The government falls short here - it tries to keep the opposition out of this work. We share our words, demands, and values with the government on this. There is a plan for a small group of PKK members to lay down weapons on the 11th of the month, as you mentioned. In your opinion, when will the PKK completely disarm? What will happen to guerrillas who lay down arms - will they return to Turkey, stay in the Kurdistan Region, or go elsewhere? Has any plan or strategy been made? Probably, the state has preparations. Globally, whenever combatants disarm and peace is made, there are procedures. There have been 56 examples worldwide. Some were successful, others are ongoing. Those that succeeded found good solutions - those who laid down weapons returned to social and political life, went home, engaged in politics, became regular citizens, and their cases were closed. They helped the peace process. It should be like that now too. Those who disarm will have to return. But initially, we'll need to see the government's sincerity. If the state is sincere, all weapons will be laid down. In Turkish, we say 'road cleaning' must be done. That's why we say the parliamentary commission is very important - this work must be done in parliament. If the commission is formed quickly, the parliament speaker will have a key role. This commission must address topics like: what happens to those who disarm, where they go, and how they reintegrate. We want them to return to their country, to their families and friends. Mr. Ocalan has said so too. Once peace is made, we shouldn't overanalyze who comes, who doesn't, who stays or leaves. Our main concern should be achieving peace. The rest are just procedures - details, not the heart of the matter. But I believe the organization will closely watch the government's response after the initial disarmament. If the government is sincere - I've been in politics for 30 to 40 years, and I've seen many similar processes that didn't work - this time the PKK also seems sincere. Their words and actions show this. They responded very quickly to the respected Mr. Ocalan. That's unprecedented globally. Usually, disarmament divides organizations - some disarm, some don't, some leave, some stay. They aren't completely unified. But this time, Turkey has a unique opportunity, because Mr. Ocalan exists. His will is recognized by both the organization and the Kurdish people. I believe the government's approach will bring a quick resolution, step by step - it's now in their hands. You mentioned the commission. This has been on the agenda for some time. What stage is it at now? Has any step been taken? If a commission is formed, what will its mission, goal, and role be? What laws will regulate its work? The parliament speaker needs to meet with the parties. Proposals for the commission have been submitted. We also submitted our proposals. Today, the CHP submitted theirs too. I believe the Speaker is collecting all views and working on a formula - for the commission's name, its content, what role it will have, how much authority it will hold, its legislative power. These are all key issues. We say: gather everyone's input. The parliament is the address for a solution. The Speaker told the group leaders that he's working on this - gathering views from all parties that will be part of the commission - and once a formula is agreed upon, work will begin. The commission will address what laws are needed for those who disarm, prisons, trustees, and economic concerns. This is also an economic issue. For hundreds of years, the Kurdish territories have lacked economic investment and services. If this issue is solved, we must work on that too. Regarding the commission, the Speaker says work is ongoing. After the disarmament ceremony, progress may speed up. There's also talk of a new constitution. All political parties say the current one, made after a coup, should be replaced. Is any work being done? How will Kurds and Turks be defined? Will Kurdish language and rights be part of it? Is there a schedule? So far, in our meetings with the government and with Mr. Ocalan, this issue hasn't come to our this hasn't come up. It's still early. You're going step by step... Yes, step by step. The constitution is the final step. First, we need peace and resolution, then Kurdish rights should be recognized constitutionally. We're talking about language, regional democracy, and other problems - all constitutional matters. Is a new constitution needed? Yes - like water and bread. But not now. We are still at the beginning. The constitution is the final stage. It can't be done just through our demands. The opposition must want it, the people must want it, and the people must be involved in its creation. Public input is essential. The constitution will come up eventually - but not now. It's not on our agenda yet. Let's talk about northeast Syria (Rojava). Is Rojava discussed in meetings with Mr. Ocalan, the government, and the president? Or do you view it as separate, with its own issues to resolve? As the DEM Party, our view is clear. Rojava undoubtedly has an influence here. But it also has its own context. Just like we say Amed and Ankara, there are also Qamishli and Damascus. If the process goes well here, the influence will extend there. But that is another country. If things improve here, it will have an impact there, in the Kurdistan Region, in Iraq, and in Eastern Kurdistan (Rojhelat). We tell the state: Kurds are not your enemies. 10 to 15 years ago, you said the Kurdistan Region was a threat. Now your relations with the Region are better than those with states you've had as neighbors for centuries. We remind them: you said the same about the Region before, now your relations are good. It's the same for Rojava - they are not enemies of the Turks or of Turkey. They want their rights. The people there fought for their rights and want a recognized status. Briefly: if things go well here, it will help the situation there. It will ease a solution. Turkey's approach will improve too. You saw - before, they were shelling hospitals and schools with tanks and artillery. That has stopped. That's meaningful to us. People ask, 'What did you gain?' We say: attacks on Rojava stopped - and that's a big deal for us. There's a mutual influence. I asked about Rojava. Let me also ask about the Kurdistan Region. We know you also have relations with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). In this process, your delegations visited both Sulaimani and Erbil. How do you see the Kurdistan Region's stance and role in this process? From the beginning of the peace process until now, the Kurdistan Region has played a positive role. Their statements and actions have greatly contributed to this process. We sincerely thank them. They have done well - and this is exactly what Kurds needed. We are all Kurds. Some of us remain in Iraq, some in Iran, others in Syria. By God, the pain and rights of a Kurd in Kirkuk are our pain and concern too. Just as I know the pain of Qamishli affects them, they feel the sorrow of Amed as well. So, they have taken a very good stance. Their representatives even joined us for Newroz. We held meetings, and we saw clearly that they want this process to succeed. We need to continue the political solidarity and unity that has emerged among Kurds over the last five or six months. We must support one another in our struggles for rights, justice, and political recognition. We are one nation - we share one language and one geography. But we are citizens of different countries. Now, the Kurdistan Region should focus more on advancing Kurdish unity. Respected Öcalan has emphasized the importance of Kurdish unity. He suggested that a national conference should be held, and that respected Mr. Masoud Barzani could preside over it. These are significant steps. Just three or four years ago, this was unimaginable. There were walls between Kurds. But through this process, those walls have begun to fall. Personally, I'm very pleased - and our party is pleased as well. God willing, this will continue. This process will carry on. We will continue our visits and meetings. We'll exchange ideas, share our demands, and listen to theirs. I see things progressing well, and I am optimistic. We will keep focusing on Kurdish unity, but of course, the Kurdistan Regional Government must also be in good shape. The Middle East is in turmoil - governments are collapsing, war is widespread - and this saddens us. If there were a stronger and more stable government there, things would be easier. Both we and they want this. We must play a leading role in internal Kurdish unity. And if this process places any responsibility on their shoulders, by God, they will fulfill it. We