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Hindustan Times
11-07-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Under pressure from all parties, govt orders SIT probe into NCP leader's murder in Byculla
MUMBAI: Bowing to mounting pressure from legislators across party lines, the Maharashtra government on Thursday announced the formation of a Special Investigation Team (SIT) to probe the murder of Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) leader Sachin Kurmi in Byculla last October. Mumbai, India - May 1, 2025:Mahesh Kurmi brother of late Sachin Kurmi along with his family and supporters, sits on indefinite hunger strike and demanded immediate arrest of main suspect of his murder, at Byculla in Mumbai, India, on Thursday, May 1, 2025. (Photo by Anshuman Poyrekar/ Hindustan Times) (Hindustan Times) The decision was announced in the state legislative council by Minister of State for Home Yogesh Kadam, a Shiv Sena leader, after members of the ruling alliance as well as the opposition cornered the government over police inaction in the case and demanded justice for the victim's family. Kurmi, 46, also known as Munna, was associated with the Ajit Pawar-led NCP faction. He was stabbed to death by unidentified assailants on October 4, 2024, while out on a post-dinner walk in Byculla. Nearly nine months since the crime, the main accused remain at large and Kurmi's family has alleged continued threats from them. Raising the issue through a calling attention motion, NCP MLC Pankaj Bhujbal criticised the police for failing to deliver justice. 'The main accused are roaming free. Kurmi's college-going son was recently threatened and told he would meet the same fate as his father if he pursued the case,' Bhujbal said. Leader of Opposition Ambadas Danve from Shiv Sena (UBT) alleged police negligence and political interference in the case. 'There are serious allegations that police officer Suhas Mane destroyed evidence, allowing the accused to walk free. I have information that political pressure was exerted on the police to protect the accused. There must be a high-level inquiry, and Kurmi's family should be given police protection,' Danve said. Senior members from both the opposition and ruling alliance echoed these concerns. BJP MLC Praveen Darekar said, 'This government, under the leadership of Devendra Fadnavis, has always claimed zero tolerance towards crime. We expect action. An SIT must be constituted.' NCP (SP) MLC Shashikant Shinde also criticised the probe, calling it inadequate and compromised. Initially, Kadam said a senior officer would conduct a high-level inquiry and that the stringent Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act (MCOCA) would be invoked once the investigation progressed. However, following persistent demands from Bhujbal, Danve, Darekar, Shinde, and others, Kadam eventually agreed to set up a Special Investigation Team to handle the case. SITs are typically constituted for cases where local investigations are deemed insufficient due to complexity, political sensitivity, or allegations of bias. The announcement marks a rare instance of bipartisan consensus, with leaders from the NCP, BJP, and both factions of Shiv Sena jointly demanding accountability and justice in the case.
The Print
11-07-2025
- Politics
- The Print
RJD has an EBC dream in Bihar. It'll take more than tickets & tokenism
Based on an analysis of caste-wise candidate nominations by the RJD and JDU, and their respective victories in the 2020 Bihar assembly election, I argue that the RJD needs to move beyond political appointments for the mobilisation of such communities. It also needs to focus on exclusive policies intended to empower EBCs. Otherwise, it will be extremely difficult to break the scepticism of the EBCs. So far, though, EBCs have shown an aversion toward the RJD. Instead, they have gravitated toward the JDU, now in alliance with the BJP, which mobilised its election machinery in Bihar immediately after winning the Delhi assembly election. The question now arises whether the RJD will succeed in its efforts to attract EBCs through the appointment of Mandal. As Bihar gears up for the assembly elections later this year, the opposition Rashtriya Janata Dal has appointed Mangani Lal Mandal as its new state president—the first time it has chosen someone who belongs to the Extremely Backward Classes, or EBCs, a voting bloc that comprises 113 castes and makes up 36 per cent of the state's population. Also Read: What's behind Modi govt's U-turn on caste census & how it targets Oppn ahead of crucial Bihar polls EBC aversion to RJD in 2020 polls Bihar is well known for caste-based political mobilisation. The caste background of candidates is an important indicator of how parties build their social coalitions. It also helps us to understand the support of different castes for various political parties. Let's take a look at the caste-wise candidate nominations and wins of the RJD and JDU in the 2020 Bihar assembly election. This analysis examines the caste composition of nominees and elected representatives from the RJD and JDU in the 2020 Bihar Assembly election, based on candidate data from media