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Hindustan Times
a day ago
- Business
- Hindustan Times
What Donald Trump is teaching Harvard
At Harvard you can study negotiation. This being Harvard, there is in fact an entire academic programme dedicated to the craft. The principles are simple. Understand your alternatives—what happens if you fight rather than compromise—and your long-term interests. This being Donald Trump's America, Harvard itself is now the case study. Mr Trump has turned full guns on that supposed hotbed of antisemitism and left-wing indoctrination. America's oldest and richest university would be his most satisfying trophy and its capitulation would become a template for coerced reforms across higher education. The government has sought to review some of Harvard's coursework as Mr Trump has pressured it to hire fewer 'Leftist dopes' and discipline pro-Palestine protesters. When the university refused, his administration froze federal research grants worth $3bn and tried to bar it from enrolling foreign students. Harvard has fought back and sued the government twice. Its many constituencies have loudly supported this resistance. Seven in ten faculty who took part in a poll by the Crimson, a student newspaper, said the university should not agree to a settlement. Yet it seems likely that Harvard will fold in the manner of Brown University and Columbia; reports suggest it will pay up to $500m. Consider Harvard's options. Litigation has succeeded initially: a judge paused the ban on foreign students. Harvard had a sympathetic hearing in its lawsuit to restore government funding. Yet the university knows that it cannot count on the Supreme Court, with its conservative majority. Meanwhile, the potential damage from Mr Trump's campaign looks both acute and existential. Losing federal funds would transform Harvard from a world-class research university to a tuition-dependent one. They constitute 11% of the operating budget and represent almost all the discretionary money available for research. Making do without while maintaining current spending levels would see the university draw down its $53bn endowment by about 2% a year. That is possible for a while, though it would erode future income and much of the endowment is constrained by donor restrictions anyway. Already Harvard has frozen some hiring and laid off research staff. More trouble awaits. The Internal Revenue Service is considering revoking Harvard's tax-exempt status. Elise Stefanik, a Republican congresswoman, has suggested that the university committed securities fraud when it issued a bond in April and failed initially to tell investors about the government's demands. She wants the Securities and Exchange Commission to investigate. The Department of Homeland Security has sought records about foreign students who participated in pro-Palestine protests. Alumni, faculty and students report pride in Harvard's president, Alan Garber, resisting Mr Trump's extortion scheme. Yet more and more faculty are calling for a deal, especially in medicine and science since they have the most to lose. Steven Pinker, a psychology professor, has argued for a 'face-saving exit': Mr Trump may be 'dictatorial' but 'resistance should be strategic, not suicidal'. A deal similar to Brown's would not be so hard to swallow. To restore its federal funds, that university will pay $50m to workforce-development organisations. A likelier model is the one reached with Columbia, which coughed up $200m to the government. Most of its federal funding, worth $1.3bn, was reinstated and probes into alleged civil-rights violations were closed. Viewed from the outside, the price paid by Columbia looks arbitrary—there was no explanation for how it had been calculated. Columbia also agreed to dismantle DEI initiatives and will hire faculty specialising in Israel and Judaism, among other concessions. An outside monitor will ensure compliance. Claire Shipman, the university's acting president, said Columbia had not accepted diktats about what to teach or whom to hire and admit. Maybe so, but the settlement was still a shakedown. Mr Trump skipped the legal process by which the government can cancel funds. By law the administration has to offer a hearing and submit a report to Congress at least 30 days before the cut-off takes effect. None of that happened. Of course coercive, bilateral deals are Mr Trump's métier—he has achieved them with law firms and trading partners. Harvard has been making changes on campus that may be labelled as concessions in any eventual settlement. Some do appear designed to assuage Mr Trump. Since January the university has adopted the government's preferred definition of antisemitism; ended a partnership with Birzeit University in the West Bank; removed the leadership of the Centre for Middle Eastern Studies; and suspended the Palestine Solidarity Committee, an undergraduate group. DEI offices have been renamed and their websites scrubbed. Harvard's lack of ideological diversity will not be fixed by fiat. In 2023 a Crimson poll found that less than 3% of faculty identified as conservative. Now the university is reportedly considering establishing a centre for conservative thought akin to Stanford's Hoover Institution. Across campus it is understood that too many students seem ill-equipped to deal with views that challenge their own, says Edward Hall, a philosophy professor. Another insight you will glean in a Harvard negotiation class is to grasp your opponent's interests. In Mr Trump's practice, this means bagging a deal and bragging about it. He wrote a whole book on the topic. It could go on a syllabus.