have full faith in that. The peace process also brought Kurds closer to one another. Yes, you're absolutely right. Until now, each group had pursued its own political path. But now, I see that there is a shared, collective Kurdish political consciousness emerging. That's a very positive development. With the launch of this process, one of the best outcomes has been that our collective demands, voice, and stance have become more unified. We need to carry this forward. As you know, apart from the PKK guerrillas, there are also the Kurdistan Community Union (KCK) and PKK administrators. After the disarmament, once weapons are laid down, what will happen to them? Is there a plan? Will they return to Turkey, go to another country, or stay in the Kurdistan Region? There may very well be a plan, but so far this issue hasn't been brought to us. If it had, I would have told you. But I'm sure there is a plan. As for where they will stay - whether in the Kurdistan Region or somewhere else - it's still too early to say. These matters will become clearer in the coming days, and we'll be able to give you proper answers then. You will also be holding your party congress as the DEM Party. Respected Mr. Ocalan proposed changing the party's name to the Democratic Republic Party. At this congress, will there be a name change? What changes might be made to your party's platform? By God, the biggest benefit of this process has been for the DEM Party. A significant space has opened up for us - and will continue to open. Until now, we have been oppressed and arrested. People were afraid to even come near our party. They were afraid to attend our events, our programs. But if a democratic space is truly established, it will be incredibly beneficial for us. This also means we will grow - our base will expand. And as we grow, we also need to strengthen and prepare ourselves. In terms of knowledge, in terms of numbers - we have friends who are very capable. We will renew ourselves. With our strength, alliances, and organization, new days lie ahead. We are already working on this. My last question - but actually, it's not mine. A few days ago, I was in Gever. As Rudaw, you know we visit the Region often. While in Gever, located in Hakkari Province, southeastern Turkey, a citizen asked me: 'After the peace process, will Selahattin Demirtas be released?' I told him, 'That answer is not mine to give, but when I go to Ankara, I will ask the respected Tuncer Bakirhan.' So I'm asking now: Will respected Selahattin Demirtas, your imprisoned co-chairs, parliamentarians, and mayors be released at the end of this process? Let me put it this way - if they are not released, then there is no process. If the process is truly successful, no one will remain in prison. President Selahattin, President Figen, Leyla Guven, Ayse Gurkan… if I were to list every name, I wouldn't finish even in three or four hours. One of the key aspects of this process is the issue of prisons - our arrested and exiled friends. There are also thousands of our friends in the Kurdistan Region. Some are from the KCK, some from the PKK - not those who engage in our politics, but those the state has punished. The truth is, they've done nothing to deserve punishment. But as you know, our political movement has faced extreme oppression until now. All of them will return. All those in prisons will be released. If this doesn't happen, then the process isn't going in the right direction. Many thanks for your time. Would you like to share a final message? Thank you - I'm very pleased. This is the first time I've given an interview in Kurdish. God willing, our people will be pleased too. Now we will be more courageous - maybe we'll even begin giving reports and speeches in our own language. I thank you as well. May your home be prosperous. Your television station plays an important role. I know this well. Both among Kurds and throughout the Middle East, people listen to you. Whatever responsibility falls on your shoulders, you must carry it out. The media language in Turkey has become toxic - there is a real need for clean language. And we believe you are among those who uphold that standard. I wish you success. I wish success to everyone. God willing, we will share better news with our people - better news for the people of Kurdistan - through your platform. I send my greetings to your entire staff, and to our nation - the nation of Kurdistan.
Rudaw Net
06-07-2025
- Politics
- Rudaw Net
DEM Party urges legal, judicial reforms as PKK prepares to disarm
Also in Interview Germany must recognize Kurds by ethnicity: Kurdish-German MP Kurdish education won't divide Turkey, says politician Diplomacy with Tehran fading as Israel-Iran tensions escalate: Ex-US negotiator German official urges strict migration policies, welcomes PKK dissolution A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - As some members of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) prepare to disarm, signaling a new phase in the peace process with the Turkish state, a lawmaker from Turkey's main pro-Kurdish Peoples' Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party) is urging Ankara to take concrete steps - chief among them, the formation of a parliamentary commission to draft a legal framework for the reintegration of PKK fighters. In an interview with Rudaw, Sezai Temelli emphasized that while the PKK's expected move to lay down arms represents a "very important stage," the 'bird of peace cannot fly with one wing,' stressing that the Turkish state must reciprocate with meaningful action. The DEM Party has been leading a months-long initiative aimed at resolving the four-decade-long conflict between the PKK and the Turkish government, which has claimed over 40,000 lives - mainly PKK fighters. In May, the PKK announced its intention to dissolve and end its armed campaign, responding to a February appeal by their imprisoned leader, Abdullah Ocalan, who urged the group to lay down arms and seek a political path to securing Kurdish rights in Turkey. Ankara has cautiously welcomed the PKK's declaration but insists that disarmament must be followed by verifiable steps before it can be considered complete. The PKK, for its part, expects democratic reforms from the Turkish government in return. The DEM Party is currently advocating for a series of key measures - foremost among them is the rapid establishment of a parliamentary commission. 'By establishing the commission and implementing the necessary legal guarantees and infrastructure, all required legal regulations can be put into practice,' Temelli said. He posed a critical question: 'What will happen to those who put down their weapons?' - underscoring that this conflict cannot be resolved 'merely by disarmament.' In addition to the proposed commission, the DEM Party is placing its hopes in upcoming judicial reform packages expected in October, which would address the needs of the "very large population" negatively impacted by the decades-long conflict. These reforms aim to undo 'all the injustices and bad practices created by the judiciary up until now,' Temelli noted, including addressing the situations of former combatants, political prisoners, and those in exile. Temelli also highlighted the important role played by the Kurdistan Region in the peace process, particularly praising the contributions of preeminent Kurdish leader and Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) head Masoud Barzani, and Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani. PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan himself has expressed gratitude for the leadership in the Kurdistan Region, emphasizing the importance of Kurdish "national unity, solidarity, brotherhood, and joint actions among the Kurds." Temelli echoed this sentiment, stressing that any positive development in one part of the broader geography can have a constructive impact on the whole. Below is the full transcript of the interview with Temelli. Rudaw: The peace process is now evolving into a new phase. What awaits Turkey and the process, especially after the PKK's push to lay down its arms, which is expected to begin to take place in the Kurdistan Region these coming days? What concrete steps do you expect to be taken by the government? Sezai Temelli: Yes, the subject of the process evolving into a new phase has been discussed extensively. There have been intense comments on this, especially in the past week. After Mr. Ocalan's statement in his manifesto on February 27, after that historic step, Turkey, like the rest of the world, has actually been fixated on this subject. Many speculated on what would happen next, how the movement would react. Then on May 12, the PKK convened its congress and made