reports. The graph below shows that the RJD's highest number of candidates came from the Yadav community (58). After them, only three other groups—EBCs (19), Scheduled Castes (19), and Muslims (18)—had candidates in double digits. Seen as a whole, the RJD focused primarily on its traditional MY (Muslim-Yadav) base, followed by an attempt to bring in EBCs. However, its EBC candidates performed badly. Out of 19 nominated, only four won. In contrast, JDU's EBC candidates performed impressively. It nominated 17 EBC candidates, out of which 12 won. The party's overall ticket distribution was also not concentrated on any one social group. Seven social groups—Yadav (18), EBC (17), SC (16), Kurmi (15), Kushwaha (15), Muslim (11), and Bhumihar (10)—had candidates in double digits. It's worth noting, though, that the highest number of JDU candidates also came from the Yadavs. This nomination profile might be symbolic, but it also conveys a message that the party is not against the legitimate representation of any particular social group. Here, the RJD did not appear as above board, as it had nominated only one candidate from the Kurmi caste, which is the support base of the JDU. In short, the above comparative analysis reveals EBCs have largely steered clear of the RJD. Despite nominating a larger number of candidates from the group, only four of its 19 EBC candidates won, compared to 12 of JDU's 17. Also Read: ECI's voter verification drive in Bihar is tailor-made to keep Dalits, Muslims, EBCs out RJD's inadequate strategy It is often stated that Nitish Kumar has created a constituency of women, MBCs, and Mahadalits, and these social groups have gradually become a strong support base of the JDU. To break the social base of any political party, a rival typically deploys two strategies: ticket splitting and policy changes. The former means nominating candidates from those castes and communities, while the latter involves promising policies that benefit them. The RJD relied on the first strategy, nominating a high number of EBC candidates in the 2020 election. One may counter that the RJD also adopted the strategy of policy change by promising 10 lakh government jobs, from which EBCs would also potentially benefit. So why did EBCs not respond to such promises? One answer could be low educational attainment among EBCs and their limited ability to benefit from reservation policies. Across North Indian states, EBCs have demanded a sub-categorisation within OBC reservations, arguing that they are unable to compete with politically dominant OBC groups such as Yadavs and Kurmis. The BJP responded by appointing the Justice Rohini Committee to examine this demand. At the same time, welfare schemes introduced by the Narendra Modi government have also reached these communities. Because of its alliance with the BJP, the JDU has benefited from both strategies—ticket splitting and policy response—while opposition parties like the RJD have remained stuck on the former. This could partly explain the aversion of EBCs toward the RJD. In the upcoming election, RJD's Tejashwi Yadav is promising to extend the limit of reservation, along with the introduction of a domicile policy for government jobs. However, none of these policies are specifically targeted to address the grievances of EBCs. Unless the party does that, it would be a herculean task to break the aversion. To sum up, the RJD's attempt to expand its social coalition by adding EBCs to its MY base did not deliver encouraging results in the last election. Relying on ticket-splitting alone to mobilise these communities hasn't worked. The party now needs to explore mechanisms beyond candidate nomination. Offering specific welfare schemes could be one of them. Otherwise, it may just be staring at a repeat of 2020. Arvind Kumar is a visiting lecturer in Politics & International Relations at the University of Hertfordshire, UK. He tweets @arvind_kumar__. Views are personal. (Edited by Asavari Singh)
Indian Express
19-06-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
In pursuit of UP poll leverage, how BJP ally Apna Dal (S) is playing the long game
Looking to expand beyond its core Kurmi base and strengthen its organisation, the Apna Dal (Soneylal) party has been making key appointments for the past month in Uttar Pradesh. On May 29, the party led by Union Minister Anupriya Patel appointed Dalit leader R P Gautam, who hails from the Jatav community, as its state president, and on June 16, it tapped Prayagraj-based youth leader Ammad Hassan to lead its youth wing. In addition to this, the party recently also appointed coordinators for each of the 403 Assembly seats in UP. Sources said the new appointments were an attempt to showcase the party's strength in the run-up to founder Sone Lal Patel's birth anniversary on July 2 and set the ball rolling for the panchayat polls in 2026. Anupriya Patel and state Cabinet Minister Ashish Patel, her husband, have been conducting monthly party meetings in Lucknow to take stock of the organisational overhaul. Anupriya has also started publicly pushing for a separate Union Ministry for OBCs and highlighted the party's strategy to reach out to various OBC communities to create a broader vote bank. Sources said the efforts were all in preparation for the 2027 polls, and the BJP ally wants to be in a position to go solo if needed and have greater bargaining power. 