Latest news with #Lahav433
Yahoo
3 days ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
Easy money and no implications: Lahav 433 officer reveals motives behind Israelis spying for Iran
"These cases reflect a broader phenomenon that began with the outbreak of the war, with Iranian operatives showing a strong drive to recruit from within Israel," said Peretz. Amid the Israel-Hamas War that erupted on October 7, 2023, a troubling trend began to take shape: the recruitment of Israeli citizens by Iranian operatives for espionage purposes. This development comes at a time of war, endangering state security. Thanks to intelligence provided by the Shin Bet and investigations conducted by the Israel Police, 25 cases of espionage involving Israelis working for Iranian intelligence agencies have been thwarted. Indictments have been filed, with 40 Israelis expected to face charges. Of these cases, 17 were managed by the National Unit for Serious and International Crime Investigations within Lahav 433, while eight cases were handled by the central units in various police districts. In every case, investigators succeeded in gathering evidence that led to the arrest of the suspects. Lt. Col. Sarit Peretz, head of the security department in Lahav 433, shared insights on the matter with Maariv. "Our unit has worked on 17 espionage cases so far," says Lt. Col. Peretz. "These cases reflect a broader phenomenon that began with the outbreak of the war, with Iranian operatives showing a strong drive to recruit from within Israel." She continued, "The first case we uncovered involved a young haredi man from Beit Shemesh in July 2024. At the time, it seemed like an isolated incident. It wasn't clear that this was part of a larger trend until another significant case came to light. This was the case that brought attention to the phenomenon, with several suspects tied to Iran who had carried out operations for them over the past two years." Lt. Col. Peretz further explained, "From that point, we began to uncover cases involving two or three suspects each, all linked to Iran. Most of these connections began on social media platforms. Initially, it wasn't obvious that they were Iranian operatives—sometimes they posed as journalists or used friendly or romantic connections. But it quickly became clear that the entity behind these contacts was Iran, with the goal of harming the State of Israel." When asked if the suspect's motive was always financial, Peretz confirmed: "Yes, always. The motive is money—easy money. They are motivated by the desire to receive payments as quickly as possible. There's also the issue of anonymity—getting money from someone they don't know." Peretz further explained that the money is often funneled through digital cryptocurrencies: "Exactly. The use of cryptocurrencies allows for greater anonymity and ease of transfer." Peretz emphasized the crucial role of the Lahav 433 Cyber Unit, which specializes in investigating digital wallets: "Our cyber unit is the most professional in the Israel Police when it comes to investigating digital wallets. They have the expertise, the global network, and the necessary tools to trace fund transfers and open digital wallets." "The tasks assigned to the Israelis progressed in stages," said Peretz. "It starts with identification tasks—confirming the individual is indeed Israeli. They are asked for ID cards and other personal details to verify their identity. Once the operative is satisfied, the tasks become more personal. Israelis are asked to take pictures of themselves or even of supermarket products, or to photograph certain streets. These tasks help build trust between the operator and the Israeli." She continued, "As the relationship deepens, the tasks escalate: graffiti such as 'Children of the Spirit of Allah' or 'Bibi Dictator,' burning IDF uniforms, defacing the Israeli flag. Eventually, the tasks become more dangerous: photographing military bases or strategic locations. In some cases, suspects were asked to handle explosives, purchase weapons, or participate in operations intended to harm people or national security." "No one left the country for training," Peretz confirmed. "We arrested suspects before that could happen. However, some were willing to travel to places like Cyprus or Greece, with the idea that they could reach Iran by sea. They even explored how to leave Israel without drawing attention." Peretz stressed the importance of collaboration between the Israel Police and Shin Bet: "When we identify an Israeli element in contact with an Iranian operative, both we and Shin Bet act quickly. Our goal is to assess the extent of the potential damage. Many of those involved caused significant harm before their arrests. Take, for instance, the soldier working with the Iron Dome who transmitted a video from the defense system. Another case involved a suspect renting an apartment in Haifa, with the aim of monitoring the port for information on ships entering and leaving Israel. The goal was to smuggle ammunition into the port." Additionally, Peretz explained that not all espionage cases are handled by the Lahav 433. "Due to the large number of cases, central police units in various districts are also involved in these serious cases," she said. "These units have experience in organized crime investigations, and like us, they collaborate with Shin Bet." "The amounts involved ranged from 800,000 shekels to a million shekels," Peretz stated. "Most suspects don't deny their involvement," she noted. "They acknowledge the cases we've exposed but attempt to distance themselves by claiming they didn't intend to harm Israel. They often argue that they didn't fully understand the consequences of their actions." "While one or two suspects expressed discontent with the state, it was not clearly ideological," said Peretz. "The majority of suspects claimed they loved Israel. But their motivation was always about easy money—they didn't fully consider the implications of their actions."