its decision on this matter. After that, there was another waiting period, and in Turkey, there was a very intense discussion of yes, the PKK made this decision, but will the weapons actually be laid down? From the recent statements made by the PKK and elsewhere, we understand that very soon there will be a laying down of weapons - a ceremony of sorts. We cannot yet specify the exact name clearly because the details have not been fully disclosed, but such a laying down of weapons will take place. This is, of course, a very important stage. This development, expected initially on February 27, then May 12, and now in the coming days, clearly shows big, strong, and determined steps. It shows important progress. But you will remember there was an important discussion in Turkey: this bird of peace cannot fly with one wing. One wing is taking solid steps, changing history, making very important statements, but the other wing must also act. This is precisely where the answer to your question lies. In response to all these steps, there must be action in Turkish politics - in the government, the state, and politics as a whole - so that this bird of peace can spread both wings and fly. As the DEM Party, we are particularly waiting for a few steps. As a requirement of democratic politics, these steps need to be taken. One of these is the establishment of this commission. By establishing the commission and putting it into practice, especially with legal guarantees and the necessary legal infrastructure, all required legal regulations can be implemented through this commission. This must be put into practice because, look, let's say weapons are laid down - what will happen to those who put down their weapons? Politics must provide the answer to this question. This commission, parliament, government, and state will need to do what is necessary to answer it. Because this issue will not be resolved merely by disarmament. One side of the equation is complete, but what will happen next? The question of what comes next has actually been neglected and delayed until now, but we hope that after this move to lay down weapons, this delay will be compensated. The commission should be established as soon as possible to fulfill the legal requirements and begin its work immediately. No one can tolerate these delays anymore; no one wants to wait. Secondly, regulations can be made regarding the judiciary in the field of democratic politics. As you know, the 10th judicial package was released in Turkey last month. It pleased no one and did not meet expectations. But the Ministry announced that the 11th and 12th judicial packages will come in October. We hope that with these judicial packages, for those who lay down their arms, those in prison, those in exile, and those negatively affected by this long conflict period - which involves a very large population - all the injustices and bad practices created by the judiciary up to now will be eliminated. Turkey will truly end the conflicts, gain the opportunity to build peace, and ensure social peace. All of these issues are interconnected. One of the most curious topics among the public is the situation of PKK members who have laid down their weapons. In your opinion, what kind of legal steps should be taken for the reintegration of these people into society? Yes, no steps have been taken so far. It is necessary to ensure that these steps are taken by the commission. Until today, there has been a legal, judicial, and political system shaped by the period of conflict and war. Now, if the conflicts are ending and peace is coming, then the legal system, judiciary, and politics must change and transform accordingly. Otherwise, it is impossible to continue on our path with the old understanding of law and the old judicial system. Therefore, this commission must work rapidly on these issues in particular. Those who lay down their weapons and end this struggle will now continue their struggle within democratic politics. They will do politics. Now, this right to do politics and political freedoms, along with new regulations regarding the judiciary, are needed. How can it be otherwise? All of these questions need answers. Right now, there are no answers to these questions in Turkey yet, because Turkey has not yet seriously discussed these issues politically. Our hope is to discuss these through this commission. Thousands of people are in prison, hundreds of thousands in exile, past grievances remain, and the future of the armed forces is uncertain. There are many issues, and we cannot afford to lose any more time. The government, executive, and parliament should act responsibly and start their work through this commission as soon as possible. Many AKP officials we spoke to mentioned the difficulties of "doing politics under the shadow of weapons" and therefore the challenges in taking steps towards the Kurdish issue. How will the PKK laying down its weapons facilitate your political arena as the largest party representing the Kurds? We are already a party in the field of democratic politics, and we have fought for peace and democratization until today. We will continue this struggle. When weapons are laid down, neither peace nor democracy will come automatically. Yes, after weapons are laid down, we must wage a much stronger struggle in democratic politics so that this peace, the silencing of these weapons, leads to permanent peace, and of course, Turkey becomes democratic. During times of weapons and conflict, the difficulties and shadows of this fell not only on us but limited all politics seriously. Why? Because the government has constantly brought this issue to the forefront - as all governments have until today - not to advance peace, democracy, or human rights, but rather the opposite. Today, an opportunity has been created. That's why Mr. Ocalan's statement on February 27 is a very important step in terms of democratic politics and democracy. Therefore, if the guns fall silent and peace comes, it will only be possible in a democratic republic, a democratized country, with permanent peace. We must do what is necessary for this. That's why greater responsibilities now fall on democratic politics. More important tasks fall on us. I hope we can achieve this together. In recent days, you and Ms. Gulistan Kilic Kocyigit held a series of meetings with both the Turkish justice minister and parliament speaker. What was discussed in these meetings? Is there a new message you would like to convey to the public through us at this stage of the process? Yes, our meetings with the justice minister have focused on current practices. There are very serious problems stemming from these practices: issues related to sick prisoners, sentence delays/extensions, and serious problems caused by prison monitoring boards. Looking at all of this, it is quite possible to take steps to eliminate these negative effects. No new law is needed for these; the justice ministry can take steps within the current legal framework. We discussed this in particular. Previously, our meetings focused on judicial packages, and of course, we expressed our expectations regarding them on every occasion. Regarding the parliament speaker, we discussed the establishment of this commission. We presented our suggestions, and he also looks favorably upon the establishment of the commission as soon as possible. We agreed that it would be implemented quickly and work would begin before the parliament closes. As is known, the situation of PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan, the issue of 'political prisoners' and former HDP Co-Chairs Selahattin Demirtas and Figen Yuksekdag, are among the important agenda items of the process. Have these issues been discussed in your meetings with AKP officials, and has any consensus been reached? Yes, important topics include sick prisoners, sentence extensions/denials, and conspiracy cases, because as you know, Figen Yuksektag, Selahattin Demirtas and many of our friends are imprisoned due to the Kobani conspiracy case. We have raised this issue frequently. Shortly after we did, the court announced the reasoned decision. The reasoned decision consists of 32,000 pages - a record. However, when we took a quick look, we saw there was no evidence in it. It's essentially a grab bag. I even called it a rubbish verdict. This case has no jurisdiction anymore. The case had been dropped long ago, but this judgment confirmed that. We have called for the release of our friends as soon as possible and continue to raise this issue because there is serious injustice, and our friends are literally prisoners now. This issue remains on our agenda and will not change. As a step in the peace process, could the release of Selahattin Demirtas