'We are moving strategically and trying to strengthen our party and its base. In the next few days, you will see more announcements. We are the only party in the state to have a Jatav Dalit state chief. We might not be in a position to take policy decisions directly for the Dalits and OBCs. But we are making attempts to influence policy decisions,' said a senior party leader. He also said the party's outreach efforts were visible in the issues they were backing 'We are supporting the demand for a caste-based Census, pushing for OBC reservation in central schools and NEET examinations … Our leader Anupriya Patel ji is pushing with a fresh demand for a separate OBC Ministry,' the leader said. Newly appointed state president Gautam told The Indian Express that efforts were on to expand the party and strengthen it at the grassroots. 'Our pitch will be centred on social justice and upliftment of the deprived sections,' he said. After Anupriya took over the party in 2009, Apna Dal (S) saw its best performance in the 2022 Uttar Pradesh Assembly polls, when it won 12 seats. In the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, Apna Dal (S) contested two seats. Patel retained her Mirzapur Lok Sabha constituency by more than 37,000 votes, but the party lost Robertsganj. In a bid to course correct, and to be on surer footing, the party dissolved all of its units and started building its organisation from scratch after the polls. On April 14, the birth anniversary of B R Ambedkar, the Apna Dal (S) launched a statewide membership drive. The panchayat polls, which are due early next year, will be the first test for the party after the revamp. Even though the panchayat polls in UP are not contested on party lines, political parties directly or indirectly extend their support to candidates. This time, the party has decided to extend support to candidates in a more official and structured manner, according to insiders.
India Today
03-06-2025
- Business
- India Today
Can Prashant Kishor be the third force in Bihar?
(NOTE: This article was originally published in the India Today issue dated June 9, 2025)It's a Prashant Kishor encore, so none of the mainstream parties had exactly wished for it. The October 2024 birth of Jan Suraaj Party was preceded by a good bit of labour: two full years, about 5,000 km, of pacing up and down the natal ward of Bihar. That hard-earned paternity is now entering its logical phase: the JSP aims to make it good in the coming state election. Prashant ('PK') has hit the ground running—with a rerun. He plans to criss-cross all 243 assembly constituencies before October-November with his 'Bihar badlaw yatra'.advertisementBad law is just about right, as a spot of starting trouble proved. On May 18, under a blistering sun in Nalanda, PK found himself stopped on way to Kalyanbigha, CM Nitish Kumar's ancestral village. 'Yahaan koi British Raj hai jo gaon mein jaane ke liye aapka permission chaahiye?' he was heard fulminating, at a stone-faced SDM and a phalanx of officials. PK's caravan was out to test Nitish's three pledges on his own home turf. Had Rs 2 lakh been really given to each of the 9.4 million low-income families identified in Bihar's caste survey? Had Mahadalits been allotted land? Have land records been digitised and freed from corrupt local babus?In the event, those remained a mystery. PK turned back, and instead held a rally at Biharsharief on May 20 where he formally launched his Yatra 2.0. As his caravan rolls into each village gathering, it unfolds with the same refrain: 'You vote by caste or for 5 kg of grain. When was the last time you considered your children's future? Lalu Yadav is plotting his son's rise; what of yours? For once, look beyond the immediate.' Bihar's villagers, long habituated to transactional voting, listen in rapt silence. Something His vocabulary brims over with the promise of a post-caste politics, but as PK revs up for the hustings, the chess moves he's making show he's not without a keen eye towards the electoral potential of caste. On May 18, he secured the merger of Ramchandra Prasad 'RCP' Singh's Aap Sabki Awaaz Party into JSP. Who's RCP? An ex-bureaucrat and Nitish favourite, once his principal secretary, who leapt to great heights: JD(U) president, Rajya Sabha MP, and towards the end of that 2010-22 phase, even Union steel minister. More crucially, he's a Kurmi from Nalanda, like Nitish.'RCP's entry will fortify our appeal among a key demographic,' admits a JSP insider. RJD'sTejashwi Yadav JD(U) chief NitishKumar NUMERICAL NUANCESSimultaneously, Kishor anointed Uday Singh. Resume: younger brother of the estimable ex-bureaucrat N.K. Singh, resourceful man from a prominent family who was twice BJP MP from Purnea and, after a bitter falling out and detour in the Congress, turned a benevolent patron for JSP in its salad days. Also, a Rajput face—so saffron territory. Counting Manoj Bharti, the Dalit state chief with an IIT/IFS bio, that's three caste boxes ticked. With top-tier lieutenants in place, Kishor can devote himself to the trail, promising governance over identity nuances frame his strategy as he goes tilting at the nearly four-decade-long RJD-JD(U) duopoly, with the BJP playing the long game. As many as 40 of Bihar's 243 assembly seats had victory margins lower than 3,500 votes in 2020. In November 2024, JSP contested four bypolls and finished third in two seats. In Imamganj, its 37,103 votes ensured the RJD's defeat. Overall, JSP got approximately 10 per cent of the votes. So the sight of PK wading through rice paddies and dusty lanes, talking his new talk in cramped huts and at bustling chaupals, can't be too soothing for the entrenched to India Today MagazineMust Watch advertisement