Telegraph
05-04-2025
- Politics
- Telegraph
A newspaper editor was targeted by Arab ‘spies'. It could spell Netanyahu's downfall
When Zvika Klein was asked to attend the offices of the Lahav 433 international crime investigations unit this week, he assumed he had nothing to fear. One of the best-connected editors in the Jerusalem Post's recent history, and personally responsible for numerous scoops, the 42-year-old is a widely respected figure both in Israel and, thanks to his assiduous bridge-building, the international Jewish diaspora. Yet, in his own words, shortly after arriving at police headquarters, 'everything turned upside down'. Placed under arrest, Klein says he was then subjected to 12 hours of 'harsh' interrogation, his trailblazing scoops presented against him as evidence of possible crimes. The investigation? So-called 'Qatargate', a scandal that reached fever pitch this week with the arrest of two of Benjamin Netanyahu's close aides. In an extraordinary spectacle, even for a country already roiled by legal drama at the top of government, the prime minister was forced to cut short giving evidence in his corruption trial on Monday to assist police with their inquiries into his staff. Investigators believe that Jonatan Urich and Eli Feldstein used their position in the prime minister's office to promote Qatar's image within Israeli and international media via off-the-record briefings in return for money. In post-Oct 7 Israel, that is an acutely controversial claim. This is because, first, the Gulf state is seen as having an uncomfortably close relationship with Hamas, both in the sense that it paid – with Israel's blessing – hundreds of millions of dollars into Gaza, which analysts now believe helped equip the terror group for the 2023 massacre; also the fact that Hamas was headquartered in Doha until last November. Second, since the atrocity, Qatar has assumed a leading role in hosting and mediating the hostage negotiations. These are talks which, for many Israelis, repeatedly failed to find achievable common ground, condemning the abductees to months of unnecessary incarceration. Thirty-four living hostages are still believed to be captive. Critics in Israel, and internationally, accuse the oil-rich monarchy of seeking to present itself as a progressive force for regional and world cohesion, while at the same time quietly cleaving to the radical Islamism of the Muslim Brotherhood and funding terrorist groups. If it is proved that Mr Netanyahu employed paid agents of, technically, a non-friendly Arab state in his office during a time of war, that could be too embarrassing even for him to survive. On Tuesday, Judge Menahem Mizrahi issued a brief summary of investigators' lines of inquiry, saying there was 'reasonable suspicion' that the accusations he outlined were well-founded. Among them was a claim that Mr Ulrich formed a direct connection with Jay Footlik, a pro-Qatar US lobbyist, with the aim not only of promoting Doha's status as the lead mediator for hostage negotiations but also criticising the role of Egypt. Since diplomatic relations were established in the 1980s, leaving behind the wars of the previous decades, Egypt has developed into Israel's most important regional partner. However, a bitter rivalry – described in one Israeli newspaper this week as a 'bottomless hatred' – has grown between Cairo and Doha, with the Egyptian military-rooted authoritarian regime contemptuous of Qatar's tolerance of the Muslim Brotherhood, who briefly won control of Egypt in 2012. Israeli commentators have noted that since Oct 7, off-the-record briefings emanating from Mr Netanyahu's office have repeatedly talked down Cairo's ability to yield results in the hostage negotiations. There were even a number of factually dubious suggestions that Egypt was preparing for war with Israel. Commentators have suggested that this was part of a deliberate effort by Qatar to seize control of the hostage negotiations, potentially with the aim of finding a favourable outcome for Hamas. Some believe this directly harmed the prospects of a deal. Qatar has angrily rejected any such notion. 