and Figen Yuksekdag be on the agenda in the future? What was the attitude of government officials on this issue in your meetings? Did you see any positive signals or approaches? Of course, our wish is for them to regain their freedom and all their rights as soon as possible. However, we have not received any information or explanation from them. They say the issue is in court, so they offer no further explanation or information. The establishment of a commission in parliament is on the agenda. At what stage is this commission currently? Have you submitted your suggestions as a party? What will be the terms of reference of the commission and when is it expected to become operational? We have presented our suggestions. After the suggestions from other parties reach the parliament speaker and are compiled, the speaker will propose a commission model with the broadest possible consensus based on general suggestions. He will call on the parties, the parties will appoint members, and the commission will hold its first meeting to determine its working method and content. At this stage, suggestions have been conveyed. Of course, our suggestions include that the commission be established as soon as possible, work during the summer vacation, and be legally established. We proposed a size of around 35 members, which we believe is optimal for effective and efficient work. The commission should rapidly establish sub-commissions, especially in the areas of legal regulations, the Turkish Penal Code, delayed/extended sentencing laws, human rights, and discrimination issues. We suggested topics such as legal security after disarmament, the legal status of those who disarmed, those in prison, and victims including those in exile, aligning with our demands. We believe a democratic solution to the Kurdish issue is possible through the work done both in this commission and other areas because the entire society must participate. We emphasized the importance of the commission's connection to society - receiving opinions, suggestions, and information from various segments of the public. The commission must be open and public-facing, always listening to society. We know there are discussions on the name of the commission to be established in parliament. The government's naming of this process as 'Terror-Free Turkey' has been criticized by the public and different circles. Does the DEM Party have a name to suggest? Have you reached any consensus with AKP officials on a common name? We have, of course, established a peace and democratic society. While the commission may not be named exactly for this purpose, it will emphasize peace and democracy, peace and democratic society, peace and democratic republic, and social peace. We believe a suitable name will be agreed upon. We already knew that working with concepts like 'terror-free Turkey' would be difficult. I don't think there will be an insistence on that issue. The aim is really to implement the steps necessary for peace and democracy in Turkey. I do not expect much debate or tension regarding the name. A suitable name will emerge at the first meeting or call of the commission. There is also the issue of the constitution. Are the process and the new constitution work connected or will they run in parallel? Will the new constitution be part of the resolution process? What concrete guarantees for Kurdish rights can be included in the new constitution? There is no constitutional work that has started yet. The government is working internally. The ruling party has formed a commission and is discussing internally, but there is no constitutional commission work in parliament at this time. However, the need for a constitution is often mentioned, and it is said that a civil constitution is needed. We need everything to be civilianized; we need to rid ourselves of the militaristic and authoritarian mindset. But this work will proceed on a separate track. The commission we hope to implement regarding the democratic solution of the Kurdish issue and the constitutional commission will not be intertwined - they will proceed separately. Of course, we hope they feed and support each other positively. If constitutional work is to be implemented, its strategy must be discussed first. Will it target social peace, broad consensus, a new social contract, or proceed with minor patch-ups as before? This strategy is more important than the text itself. A constitution is not written, it is made - it does not fall from the sky. It must be connected to the participation of everyone in society. I hope the constitution-making process will begin with such a democratic understanding, but it is too early for that now. It seems the process is progressing positively. Is this positive atmosphere also reflected in parliamentary dialogue? Recently, there was a heated debate between you and the Chairman of the Justice Committee from the AKP over the Kobani case. How would you describe the general atmosphere of dialogue in parliament? That discussion was important in its own right because the Chairman of the Justice Commission is an expert on justice, a constitutional lawyer and professor, but unfortunately, he had not reviewed the reasoned decision before speaking. He spoke without being informed, leading to serious misinformation and perception management. We responded accordingly to enlighten the public. Generally, since Devlet Bahçeli from the MHP benches came over to our benches and shook hands with us on October 1, I can say the general atmosphere in parliament is increasingly based on dialogue - with the ruling party, its partner, and opposition parties. Tensions arise occasionally due to the nature of daily politics, but putting aside the rigid stances of one or two parties on the democratic solution of the Kurdish issue, in general, the issue must be resolved. This step taken is very important and valuable. The idea that the PKK should take necessary steps in politics after laying down arms is gaining dominance, but we are still working to overcome blockages in taking this step. I hope the commission will succeed. The DEM Party Imrali delegation is expected to meet with the Turkish President on Monday. What will be your main demands from Mr. Erdogan as the DEM Party? I hope so. Our DEM Party Imrali delegation has been making statements before, during, and after this work to inform the public, so I leave this part to them. They will hold a meeting on the ninth and will provide appropriate statements about their demands, what was discussed, and what will follow. Afterwards, our delegation will go to İmralı. I hope all meetings will be positive. So far, no negative statements have come from anywhere. I hope it continues like this. How do you evaluate the contribution of the Kurdistan Region, especially the preeminent Kurdish leader and head of Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) head Masoud Barzani and Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani, to the process? Mr. Ocalan has already emphasized in his statement how important national unity, solidarity, brotherhood, and joint actions among the Kurds are. I share this belief. All developments across the four parts of the broader Kurdish geography are interconnected. A positive development in one region has the potential to impact the others positively. Therefore, this peace process will bring positive effects across the entire region. We are grateful for everyone's efforts, and I believe that all parties will contribute as strongly as possible. Mr. Barzani and other leaders are key figures in this regard. This is our collective struggle for freedom, peace, and democracy. We will continue forward with this spirit of solidarity and mutual understanding. This is of great importance, and our observations indicate that meaningful progress is indeed being made in this direction. I hope this momentum continues. Finally, it is known that PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan requested a meeting with the preeminent Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani and the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) chief Mazloum Abdi. Have there been any concrete steps taken toward this meeting? How is the government approaching this request? I sincerely hope it happens. However, we have not received any concrete information on this matter. In other words, no official updates have been shared with us so far. Still, we remain hopeful. We hope that these meetings will take place and that the current government and the state will recognize how important such dialogue and relationships are for addressing the Kurdish issue and building a shared future. I truly hope these talks will materialize. Ferdi Sak contributed to this article.
