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First Post
a day ago
- Politics
- First Post
From 25% to 65%: Putin's war is Zelenskyy's unexpected engine of soaring popularity
As Volodymyr Zelenskyy stands as the face of Ukraine today, that was not always the case. Before the Russian invasion of Ukraine, his approval rating was down to just 26%. It was his leadership in the war that surged his popularity. As per the latest survey, his approval stands at 65%. read more Even though Volodymyr Zelenskyy has been the face of Ukraine today, that was not always the case. Before the Russian invasion of Ukraine, his approval rating was just 26 per cent in 2021. It was his leadership in the war that surged his popularity. Within weeks, as he rallied the nation and stood defiant in the face of the invading Russian forces, Zelenskyy's approval surged to 74 per cent. Even though his popularity and the Ukrainians' trust in the government have taken a hit in recent months, Zelenskyy broadly remains popular in the public, with the latest survey by Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in June showing an approval rating of 65 per cent. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD However, this survey was conducted before Ukrainians took to streets this month in opposition to the Zelenskyy-backed law that cracked down on the independence of the country's anti-corruption agencies. Those protests were seen as a sign as even though the country remained united, the public was not willing to accept any authoritarian streaks. How Russian invasion propped Zelenskyy Five years after Russia invaded Ukraine and annexed Crimea, Zelenskyy came to power in 2019 on the back of anti-establishment platform. Zelenskyy campaign against corruption and promised to bring peace in the Donbas region where an Russia-backed insurgency had been raging. He also promised transparency in the government. However, within two years, Zelenskyy was criticised for not being able to deliver on his promises related to corruption and transparency. His administration was also accused of incommoding business interests. As a result, his approval ratings below the 50 per cent-mark throughout 2020 and 2021. In 2022, however, as Russia invaded Ukraine, Zelenskyy rose to the occasion and his handling of the war reversed the public perception. Zelenskyy has been hailed as the Winston Churchill of the age, the British premier who led his nation through the World War II and rallied international support against the Nazis rampaging through Europe. Zelenskyy refused to leave Ukraine even as many Western leaders urged him to do so. Dressed in military fatigues, he transformed into a wartime leader and that reflected in his ratings. In April 2022, Zelenskyy's approval rating surged to 74 per cent.
AllAfrica
5 days ago
- Politics
- AllAfrica
Ukrainian protests biggest threat ever to Zelensky's presidency
Protests have erupted in Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities against a new law that threatens the independence of Ukraine's anti-corruption institutions. The legislation was hastily passed on July 22 by the parliament and signed that same day by the Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelensky. It places Ukraine's national anti-corruption bureau and its special anti-corruption prosecutor's office under the direct control of the prosecutor general, one of Zelensky's appointed officials. Zelensky has argued that the measure was necessary to address Russian infiltration of anti-corruption bodies. Critics of the measure, however, believe the real purpose of the law is to give the president the power to quash ongoing investigations into alleged corruption by members of his inner circle. These include his close ally and former deputy prime minister, Oleksiy Chernyshov. Politicians from opposition parties and civil society activists also regard the new law as an example of the president attempting to take advantage of wartime conditions to silence critics and consolidate power. The protests have involved thousands of ordinary people. This includes veterans of the war against Russia's invasion, some with visible war injuries such as missing limbs. Anger at the attempt to curb the independence of anticorruption bodies has broken the informal agreement between the government and Ukrainian society to show a united front to the world while the war continues. The protests may be the most serious domestic political challenge Zelensky has faced since he was elected president in 2019. Formally, Zelensky's political position is secure. His Servant of the People party holds the majority of seats in parliament and governs without the constraints of coalition partners. Zelensky and his party will also not face voters anytime soon. There is a ban on holding elections during martial law, which is due to continue for the duration of the war. Zelensky is not unpopular in Ukraine. According to a survey conducted in June by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology, Zelensky's personal popularity was running at 65%. This is down from the heady heights of 90% in the first few months after Russia's 2022 invasion, but up significantly from 52% in December 2024. However, Zelensky was quick to respond to the street protests by promising to reverse the new law. He said he would submit a new bill to parliament to restore independence to the agencies. The speed of his response reveals the sensitivity of the president – and indeed most Ukrainian politicians – to criticism on the corruption issue. Corruption is a topic that resonates strongly with Ukrainian society. Anger at the corruption of Viktor Yanukovych's presidency fueled the Maidan protests of 2013 and 2014, which began in response to his decision to break off negotiations with the EU and instead pursue closer political and economic ties with Russia. The 'revolution of dignity' that followed robustly rejected Yanukovych's leadership and his policies, and ultimately saw him ousted from power. The revolution was a resounding demonstration of the strength of Ukraine's civil society and its determination to hold its elected officials to account. Any suggestion that Ukraine is failing to address corruption is also a matter of great concern for Ukraine's international supporters. This is especially the case for major lenders such as the International Monetary Fund. Its willingness to disperse the large loans that help keep the Ukrainian