'Things aren't black and white' Correspondence on Mr Feldstein's phone led police to Klein, who was promoted to editor in chief of the Jerusalem Post shortly before the start of the current war. In the months since, arguably his most eye-catching personal journalism has been on the subject of Qatar, facilitated by high-level access to Qatari ministers and officials. Following a visit in 2024, during which he joined senior dignitaries at a luxury campsite and held meetings in the government headquarters, he published a long article seeking to interrogate the validity of criticisms against Qatar, which he described as a 'gorgeous country'. The piece was nuanced, clearly outlining the concerns about Qatar. However, Klein gave significant space to Qatari explanations for the Hamas funding issue, namely that they were simply facilitating an Israeli-US initiative. Similarly, on the question of why they were hosting Hamas in their capital. Praising Qatari officials for understanding Israel 'probably better than Western diplomats', he concluded that the country sat in a 'complicated and sensitive region' where 'things aren't black and white'. It has now emerged that Klein was offered the opportunity to visit Qatar by Yisrael Einhorn, a former Netanyahu aide, described by some Israeli press as Mr Urich's partner. He is currently in Serbia, and Israeli police have spoken of attempting to force his return via Interpol in connection with Qatargate. Additionally, it is now known that the pro-Qatar lobbyist Mr Footlik accompanied Klein to some of his meetings in Qatar. When he returned to Israel, Mr Einhorn offered to engage a PR professional to help promote Klein's article describing his visit to Qatar in the Israeli press. He reportedly said that 'the American' – Mr Footlik – would pay. There was also a trip to Germany, where Mr Einhorn offered an exclusive interview with the Qatari ambassador Sheikh Abdullah bin Mohammad Al Thani, who is now ambassador to Britain. On Thursday, the editor issued an impassioned defence of his journalism and a denunciation of the police's conduct. 'In an instant, I went from a public servant to a suspect. Not even in my worst nightmares could I have imagined this,' he wrote. He described his coverage of Qatar as a 'rare journalistic opportunity' for which he received 'nothing in return. No benefits, no payment, no promises'. 'This case will not intimidate me,' he said. Klein pointed out that he had even decided to publish a column in the Jerusalem Post that was personally critical of his decision to travel to Qatar. Klein is now free and faces no charges. However, Mr Feldstein and Mr Ulrich reportedly gave contradictory versions of events under questioning this week and have now been released on house arrest. Both men, as well as Mr Einhorn, deny any wrongdoing. Meanwhile, a scandal that has already embroiled the highest political offices of the state now grips an independent institution – the Jerusalem Post – which is older than the state itself. For an Israeli public already nervous about threats to their country's democratic safeguards, given the alleged attempts to politicise the military and security service, the arrest of a prominent editor has caused inevitable alarm. The irony that the arrest was part of an investigation in which Mr Netanyahu has been accused of subverting democracy to avoid, just illustrates the complexity of the turmoil gripping Israeli politics. It is likely the Qatar scandal has some distance yet to run.