Mint
a day ago
- Business
- Mint
What Donald Trump is teaching Harvard
At Harvard you can study negotiation. This being Harvard, there is in fact an entire academic programme dedicated to the craft. The principles are simple. Understand your alternatives—what happens if you fight rather than compromise—and your long-term interests. This being Donald Trump's America, Harvard itself is now the case study. Mr Trump has turned full guns on that supposed hotbed of antisemitism and left-wing indoctrination. America's oldest and richest university would be his most satisfying trophy and its capitulation would become a template for coerced reforms across higher education. The government has sought to review some of Harvard's coursework as Mr Trump has pressured it to hire fewer 'Leftist dopes" and discipline pro-Palestine protesters. When the university refused, his administration froze federal research grants worth $3bn and tried to bar it from enrolling foreign students. Harvard has fought back and sued the government twice. Its many constituencies have loudly supported this resistance. Seven in ten faculty who took part in a poll by the Crimson, a student newspaper, said the university should not agree to a settlement. Yet it seems likely that Harvard will fold in the manner of Brown University and Columbia; reports suggest it will pay up to $500m. Consider Harvard's options. Litigation has succeeded initially: a judge paused the ban on foreign students. Harvard had a sympathetic hearing in its lawsuit to restore government funding. Yet the university knows that it cannot count on the Supreme Court, with its conservative majority. Meanwhile, the potential damage from Mr Trump's campaign looks both acute and existential. Losing federal funds would transform Harvard from a world-class research university to a tuition-dependent one. They constitute 11% of the operating budget and represent almost all the discretionary money available for research. Making do without while maintaining current spending levels would see the university draw down its $53bn endowment by about 2% a year. That is possible for a while, though it would erode future income and much of the endowment is constrained by donor restrictions anyway. Already Harvard has frozen some hiring and laid off research staff. More trouble awaits. The Internal Revenue Service is considering revoking Harvard's tax-exempt status. Elise Stefanik, a Republican congresswoman, has suggested that the university committed securities fraud when it issued a bond in April and failed initially to tell investors about the government's demands. She wants the Securities and Exchange Commission to investigate. The Department of Homeland Security has sought records about foreign students who participated in pro-Palestine protests. Alumni, faculty and students report pride in Harvard's president, Alan Garber, resisting Mr Trump's extortion scheme. Yet more and more faculty are calling for a deal, especially in medicine and science since they have the most to lose. Steven Pinker, a psychology professor, has argued for a 'face-saving exit": Mr Trump may be 'dictatorial" but 'resistance should be strategic, not suicidal". A deal similar to Brown's would not be so hard to swallow. To restore its federal funds, that university will pay $50m to workforce-development organisations. A likelier model is the one reached with Columbia, which coughed up $200m to the government. Most of its federal funding, worth $1.3bn, was reinstated and probes into alleged civil-rights violations were closed. Viewed from the outside, the price paid by Columbia looks arbitrary—there was no explanation for how it had been calculated. Columbia also agreed to dismantle DEI initiatives and will hire faculty specialising in Israel and Judaism, among other concessions. An outside monitor will ensure compliance. Claire Shipman, the university's acting president, said Columbia had not accepted diktats about what to teach or whom to hire and admit. Maybe so, but the settlement was still a shakedown. Mr Trump skipped the legal process by which the government can cancel funds. By law the administration has to offer a hearing and submit a report to Congress at least 30 days before the cut-off takes effect. None of that happened. Of course coercive, bilateral deals are Mr Trump's métier—he has achieved them with law firms and trading partners. Harvard has been making changes on campus that may be labelled as concessions in any eventual settlement. Some do appear designed to assuage Mr Trump. Since January the university has adopted the government's preferred definition of antisemitism; ended a partnership with Birzeit University in the West Bank; removed the leadership of the Centre for Middle Eastern Studies; and suspended the Palestine Solidarity Committee, an undergraduate group. DEI offices have been renamed and their websites scrubbed. Harvard's lack of ideological diversity will not be fixed by fiat. In 2023 a Crimson poll found that less than 3% of faculty identified as conservative. Now the university is reportedly considering establishing a centre for conservative thought akin to Stanford's Hoover Institution. Across campus it is understood that too many students seem ill-equipped to deal with views that challenge their own, says Edward Hall, a philosophy professor. Another insight you will glean in a Harvard negotiation class is to grasp your opponent's interests. In Mr Trump's practice, this means bagging a deal and bragging about it. He wrote a whole book on the topic. It could go on a syllabus.