economy functioning depends on Kyiv reaching the good governance milestones it sets. European leaders have expressed concern at the new law and the possibility that Zelensky may be taking a backwards step when it comes to dealing with corruption. President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, phoned Zelensky to express her strong concerns and ask for an explanation for diluting the independence of anti-corruption bodies. French and German leaders have also indicated that they intend to hold discussions with Zelensky about the issue. Meanwhile, Russia has been quick to take advantage of the protests in Ukraine. According to intelligence from Ukraine's ministry of defense, Moscow has already distributed doctored photographs of the protesters that show them holding pro-Russian signs. It has falsely claimed that Ukrainians are coming on to the streets to demand an immediate end to the war. So far, there are no indications that these protests will spill over from demanding the reversal of one controversial piece of legislation into calls for a change of government. Some protesters have even been explicit in their remarks to the media that they are broadly supportive of Zelensky, but are calling on him to take action on this specific issue. However, Zelensky cannot afford to be complacent. He needs to act quickly to keep his domestic and international supporters on side. A great deal of effort has been expended to demonstrate Ukraine's commitment to democratic values and its suitability to join western institutions like the EU and Nato. Any hint of backsliding on anti-corruption could undermine that message. Ukrainians continue to be remarkably united in their support for the war effort and their approval of the armed forces. But the mobilization process is itself tainted with corruption. Ordinary citizens are reluctant to respond to the state's call for more soldiers when it is widely known that the family members of powerful and wealthy Ukrainians are able to avoid military service and instead lead comfortable lives abroad. Zelensky cannot afford to let dissatisfaction with corruption grow. Even if it does not threaten his hold on power today, society's anger at corrupt practices and the inequalities they create is already damaging the war effort. Ukraine's political leaders need to demonstrate that their commitment to democracy is as strong as that of the society that they lead. Jennifer Mathers is a senior lecturer in international politics, Aberystwyth University . This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
NZ Herald
21-07-2025
- Politics
- NZ Herald
Even as air-raid sirens blare in wartime, Ukrainians wait for the traffic light to change
Anyone new to Ukraine notices the disconnect between the front line and much of daily life farther away. Complicated espresso drinks are still sold at service stations; pizza and sushi are still on offer; and rave parties still rave, even if they end at 11pm, in time for the midnight curfew. The desire for order is core to how Ukrainians cope in this fourth year of Russia's full-scale invasion. Traffic lights seem to be the most obvious sign of how Ukrainians hold onto normality. Red means stop. Green means go. There is no yellow light here, no caution, no chancing it. Even during air-raid alarms. 'Even when I walk my dog in the evening and there are no cars at all, I still wait at the kerb,' said Volodymyr Yeremenko, 63, a resident of Pryluky, a city of about 52,000 people about 145km east of Kyiv, who had come to the capital for a doctor's appointment. Spotting a foreigner in Ukraine is easy. They cross when the light is still red, or, God forbid, wander in traffic, something that is a hobby (or death wish) in cities like New York. Ukrainians have been known to shake their heads or to caution them not to cross. Ukrainians say strictly obeying traffic signals was a peculiarity here long before the war. Maybe it's a way to show they are more like the people in notoriously law-abiding street-crossing nations such as Finland or Germany. 'In Lviv, it's striking how people obey pedestrian traffic lights, even when there are no cars around,' wrote Johannes Majamaki, 24, a Finnish law student, on social media recently. Majamaki, who often visits Ukraine, posted a photograph of pedestrians waiting on a carless corner. 'It feels like being back home in Helsinki,' he noted. Putting firm numbers on how widespread law-abiding behaviour at traffic lights is in Ukraine is difficult. Pedestrians wait for the light at a crossing in Kyiv, Ukraine, on July 20. Photo / Brendan Hoffman, the New York Times The Kyiv police did not respond to repeated questions for data on the number of tickets issued for crossing against a red light. The offence, a US$6 fine, is lumped together with offences by animal-drawn vehicles and errant bicycles, so it's impossible to parse out the pedestrian violations. But Anton Grushetskyi, executive director of the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology, said he thought that waiting patiently at the light was a cultural habit. He said he typically crossed the street only on a green light. He said that was his custom, even if there were no cars, in 2005 and today, in the middle of the war. He added that he had not noticed any change in Ukrainians' street-crossing behaviour since the Russians invaded in February 2022 because the war had been normalised for most people. 'This is more a matter of habit — something the war hasn't really changed,' Grushetskyi said. 'The sum of all these habits creates the impression of normal life, which is something many people deeply need.' That doesn't mean that everyone always follows the rules in Ukraine. Plenty of government officials, for example, have been accused and convicted of taking money they shouldn't. While waiting for the light, Yehor Riabchenko, 16, admitted that he climbed a wooden fence last year when he wasn't supposed to. But he also fell and broke his elbow. On this Tuesday, he was rushing to the hospital to get stitches removed after a recent surgery for the injury when the air-raid alarm rang out. Still, he waited for the green. Yurii Ukrainets, 71, a retired military man, also waited patiently at the corner in Kyiv for the green pedestrian light during the air-raid alert because, he said, he had no desire to throw himself under the wheels of an oncoming car. What would happen if he ran across the street dodging cars? Chaos, that's what. 'Rules are rules,' said Ukrainets, who was on his way to a government office to check on his pension. 'Imagine my grandson is out there with my daughter, and they see me crossing against a red light. 'If I don't see them, but they see me, what will they think? 'Grandpa breaks the rules — so I can too.' I don't want to set that kind of example.' This article originally appeared in The New York Times. Written by: Kim Barker Photographs by: Brendan Hoffman ©2025 THE NEW YORK TIMES