Yahoo
05-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
A newspaper editor was targeted by Arab ‘spies'. It could spell Netanyahu's downfall
When Zvika Klein was asked to attend the offices of the Lahav 433 international crime investigations unit this week, he assumed he had nothing to fear. One of the best-connected editors in the Jerusalem Post's recent history, and personally responsible for numerous scoops, the 42-year-old is a widely respected figure both in Israel and, thanks to his assiduous bridge-building, the international Jewish diaspora. Yet, in his own words, shortly after arriving at police headquarters, 'everything turned upside down'. Placed under arrest, Klein says he was then subjected to 12 hours of 'harsh' interrogation, his trailblazing scoops presented against him as evidence of possible crimes. The investigation? So-called 'Qatargate', a scandal that reached fever pitch this week with the arrest of two of Benjamin Netanyahu's close aides. In an extraordinary spectacle, even for a country already roiled by legal drama at the top of government, the prime minister was forced to cut short giving evidence in his corruption trial on Monday to assist police with their inquiries into his staff. Investigators believe that Jonatan Urich and Eli Feldstein used their position in the prime minister's office to promote Qatar's image within Israeli and international media via off-the-record briefings in return for money. In post-Oct 7 Israel, that is an acutely controversial claim. This is because, first, the Gulf state is seen as having an uncomfortably close relationship with Hamas, both in the sense that it paid – with Israel's blessing – hundreds of millions of dollars into Gaza, which analysts now believe helped equip the terror group for the 2023 massacre; also the fact that Hamas was headquartered in Doha until last November. Second, since the atrocity, Qatar has assumed a leading role in hosting and mediating the hostage negotiations. These are talks which, for many Israelis, repeatedly failed to find achievable common ground, condemning the abductees to months of unnecessary incarceration. Thirty-four living hostages are still believed to be captive. Critics in Israel, and internationally, accuse the oil-rich monarchy of seeking to present itself as a progressive force for regional and world cohesion, while at the same time quietly cleaving to the radical Islamism of the Muslim Brotherhood and funding terrorist groups. If it is proved that Mr Netanyahu employed paid agents of, technically, a non-friendly Arab state in his office during a time of war, that could be too embarrassing even for him to survive. On Tuesday, Judge Menahem Mizrahi issued a brief summary of investigators' lines of inquiry, saying there was 'reasonable suspicion' that the accusations he outlined were well-founded. Among them was a claim that Mr Ulrich formed a direct connection with Jay Footlik, a pro-Qatar US lobbyist, with the aim not only of promoting Doha's status as the lead mediator for hostage negotiations but also criticising the role of Egypt. Since diplomatic relations were established in the 1980s, leaving behind the wars of the previous decades, Egypt has developed into Israel's most important regional partner. However, a bitter rivalry – described in one Israeli newspaper this week as a 'bottomless hatred' – has grown between Cairo and Doha, with the Egyptian military-rooted authoritarian regime contemptuous of Qatar's tolerance of the Muslim Brotherhood, who briefly won control of Egypt in 2012. Israeli commentators have noted that since Oct 7, off-the-record briefings emanating from Mr Netanyahu's office have repeatedly talked down Cairo's ability to yield results in the hostage negotiations. There were even a number of factually dubious suggestions that Egypt was preparing for war with Israel. Commentators have suggested that this was part of a deliberate effort by Qatar to seize control of the hostage negotiations, potentially with the aim of finding a favourable outcome for Hamas. Some believe this directly harmed the prospects of a deal. Qatar has angrily rejected any such notion. Correspondence on Mr Feldstein's phone led police to Klein, who was promoted to editor in chief of the Jerusalem Post shortly before the start of the current war. In the months since, arguably his most eye-catching personal journalism has been on the subject of Qatar, facilitated by high-level access to Qatari ministers and officials. Following a visit in 2024, during which he joined senior dignitaries at a luxury campsite and held meetings in the government headquarters, he published a long article seeking to interrogate the validity of criticisms against Qatar, which he described as a 'gorgeous country'. The piece was nuanced, clearly outlining the concerns about Qatar. However, Klein gave significant space to Qatari explanations for the Hamas funding issue, namely that they were simply facilitating an Israeli-US initiative. Similarly, on the question of why they were hosting Hamas in their capital. Praising Qatari officials for understanding Israel 'probably better than Western diplomats', he concluded that the country sat in a 'complicated and sensitive region' where 'things aren't black and white'. It has now emerged that Klein was offered the opportunity to visit Qatar by Yisrael Einhorn, a former Netanyahu aide, described by some Israeli press as Mr Urich's partner. He is currently in Serbia, and Israeli police have spoken of attempting to force his return via Interpol in connection with Qatargate. Additionally, it is now known that the pro-Qatar lobbyist Mr Footlik accompanied Klein to some of his meetings in Qatar. When he returned to Israel, Mr Einhorn offered to engage a PR professional to help promote Klein's article describing his visit to Qatar in the Israeli press. He reportedly said that 'the American' – Mr Footlik – would pay. There was also a trip to Germany, where Mr Einhorn offered an exclusive interview with the Qatari ambassador Sheikh Abdullah bin Mohammad Al Thani, who is now ambassador to Britain. On Thursday, the editor issued an impassioned defence of his journalism and a denunciation of the police's conduct. 