Rudaw Net
30-06-2025
- Politics
- Rudaw Net
Kurdish education won't divide Turkey, says politician
Also in Interview Germany must recognize Kurds by ethnicity: Kurdish-German MP Diplomacy with Tehran fading as Israel-Iran tensions escalate: Ex-US negotiator German official urges strict migration policies, welcomes PKK dissolution Druze leader denounces Syria's constitutional declaration as 'tyranny' A+ A- Ankara should not take Kurdish demands for education in their mother tongue as a threat to Turkey's unity, Zekeriya Yapicioglu, leader of the Free Cause Party (Huda Par), told Rudaw in an interview on June 18. 'Education in the mother tongue is not just for Kurds. It is a fundamental right for everyone," Yapicioglu said when asked about the potential for Kurdish education at Turkey's schools. "We planned, as an objective, that everyone who wants will be able to receive education in their mother tongue after grade five. This relaxes the country. If the official language is Turkish, everyone should learn it. Everyone learns it anyway. But education in the mother tongue does not divide this country. I think it takes away the trump card from the hands of people who try to provoke different elements of this country against each other, who try to set them against each other with bad intentions," he added. Under Turkey's education system, Kurds are allowed to study in their mother tongue at school for a few hours a week through elective courses that require a minimum of 10 students. Huda Par is a Kurdish Islamist political party. It is allied with the ruling political alliance in Turkey. Yapicioglu touched on his party's stance on the latest developments in the region and the status of Kurds. The Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) decided in May to dissolve itself and end its armed struggle as part of peace talks with Ankara. Yapicioglu said he expects the PKK to take "concrete steps" to lay down arms in the summer. "We hope and pray that the laying down of arms will happen, but even if it doesn't, the steps that need to be taken must definitely be taken without being tied to that condition," he said. The interview has been shortened for the sake of clarity. Rudaw: There is an ongoing war between Israel and Iran. Mutual attacks continue. How do you evaluate this situation as Huda Par. What do you forecast? Zekeriya Yapicioglu: We have been saying this from the beginning. Actually, it is something that everyone who knows Zionism will accept and acknowledge that Zionism is the most dangerous ideological racism and practice in the world. The structure fed by this practice and this thought, that is with that Zionist philosophy, Zionist thought, the terrorist organization called Israel - actually, a thousand witnesses are needed to call it a state - wants to continue its vitality and existence by constantly attacking and creating instability around itself. Remember, right after [Operation] al-Aqsa Flood on October 7, 2023, when American and some European countries' warships headed to the region, Turkey made this statement: 'The real target is Turkey.' Iran also made statements saying 'actually Iran is the target, they are trying to draw us into this war.' We also said that day, yes, they have such a goal. The target is both Iran, Turkey, Iraq, and Jordan. Today, maybe Jordan is helping the Zionist terror regime to shoot down missiles fired from Iran over its territory, but we said Jordan is also a target. They have a belief. There is an area they call the Promised Land, which includes all the territories of the Kurdistan Region. A part of Iran, a significant part of Turkey, all of Syria, Jordan and almost all of Iraq are within these lands they call the Promised Land. And they believe that those lands have been promised to them by God. They say 'We will maintain dominance in those lands.' They don't hide this, they say it very openly. Therefore, this is a matter of time, not whether it will happen or not. We said that day that an attack on Iran is a matter of time. They will attack when they believe the time has come. They don't need any excuse for this. They will attack when they think of attacking. When the time comes that they think of including Turkey in the war, they will include Turkey in some way. What kind of role and position should Turkey take in your opinion? What needs to be seen is this. The only language Jews understand is power. If they understand that their lives will be seriously hurt when they attack you, they will refrain from attacking you. There is no other moral rule, no legal rule, no international custom that will stop them. Let no one deceive themselves. But if you have enough power in your hands, if they know that their lives will be hurt when they attack you, they won't attack. Maybe they will even try to get along, friendly. Should Turkey use force or stand by Iran? It should stand by humanity. Right now, this war is not an Israel-Iran war. Just as the war that started a year ago was not an Israel-Hamas war. It is Israel's war with humanity. This Zionist structure, this mentality is the biggest obstacle to regional peace. As long as they exist in the region and as long as they have this mentality, peace and tranquility will never come to the region. Zionism is the biggest threat to world peace. Therefore, Turkey should be on the side of humanity. Actually, not only Muslims but everyone who is human, everyone who can remain human, everyone with a conscience should realize the danger and see that this danger is setting the world on fire. Everyone should pour whatever water they have in their bucket onto this fire. The current regime in Iran is a very oppressive regime. We know and see that there is very serious pressure especially on Kurds. It's also a fact that executions happen every day. What would you like to say about this, especially when you think about the political and social life of Kurds in western Iran (Rojhelat)? Would you favor the continuation of the same status quo or should there be a change in this direction? Undoubtedly, the existence of oppression in a place is not just related to the name of the regime there. Therefore, information coming from different channels about the problems experienced there names it differently. My faith commands me to stop oppression wherever it is. God absolutely commands justice. No matter who does it, injustice is injustice. Therefore, it is said that this stems from the structure of the regime, but for example, were Kurds very comfortable during the previous regime, the Shah regime? Especially during the single-party period in Turkey, that was when the greatest oppression was applied, in the first years of the republic during the single-party period. But today, those who are in alliance with that single party say in a different way that Kurds saw the greatest pressure and oppression during the AKP government periods. Just because someone says so doesn't mean it's true. As a Kurdish politician, as the leader of a Kurdish party, shouldn't you oppose the pressure of the current status quo in Iran on the freedom of Kurds there, especially keeping a pressure card like execution constantly alive? It's very fashionable to oppose the death penalty just because it's the death penalty, but I think the punishment for some crimes should be execution, because of what was done, I mean. But first of all, laws should be applied equally to everyone. If they are not applied equally to everyone, if laws are applied differently to someone according to their identity, social status or wealth, or if some people apply this execution against people they see as rivals or dangerous politically, if they apply it against innocent people, if it is used as a weapon, then this execution is a very dangerous weapon. Therefore, there should be no death penalty. But I believe some people deserve execution. For example, I think a person who kills an innocent person, an innocent child without cause, for profit, should have no punishment other than execution. What is the formula your party envisions for Kurds in Iran? Would you want them to have status? What kind of status should they have? Actually, we have been saying from the beginning about the Kurdish issue, in Iraq's Kurdistan Region or in Iran's Kurdistan region, there is a dense Kurdish population in several provinces there. Every place has its own specific conditions. For example, in one place, people can discuss that 'federation is not enough' and say 'there should be independence.' Indeed, remember that a referendum was held in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region. They asked the people 'Should we declare independence?' A large majority sided with independence. Now, where is the most advanced place in terms of the status Kurds have? Iraqi Kurdistan Region. There is a federative structure, they have their own parliament, their own president, prime minister, governments. Peshmerga provides internal security there. But despite this, some discomfort arose due to the non-implementation of some articles of the Iraqi constitution and a referendum was held there. We said then that maybe we can make some