The Print
2 days ago
- Politics
- The Print
Meghnad Desai was a man of many passions. Marxian economics, politics to Bollywood
In 1965, Meghnad joined the LSE as a professor of econometrics. But over time, his interests and his contributions as a professor and as a researcher and writer broadened. His major contribution to improving the LSE was the Development Studies Institute and the Global Governance Centre. He brought me into the centre as a Distinguished Fellow when I retired from the United Nations. In the first few years of his life in London, we met regularly because his home was where I stayed when I came to London from Liverpool or Southampton, where I worked at the universities. What connected us was not just our shared Leftist political inclinations but much more, including our shared interest in films, novels, and Gujarati food. All of this shows up in the vast variety of Meghnad's actions and achievements in his life. July is a rather special month in Meghnad Desai's life. He was born on 10 July 1940, he married Kishwar on 20 July 2004, and now he has departed from this world on 29 July 2025. We met 60 years ago when he joined the London School of Economics as a lecturer, and I had just finished my master's degree there. This connection, inspired by our shared surname, was also in July 1965. He taught and wrote about Marxian economics, development economics and later also on broader issues about the global economy and political economy. He never lost his interest in Marxist thought, and at the beginning of the new millennium and a little more than a decade after the collapse of communism in Russia and Eastern Europe, he wrote a truly interesting book Marx's Revenge: The Resurgence of Capitalism and the Death of Statist Socialism. I do believe he thought that, despite the rise of capitalist belief in politics, the socialist goals would be restored in political life. In 1970, he married Gail Wilson, his first wife, who was connected with the Labour Party. Much of his active political focus was with the Labour Party. Though he did become the Party's chairperson and shadow cabinet member, his politics perhaps became less hard Leftist beyond his youth. He was independent-minded in his political statements, and he continued as a relatively independent member of the House of Lords, though he formally separated from the Labour Party only in 2020. Meghnad retained his interest in Indian politics throughout. Talking about it was a part of our arguments in the post-Nehru years for some time after 1965. In more recent years, his interest and contribution became much more intense. He participated in public events in India connected with politics and policy matters, contributed much through his newspaper columns and was even honoured by the Indian Government in 2008 when he was awarded a Padma Bhushan. In 2014, he set up the Gandhi Statue Memorial Trust to raise resources to build a statue of Mahatma Gandhi in Parliament Square in front of the UK Parliament House. Also read: Lord Meghnad Desai belonged to no camp—and, somehow, to every camp at once A good life Meghnad's interest went much beyond economics and politics. This is reflected in his writing, particularly after his retirement as a full-time LSE Professor in 2003 (though he did continue as an Emeritus Professor for life). He wrote a book about Dilip Kumar, and that is when he met his second wife, Kishwar, who was the editor of the book. His passion for cinema was a long-standing element in his life. During our get-togethers in his house in the late sixties, he relished telling me about Hindi films, showing them when possible. I remember his detailed, scene-by-scene description of the Mehboob Khan film Andaz, which he considered near perfect! Meghnad was a devoted secularist who formally became an associate of the National Secular Society in Britain. But he did apply his academic strength to studying Hinduism and wrote a couple of books, including one on the Bhagwat Gita, where he argued that some elements there supported social inequality. What is remarkable in Meghnad's life is the range of ideas and activities in which he was involved. And for those of us who connected with him personally, what we will miss is his warmth and courtesy, his delightful sense of humour, his sociability which saw him connecting with a vast range of people in India, Britain and elsewhere. Meghnad had a good life, and Kishwar was a great source of love and support for him. All of us who have been his friends and associates join Kishwar, his three children from his first wife and the rest of the family, not just in mourning his departure, but also in celebrating his life. (Edited by Theres Sudeep)
New Indian Express
23-07-2025
- Politics
- New Indian Express
Fare well VS Achuthanandan: The leader who never lost his soul