'In an instant, I went from a public servant to a suspect. Not even in my worst nightmares could I have imagined this,' he wrote. He described his coverage of Qatar as a 'rare journalistic opportunity' for which he received 'nothing in return. No benefits, no payment, no promises'. 'This case will not intimidate me,' he said. Klein pointed out that he had even decided to publish a column in the Jerusalem Post that was personally critical of his decision to travel to Qatar. Klein is now free and faces no charges. However, Mr Feldstein and Mr Ulrich reportedly gave contradictory versions of events under questioning this week and have now been released on house arrest. Both men, as well as Mr Einhorn, deny any wrongdoing. Meanwhile, a scandal that has already embroiled the highest political offices of the state now grips an independent institution – the Jerusalem Post – which is older than the state itself. For an Israeli public already nervous about threats to their country's democratic safeguards, given the alleged attempts to politicise the military and security service, the arrest of a prominent editor has caused inevitable alarm. The irony that the arrest was part of an investigation in which Mr Netanyahu has been accused of subverting democracy to avoid, just illustrates the complexity of the turmoil gripping Israeli politics. It is likely the Qatar scandal has some distance yet to run. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
Shafaq News
31-03-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Israel's Netanyahu questioned after senior aides arrested
Shafaq News/ On Monday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was questioned by police as part of the so-called Qatargate investigation, hours after authorities arrested two of his senior aides, Israeli media reported. Netanyahu provided testimony to the police's Lahav 433 major crimes unit. He was initially questioned as a witness, with authorities yet to decide whether to interrogate him as a suspect. The case remains under a court-imposed gag order until April 10, but multiple reports identified the detained senior aides as Eli Feldstein and Yonatan Urich, both members of Netanyahu's media team. Urich and Feldstein were previously detained and questioned 12 days ago. Details of the case, including the nature of the interrogations and findings, remain barred from publication due to the ongoing gag order. The probe has deepened tensions between Netanyahu and law enforcement, Israeli PM appointed former navy commander Eli Sharvit as the next head of Shin Bet, after dismissing former chief Ronen Bar. About Qatargate Qatargate refers to a recent political scandal involving allegations that close aides of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu received payments from Qatar to promote its interests within Israel. The investigation, launched by Israeli authorities, focuses on potential unlawful financial ties between Netanyahu's senior staff and Qatar, spanning from May 2022 to October 2024. The case has led to arrests and questioning of key figures, including Netanyahu's advisers, on charges such as fraud, money laundering, and bribery. The scandal has sparked significant political controversy, with critics accusing Netanyahu's circle of compromising national security for personal or financial gain. Netanyahu himself has denied any wrongdoing and dismissed the allegations as politically motivated.
Al Manar
31-03-2025
- Politics
- Al Manar
Netanyahu Testifies in Qatargate Probe after Police Summons, as Top Aides Arrested
Police arrested Jonatan Urich and Eli Feldstein, top aides to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, as suspects in the so-called Qatargate scandal on Monday, just as the attorney general ordered the police to summon the premier for testimony in the ongoing probe. The prime minister's motorcade arrived at his office early Monday evening, where he was questioned by investigators in the police's Lahav 433 major crimes unit. Netanyahu left the Tel Aviv District Court Monday morning, cutting short his criminal trial on corruption charges, to give testimony regarding the alleged unlawful financial ties between his senior staffers and Qatar. According to a source in Lahav 433 quoted by the Kan public broadcaster, police 'gave the prime minister the option of coming to give open testimony [either] today or on another day, but he chose to come today and stop the hearing of his case in court.' According to a Channel 12 report from before the testimony, the prime minister was to be questioned as someone with knowledge of the affair, rather than as a suspect. The decision as to whether to subsequently question Netanyahu under caution, meaning as a suspect in the case, would be made following his open testimony.