recommendations, but we have no right to interfere in the internal affairs of the people there. Kurds in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region know their situation better and everyone should respect whatever decision they make. What falls to us is this. Let us fulfill our responsibility if a responsibility falls on us regarding ensuring peace and tranquility there. But we did not see ourselves as having the right to put ourselves in their place and make decisions on their behalf. It's the same for Kurds in Iran. The people there should decide what the most suitable situation is for them. While making this decision, they should really take into account the peace of the people there and be aware of some imperial calculations. I'm hoping to get a clearer answer. Kurds in Iran - some political parties currently think that the current regime should be overthrown and a more libertarian regime should come. If all Kurdish parties have such a demand in this direction and such a process begins in Iran, what would be your attitude? Would your relations with Iran allow you to support this demand? Will things really go to that point? Yes, we actually followed it. Such a call came from some, for example from Iran's KDP, saying 'the regime must be overthrown.' I honestly don't have very detailed information about the regime's relationship with Kurds there, especially with those parties. I haven't focused on the subject enough to analyze it. But if Kurds there unanimously say something like that, then we definitely need to go and see what's happening there. Let's come to the recent process, the ongoing peace process in Turkey or what the state labels the 'terror-free Turkey' process. A process started with MHP leader Devlet Bahceli's call and continues. Where are you as Huda Par in this process? Actually, since this process started and even before it started, there was something we constantly repeated. We were saying that weapons and violence cannot and should not be a method of seeking rights and must definitely be abandoned. As far as I understood, this process was carried out between the National Intelligence Organization (MIT) and the PKK for a long time, and after reaching a certain maturity, it was declared by Mr. Bahceli. He said something on the day parliament opened, then on October 22 he said if he [PKK founder Abdullah Ocalan] disbands the organization and the era of weapons is over, let him come and speak in the DEM Party [Peoples' Equality and Democracy Party] group. He set the bar very high. We said about this, yes, this must definitely happen. But as we did before, two issues should not be confused. Maybe one dimension of the problem is the violence dimension, but the Kurdish issue is not just about violence. We constantly say this. We even wrote it in our party program. If the Kurdish issue is seen only as violence, a public order problem, or partially as regional economic backwardness, this problem cannot be solved. The problem has political dimensions, social dimension, psychological dimension, and even an international dimension. Therefore, this problem should be seen with all these dimensions and steps towards a solution should be taken accordingly. Today, if two issues are mixed or one is seen as a condition of the other, there is a risk of the solution and this process getting stuck. After all, a similar process was experienced ten years ago. We said this at that time too. We said this is a matter of rights and law. I am not a PKK member, I don't have weapons. But if you want something outside my will to grant me a right, I demand, for example if you tie it to the condition of PKK laying down arms, you have no right to do this. I cannot make the PKK drop the weapons in their hands. Neither can I influence them nor can I take it by force. There are very large masses of people who are not PKK members. Even those who think the PKK has harmed them, who have been seriously victimized by the PKK, they have legitimate and reasonable demands. Why should we tie these to the condition of PKK laying down arms? Does the government or its partners ask for your opinion in this process? What do you suggest regarding the continuation of this process? We meet and we say these things I mentioned. We say that we went through a process ten years ago. Our warnings about that were not taken into account then, don't make the same mistakes now. You actually suggest solving it within the framework of brotherhood law, but this brotherhood law discourse is a somewhat vague discourse. What exactly do you suggest? With constitutional change, for example federation, autonomy? What is the model you suggest? Or should it continue within the existing system? We have always said that everyone says we are brothers. We say it too, yes we are brothers. But let's not be content with just talking about this brotherhood. Until now, there's been plenty of talk about it. But the law of brotherhood needs to be realized, this law needs to be fulfilled. What is that law? Whatever you have, let your brother have it too. A Kurd wants the same right that a Turk has. No less, no more. Since our grandfathers founded this state together, since they fought together on the front in the War of Independence 100 years ago, fought side by side and fell as martyrs, since they are joint owners of this homeland, and Kurds were already here when Turks came. Concretely, how should this brotherhood law be reflected in the constitution in your opinion? In the constitutional matter, we say that the preamble of the constitution should be short and concise. It should be purified of ethnic emphasis. Ethnic-based emphasis should be strongly avoided throughout the constitution. The definition of citizenship is one of these. We say there must absolutely be a constitution purified of tutelage institutions and that ideology, it should be a constitution made by civilians. Now if you can empathize, if you see yourself as equal to the person you call your brother, there should be equality in rights. No one should be excluded or treated unfairly because of their ethnic identity, sectarian identity, or even their belief. That is, they should neither be excluded nor favored. As a party within the People's Alliance, do you also tell this to other stakeholders? And what do you expect? Will there be education in your mother tongue in your opinion? We think it absolutely should be. Education in the mother tongue is not just for Kurds. It is a fundamental right for everyone. You put it forward as a will, you say I recognize this as a right, and I'm starting preparations for it. We planned, as an objective, that everyone who wants will be able to receive education in their mother tongue after grade five. This relaxes the country. If the official language is Turkish, everyone should learn it. Everyone learns it anyway. But education in the mother tongue does not divide this country. I think it takes away the trump card from the hands of people who try to provoke different elements of this country against each other, who try to set them against each other with bad intentions. You are also one of the partners of the People's Alliance. PKK was presenting this to the state as a precondition for laying down arms. They said they would lay down arms. They made a decision. After all, the congress made such a decision. After this stage, eyes are on the state, but this period seems to be extending a bit. What's going on in the state's internal corridors? As far as I can see, the situation is this, the state is following the process. Will what is being said really happen or not? A decision was made but will this decision be put into practice or not? The state is looking at that and is also waiting for that decision to be put into practice in this sense. They don't want to give the impression that the steps to be taken have been tied to this condition, made a subject of bargaining. They are waiting so that such an image doesn't form. They say we hope to see this practice within the next two or three months. Hopefully it will happen, weapons will actually be laid down. That also appears between the lines of the statements made by those speaking on behalf of the government or the state. They hope to see with concrete steps that those weapons have been laid down at the latest in July or August, in these summer months. We hope and pray that the laying down of arms will happen, but even if it doesn't, the steps that need to be taken must definitely be taken without being tied to that condition. When this process between PKK and the state reaches a point and it's possible that DEM Party joins the People's Alliance, what happens, what do you foresee as two Kurdish parties whose chemistry doesn't match? When the DEM Party comes there, they certainly won't ask Huda Par, or when AKP [Justice and Development Party] conducts these negotiations with the DEM Party and invites them under the umbrella of the People's Alliance, they won't make it conditional on our acceptance. After all, we say there should be dialogue between all political parties. Of course, we may have differences. There are many points where