Indian Express
01-06-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Why Anupriya Patel's party has placed a little-known Dalit leader at the helm in UP
Though the Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections are a couple of years away, parties in the state are already jostling for the all-important Dalit vote, with a OBC party like BJP ally Apna Dal (Soneylal) that draws its support from mostly the Other Backward Classes (OBC) Kurmi community also making efforts to reach out to Dalit communities. To that end, the party on May 29 appointed R P Gautam, a Jatav leader, as its state president. Gautam is from Sitapur and currently serves as the president of the Apna Dal's cooperative wing. Since he is little known — he has not contested any election till now — the party is planning to increase his visibility among people through public meetings that party chief and Union Minister Anupriya Patel is also likely to attend. According to insiders, Gautam's name was finalised after a group of top party leaders, including Anupriya and Uttar Pradesh Minister Ashish Patel, her husband, held a series of meetings in Delhi and Lucknow over the last month. Explaining why Gautam was chosen, a party leader said, 'Other Dalit sub-castes are scattered and are concentrated in certain regions and districts, but Jatavs are spread across all 403 Assembly constituencies of the state and number around 30,000-50,000 in each seat.' The move comes close on the heels of the Samajwadi Party (SP) stepping up its efforts to reach out to Dalits and inducting Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) founder-member Daddu Prasad. The party also held week-long celebrations to commemorate Dr B R Ambedkar's birth anniversary on April 14. Recently, when its MP Ramji Lal Suman came under fire for his alleged derogatory comments on Rajput king Rana Sanga, the SP countered by saying the attacks were 'anti-Dalit'. Dalits make up 21% of Uttar Pradesh's population, of which Jatavs make up 14%, followed by the Pasis at 7%. While Jatavs are seen to be the core voter base of the Mayawati-led BSP, Pasis have rallied behind the SP since last year's Lok Sabha elections. After bagging the most parliamentary seats from UP, the SP promoted Faizabad MP Awadesh Prasad, who belongs to the community. Another Apna Dal said that support from the Jatavs, combined with the party's core Kurmi and Extremely Backward Classes (EBC) support base, will put it in a good position in next year's local body elections as well as the Assembly polls. At present, the party has 13 MLAs while Anupriya is its sole Lok Sabha MP. Senior Apnal Dal leaders pointed to the successes the BSP achieved when its Jatav support base combined with OBC faces such as Ram Khelawan Verma, Babu Singh Kushwaha, and Lalji Verma. The social combination, according to the leader, has been the foundation of the Apna Dal since its inception in November 1995 by Sonelal Patel who, he said, was an avid follower of BSP founder Kanshi Ram. Though Sonelal Patel did not win any election, he made his presence felt in the state's politics and rose to become a Kurmi face. The Apna Dal currently holds sway in areas such as Prayagraj, Kaushambi and its adjoining districts. Ashish Patel said the Apna Dal's foundational value was always uplifting the suppressed classes. 'Of our 13 legislators, five are from Dalit communities (three Jatavs, one Kol and one Pasi), five from the Kurmi community and one each from the Brahmin, Muslim and Sonar communities. This is evidence that our party gives representation to all the communities,' he said. Though it came as a surprise to many that Gautam was appointed, it is not the first time that the party has chosen a Dalit leader to helm its Uttar Pradesh unit. Earlier, Jamuna Prasad Saroj, a Pasi leader, led the state unit. The rejig was necessitated after the party's state executive was dissolved about a year ago following the resignation of former state chief Rajkumar Pal, an OBC leader. Alleging that Ashish and Anupriya Patel were 'ignoring' him and 'not keeping him in the loop' about party affairs, Pal had said in his resignation letter that the party had deviated from the ideology of Ambedkar and Sonelal Patel. A senior Apna Dal leader said Pal's 'odd behaviour and other activities' had led to the state executive being dissolved and claimed that the former state chief 'had been warned several times' about his actions.