Yahoo
10-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Ukrainians open to limited territorial concessions for peace
A recent survey found that 43% of Ukrainians are willing to accept Russia's de facto occupation of some territories without legal recognition, provided that Ukraine receives security guarantees. However, Ukrainians are strongly opposed to the official recognition of the occupation or the transfer of Ukrainian territories to Russian control. Source: results of a Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) survey conducted from 15 May to 3 June 2025 Quote: "Therefore, if we are asking about the official recognition of certain territories as part of Russia, then the vast majority (68%) will be against it. Ready to accept – 24% (note that we are talking about 'certain territories', not all occupied territories; depending on the territories, there may be significant differentiation). Also, the absolute majority – 78% – reject the transfer of territories controlled by Ukraine under Russian control. Only 15% are ready to accept this. The only option where there is at least room for discussion is de facto recognition of Russian control without de jure recognition. Even in this case, 43% are ready to accept, and 48% are categorically against." Details: The survey observes that if a peace plan includes security guarantees and other key components for Ukraine's future, over half of Ukrainians could, albeit reluctantly, accept such a scenario to end the war. Any option involving the official recognition of Ukrainian territories as part of Russia, or the transfer of non-occupied territories to Russian control, would be rejected. However, Ukrainians demonstrate pragmatic flexibility and are open to discussing a compromise involving de facto recognition of Russian control without de jure recognition. The results also suggest that when Ukrainians discuss "territorial concessions", they primarily interpret these as acknowledging Russia's temporary control over certain territories, without official recognition from Ukraine or the international community. Photo: Kyiv International Institute of Sociology For reference: The survey was conducted by KIIS from 15 May to 3 June 2025, during which it independently added questions about readiness for territorial concessions and conducted an experiment to assess how different interpretations of "territorial concessions" affect responses. Using telephone interviews based on a random sample of mobile numbers in all government-controlled regions of Ukraine, 2,004 respondents were interviewed (approximately 500 randomly selected respondents answered each of four question variants on territorial concessions). The survey included Ukrainian citizens aged 18 and above. Under normal circumstances, the statistical error for a sample of 2,004 respondents does not exceed 2.9%. For a sample of approximately 500 respondents, the error does not exceed 5.8%. Support Ukrainska Pravda on Patreon!
Yahoo
10-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Over 40% of Ukrainians willing to compromise on 'de facto' recognition of Russian occupation for peace, poll shows
Some 48% of Ukrainians "categorically" oppose even a de facto recognition of Russian control of the occupied Ukrainian territories to achieve peace, according to a poll by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) published on June 10. In turn, 43% of respondents said they would be willing to make the concession to reach a peace deal with Moscow. The news comes as Russia continues to push for territorial concessions from Ukraine as part of the ongoing peace talks. The survey suggests that Ukrainians are even less ready to accept a de jure recognition of the Russian occupation – 68% of respondents said they are categorically against such a step, while 24% were open to it. The strongest opposition – 78% – was against handing over control of Ukrainian territories that Russia does not currently occupy. Only 15% of respondents were willing to make that compromise. Russia currently occupies roughly 20% of Ukraine's territory. This includes the whole of Crimea occupied in 2014 and large parts of the Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson oblasts. Moscow illegally declared the annexation of the latter four regions in 2022 and insists on Ukraine's full withdrawal from them as part of a peace deal, even though it does not control them completely. The Kremlin is also pushing for a formal recognition of its hold over Ukrainian territories. While U.S. President Donald Trump has reportedly signalled a willingness to U.S. recognition of the Russian occupation of Crimea, Ukraine has rejected the step, as well as its withdrawal from the territory it currently holds. The poll revealed that public opinion on territorial concessions has remained relatively stable over the past months. When asked whether Ukraine should give up territories to achieve peace — without specifying a de facto or de jure recognition of the Russian occupation — 52% said Ukraine should not take the step under "any circumstances." In comparison, 38% of respondents backed the compromise. These are almost the same figures as in December 2024, when 51% were opposed to the concession, while 38% were open to it. "Our survey shows that the issue of territorial losses is extremely sensitive for Ukrainians and, in particular, how exactly 'territorial losses' are interpreted plays a significant role," said Anton Hrushetskyi, executive director of KIIS, in a statement. "At the same time, this means that (un)readiness for territorial losses can become the subject of manipulation and information campaigns against Ukraine." The poll was conducted between May 15 and June 3. It involved 2,004 adult residents of the Ukrainian-controlled territories who were interviewed by telephone. Read also: Key to Russia's potential defeat lies in its economy We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.