we think differently from the AKP. There are many points where we differ from MHP [Nationalist Movement Party]. But ultimately, we entered elections together within the same alliance, under the umbrella of the People's Alliance. Now you saw on October 1 those who directed very harsh criticism at each other or strongly criticized our being side by side with Mr. Bahceli in Malazgirt. For example, during Eid-related visits, MHP and DEM Party went and exchanged holiday greetings with each other. What happened? Did MHP ideologically approach the DEM Party, or did the DEM Party become like MHP? Which one? I think neither. Ocalan had once described you, Huda Par, as the MHP of the Kurds. I don't take what Ocalan says very seriously. When we founded Huda Par, Ocalan was talking as if we knew each other very well and were military buddies: 'They don't even have money to go eat at a restaurant, how did they found a party?' So sometimes he talks like that. Sometimes it's not very clear what he's saying. In fact, he makes a very special and intense effort so that it's not understood… People criticize your party about Rojava (northeast Syria). Of course, no one can say anything about your sensitivity about Gaza, but it is thought that you remain silent about Rojava. Your lack of any statement or evaluation of the situation when attacks happened in Afrin is criticized. We have hundreds of statements about Rojava, about Afrin, or about events happening in other parts of Syria. But unfortunately, we encounter such things a lot. We say something, three days later, a week later, a month later, someone says why don't you have a statement about such and such issue? Well, we did. 'But I didn't see it,' they say. What can we do? Now some also compare this. Look, what is happening in Gaza cannot be compared with what is happening anywhere else in the world. For example, they say 'that place is under occupation, Palestine is under occupation, isn't the place where you live, Kurdistan, also under occupation?' Who is occupying Kurdistan? There were conflicts in Rojava. Equating the conflicts in Rojava with the genocide in Gaza is, first of all, an insult to justice. This cannot happen. But we've been saying that from the beginning. They say 'you held a rally for Gaza but not for Rojava. You didn't do anything for Rojava.' Those who killed Yasin Boru and his friends, who were taking sacrificial meat to Rojava so that people who escaped from Rojava, from the oppression there, from the massacre there, wouldn't go hungry, in the most savage way the world could see, tell us what did you do for Rojava? [ *Editor's note: Boru was killed in 2014 during Kobane protests while reportedly taking food to people in Rojava]. What did you do other than talk? You just talked. We held their hands. We also talked. We also said that the massacres were oppression. But we didn't just talk, we didn't just talk. We actually tried to hold the hands of our brothers there. But maybe we couldn't advertise it as much as they did. They did nothing. They just talked and constantly told us that we didn't do anything. But comparing the two with each other is not something my conscience, my humanity can bear. How can you equate what happened in Rojava, what happened in Diyarbakir, and what happened in Gaza? What do you suggest for Rojava? Would you have attended if you had been invited to the conference in Qamishli? And what is your view on the autonomy demand that emerged there? As I said earlier, people everywhere know their own conditions and situations better. We respect the decisions they have made about their own situations. Of course, we may have suggestions. You said you would attend, right, if you had been invited to Qamishli? Of course. But we don't see ourselves as having the right to make decisions on their behalf. Look, for example, at that time some were defining us as enemy brothers, but we also warned the PYD [Democratic Union Party]. We said, right now America is giving you weapons, giving you direction. Don't think America is your friend… If America and Turkey agree one day, they will spend you like coins. Be aware of this, know this. For example, when an autonomous structure was formed in Rojava, they took people's children and raised them according to what? They injected their own ideology into them. They took the Muslim's child and made them atheist. This is oppression. Now what will happen there? Right now, people there, people in Syria should know that the situation there will be shaped according to the agreement that America and Turkey will reach. After all, there is a Kurdish administration there. Today, an agreement was reached with other parties too. Is it a Kurdish administration or a PYD administration? With the conference in Qamishli, ENKS was also included. Doesn't this reassure you? I don't know. Time will tell. Before, when the events first started there, ENKS was there too, meetings were held. They came together in Dohuk. Then when power fell into someone's hands, what happened? If there is a practice, I said something earlier; when discussing the Kurdish issue, don't build the future on the past but don't forget the past either. If you forget the past, what happened in the past can happen again and again in the future. There are past experiences. Where did the Roj Peshmerga go, where did they stay, why couldn't they return? Leaders of some parties there were killed in assassinations. Some were exiled abroad. When those exiled abroad wanted to return there, their way was blocked. These are experienced realities. Hopefully they won't repeat in the future. People there, in general, make decisions about their future. What did they want, which governance model did they want, they should decide on this. But they should be able to decide freely, not imposed by someone under the shadow of weapons. Do you have an exchange of views with the government about Turkey establishing relations and making it a livable place for everyone? We said not just now but in the previous period too, and we said that Kurds there are oppressed. During the Bashar al-Assad period, a significant portion didn't even have identity cards. We told Turkey 'You have both historical ties and millions of Kurdish citizens within Turkey, and almost all of those there are relatives of Kurds living here. Borders were drawn in such a way, and these borders were not drawn by the will of the people living here. So much so that the father stayed on one side, the son on the other. The mother stayed on one side, her daughter on the other. The coop stayed on one side, the chicken on the other, the cow stayed on one side, the calf on the other. Such injustices happened. Therefore, half of the family is on one side, half on the other. See this reality and extend your hand of brotherhood to the people there accordingly. Know that they are your brothers. In fact, as a strong country in the region, be their protector. Not just Kurds in Syria, but also for the Iraqi Kurdistan Region.' Again, one of the issues our brothers there [Kurdistan Region] raised in negotiations is this. They say 'We have two pipes. One is the breathing pipe, the other is the food pipe. Both pass through Turkey.' We also told the government at the time: 'They [Kurdistan Region] say we want to improve our relations with Ankara and see them rather than seeing the Baghdad government and Tehran. Show them that you are brothers, make them feel it and fulfill the requirements of that brotherhood. You won't lose from this.' We constantly say the same thing. Here, on your program, we have repeated this once again. Ocalan also proposes a formula where Kurds, Arabs, Persians and Turks can live together with a supra-national formula, a brotherhood law. Is that so? I don't know. At least that's the discourse. That's the discourse… Actually, Abdullah Ocalan says 'I have surpassed [Karl] Marx too, now I am your new ideologue, the whole world will find peace in my ideology. You will get to know me better. I will bring peace to the whole world. That's why you should get to know the Apoist spirit well, understand it and apply it, your salvation is in it.' And this is as far from us as black is from white. Your concrete proposal is a formula for living together with Iraq, Iran, Syria, Kurds and other elements of those countries, based on maintaining current situations. No, not just maintaining current situations. We say that no system, no model is taboo. For example, until 150 years ago, kingdoms were accepted as the most perfect system, right? They collapsed and went. What happened? Now no one is in favor of kingdoms. In fact, everyone complains about kingdoms. A model that seemed very good for a period. Maybe kingdoms could be the best in the conditions of that period. Since I didn't live in that period, I can't know as well as people who lived in that period. Maybe after a while, the needs of the age will change, people will think of new things, suggest new things. We also say when talking about the constitution, let's not make the constitution rigid. This system may seem very good to you today. It may even seem perfect. But after all, something that is human speech, even if it seems perfect, gets old over time. Therefore, there may be autonomous regions for one place. In some places, there may be a federative structure. In some places, there may be corporate federalism, as in Belgium. There are certainly female politicians in Huda Par, but are they in a more invisible area? No, they are also in the visible area. We have female members of the general administrative board, we have a female deputy chairman. We had female parliamentary candidates, mayoral candidates, city council member candidates. But we don't give someone a duty just because she is a woman, based on quotas. Or we don't refrain from giving someone a duty just because she is a woman: you are a woman, you can't have a say in the party's administration, you can't take a duty, we don't have such a position. But you are a woman, we have this much gap, come even if you can't do this job just because you are a woman, come stand in the showcase, we don't do that either. Especially with being in the People's Alliance, you also have some advantageous situations in the region and bureaucracy. What do you propose in terms of political economy? For example, what is Huda Par's economic policy regarding Kurdish workers and the Kurdish poor? A worker is a worker, and a poor person is poor. We don't separate as Kurdish, Turkish, Arab, Laz, Circassian. After all, we say that labor should be given its due. We say that the worker's right should be given in full before their sweat dries. Unfortunately, in the current system, the system always works against the low-income and the poor. For example, we have been saying this for years, we said it's not right to tax someone on minimum wage. People pay taxes again when they spend what they earn. The minimum wage earner doesn't pay tax when earning but pays tax when spending. Those who earn a lot should pay a lot, those who earn little should pay little. In fact, we say those who don't have the power to pay taxes shouldn't pay any taxes at all. We persistently say this…
Shafaq News
25-05-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Kurdistan-Germany Friendship Association celebrates 10th anniversary
Shafaq News/ The Kurdistan-Germany Friendship Association celebrated its 10th anniversary on Sunday with a ceremony in Erbil, the capital of the Kurdistan Region, marking a decade of civil and cultural engagement between the two nations. Speaking at the event, Association President Hemn Omer reflected on the group's work since its 2015 founding, highlighting its role in connecting Kurdish communities in Germany with institutions in the Region, noting, 'We've supported academic exchanges, launched legal and social initiatives, and promoted mutual cultural understanding.' The association has focused on sectors including healthcare, education, mental health, legal aid, environmental advocacy, and human development. Operating independently of formal diplomatic channels, it acts as a grassroots bridge between Erbil and Berlin. Omer also announced plans to establish a civil office to expand local partnerships and deepen community ties. The event brought together Kurdish-German academics, civil society leaders, diaspora members, and local officials. Erbil Governor Omed Khoshnaw praised the association as 'a vital cultural connector' that has strengthened Kurdish identity abroad and institutional cooperation at home, pledging ongoing support for its future initiatives.
The Guardian
03-03-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
The AfD are circling like vultures. But in Berlin, I found a new, young left rising against them
Will democracy still prevail in the west in a decade? It was certainly a question weighing on the minds of the hundreds of Die Linke supporters crammed into a former film studio overlooking Berlin's Tempelhof airport last weekend. They were gathered to listen to the results of Germany's election – and their reactions were mixed. The far-right Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) had just doubled its support in federal elections, securing a fifth of the vote, yet Die Linke came top in the capital, albeit with 21% of the vote. They cheered, hugged, kissed and cried. We were in Neukölln, a diverse neighbourhood of south-eastern Berlin, and the triumphant candidate was Ferat Koçak, a charismatic Kurdish-German leftist. His grassroots campaign knocked on every door in the district – not unusual in the UK and US, but a novelty in Germany. 'For several years, the left has been in a kind of shocked paralysis about what to do with the rising right,' explained 30-year-old activist Isabelle: grassroots campaigning, she believes, brought the left out of its bubble. A few months ago, Die Linke seemed sunk, its former co-leader Sahra Wagenknecht splitting away to forge a new alliance blending leftwing economics with social conservatism. But the alliance failed to win seats. 'Young people are more attracted to connecting leftwing economics with antiracism and feminism, and not putting them against each other,' said fellow activist Johanna. Die Linke's support was once concentrated in a generation that grew up in the former East Germany, battered by deindustrialisation and nostalgia – ostalgie – for the security of Stalinism. But as that generation drifted to the far right, the West German youth shifted leftwards. The party also prospered with women, with more than a third voting for them. A quarter of men opted for the far right. Even though Koçak stormed to victory in Neukölln with 30%, his mood is sombre. 'Dark times are upon us,' he tells me in a cramped room away from the crowd, pointing to how 'everyone was talking about deportation and migration'. When I ask why the AfD has suddenly surged, his answer is clear: 'They're gaining strength in a social environment where people can no longer afford to live.' When he knocked on doors, one woman pointed to her single shopping bag. It cost €50, she said: that would once have filled two bags. Germany was once Europe's powerhouse, benefiting from a euro that made its exports to eurozone countries much cheaper than the old deutschmark. In the past three years, inflation as a result of the energy shock produced by Russia's invasion of Ukraine has hit people's pockets. More than half of Germans say they worry about increasing prices meaning they can't pay bills, rising to 75% of AfD supporters. There are long-term issues, too. 'In the last 20 years, neither the state nor private sector did enough investment,' Carolina Ortega Guttack, an economist at the thinktank FiscalFuture, tells me. A 'debt brake' – introduced in 2009 by the then chancellor, Angela Merkel, to commit to limit borrowing – helped deter investment. In real terms, the German economy is smaller than it was five years ago. Germany brims with discontent: 83% of Germans say the economic situation is bad – compared with 39% in 2022 – rising to 96% with AfD voters. Without migrants filling vacancies left by an ageing population, its economy would probably be worse, but, encouraged by the AfD, politicians of different flavours have willingly made them scapegoats. Under Merkel, the centre-right CDU brought in more than 1 million refugees: but it has since swerved rightwards on migration. A few weeks ago, the CDU – now set to lead the government – passed a parliamentary motion clamping down on asylum seekers with the support of the AfD, violating the 'firewall' against the far right that has persisted since the second world war. Helena Marschall, a young activist who helped organise protests against the firewall desecration, said all parties played with fire. 'My deportation plans are better than your deportation plans' is how she sums up the mainstream parties' campaigns. Across Europe, these parties attempted to defuse far-right surges by raiding their rhetoric and policies, only succeeding in legitimising them. Here's the fear. The AfD co-leader Alice Weidel sees Hungary's far-right Viktor Orbán as a 'great role model'. Orbán has gradually dismantled democracy by rigging the game against opponents in politics and media. It is a playbook comparable to Vladimir Putin's strategy in Russia, a repressive autocracy that still allows opposition parties for appearance's sake. Across the west, economic discontent fused with anti-migrant scapegoating has driven a far-right insurgency. In power, all are likely to adopt this strategy: see how Donald Trump and Elon Musk are wearing down US democracy by attrition. Germany's past, you would think, may help immunise the country from this threat: but the stigma of that nightmare has diminished with time. 'I think our collective memory is very short,' warned Jamil, a 31-year-old Syrian-German citizen who fled Bashar al-Assad's regime and came to Germany in 2015 as a refugee. Then, he and his fellow arrivals were welcomed at train stations by volunteers giving out food and donations. The mood has since darkened, and with a new grand coalition of centre-right and centre-left set to assume office, the AfD are circling like vultures, waiting to feast on the disillusionment to come. Owen Jones is a Guardian columnist