It's the day when Kerala is seeing the last farewell for the late VS Achuthanandan. The outpouring of love for the Communist stalwart, with 'Samaram aanu VS' booming all along the way, stands testimony to the fact that the 101-year-old will always live on in the hearts and minds of the millions who cherish their Comrade. Never an ideologue, the legendary leader was able to effectively fill the political vacuum left by EMS Namboodiripad's demise in Kerala politics. Till the end, he championed both the party's and the Leftist cause in Kerala and remained the quintessential people's leader. The election memories he left behind are many. In the state's first-ever bypoll in 1958, he brought in the one-and-only MGR to campaign for the Left. With MGR was a then unknown boy who would sing at campaign meetings. He later went on to be known as the legendary Ilayaraja. In 2015, he led the Left battle against KM Mani in the assembly. Even in the 2019 by-election—his final political outing—VS was in his element, unleashing a scathing attack on political opponents. Though a leader with limited formal education, he stood out from his peers for his political wisdom, which led him to take up a slew of people's issues—be it environmental issues like Pooyamkutty, or issues related to women's safety. People saw in him their saviour. Someone who was patient enough to lend an ear to their woes, a politician who was never reluctant to take up their causes, an Opposition within his own party, a leader of the masses. Patient listener who was open to new ideas His once close associates clearly remember how VS took up various causes like the free software movement at a time when such concepts were unheard of in Kerala. "In fact, I had met a couple of senior Left leaders at the time, and none of them were even ready to listen. That's when one of them—obviously to get rid of me—directed me to VS, who was then the Opposition Leader. I was given only five minutes to explain and was obviously worried as to how to explain in such a short period. VS was sitting in his office at Cantonment House. He gave me a patient hearing and kept jotting on a brown cover. Once I finished, he asked me to repeat everything slowly. I was sweating profusely. I repeated everything in the same order. "He kept on asking me whether I was exaggerating. He finally realised its immense significance, and could sense the politics behind it. He then asked me to come up with a statement. He told me, 'Only the truth must be told, but that doesn't necessarily mean a narration of mere facts'. This was a rare quality among politicians. It's surprising how he was able to grasp the politics of free software. At a time when even youngsters were unable to comprehend, VS immediately grasped its core concept," VK Sasidharan once told The New Indian Express. Later during his Chief Ministerial tenure too, VS actively took up the free software movement and even shared a dais with Richard Stallman, the world-renowned American free software movement activist. 'How will you profit, if you gain the world, but lose your soul?' How VS took on the late Kerala Congress supremo KM Mani in the assembly over the bar bribery scam is a lesson in itself for political aspirants. It was on March 10, 2015—just two days before the notorious Assembly bedlam—that VS tore into Mani in the Assembly, quoting from the Holy Bible: "Mr Mani, there will come a time when verses in the Bible will come true. I can't even imagine Mani rotting in hell's eternal fire, surrounded by deadly worms." He even had the audacity to read aloud from the Gospel of Matthew for Mani's benefit. Unleashing a barrage of vitriolic humour on the hapless minister, Achuthanandan solemnly quoted from the Holy Bible. "Aren't Mani, Oommen Chandy and PC George all believers? Aren't they well-versed with the Bible? Let me quote from the Gospel of Matthew: How will a man profit, if he gains the whole world, but loses his soul? - Chapter 16: Verse 26", before staging a walkout. Mani couldn't be blamed for losing his cool and terming Achuthanandan 'Antichrist'. Soul-searching leader who was CPM's biggest crowd-puller Though VS chose to be the voice of dissent within the party, he simultaneously managed to remain its most reliable soldier. A scathing internal critic, he was yet its biggest crowd-puller. A soul-searching leader, who would put his party in a spot, he was yet the one who would also come to its rescue. No wonder Achuthanandan would be remembered as a study in contrast. A revolutionary Marxist. Having said that, it wouldn't be right if we forget to say that his party—the CPI(M)—never gave up on him. VS may have nurtured political ambitions, but never at the cost of his convictions—be it political or personal—a rare characteristic that made him a true-blood comrade! Undoubtedly one of the greatest mass leaders the state ever had, frenzied masses hung on to his every word, relishing his adept feints, pointed barbs and striking analogies—all rolled out in his quintessential colloquial style. The silence and emptiness he leaves behind is numbing.
Time of India
23-07-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
VS passes by slowly and silently, emotions outpour in varied ways
1 2 3 T'puram: Daksha, 12, clutched a red shoeflower as she stood beside her father, waiting for the special bus carrying the hearse of CPM veteran and former chief minister V S Achuthanandan to approach Kesavadasapuram in the state capital. She wanted to dedicate the flower to the favourite leader of the state, who is an emotion for many. Daksha was not alone. Several people — women and children, young and old — lined up on pavements clutching flowers all along the route taken by the funeral procession from Thiruvananthapuram to his hometown of Alappuzha. Unlike planned, the procession stopped at junctions where people had assembled, which was more or less at every turn. It was an incredible groundswell of emotions that welcomed the special bus. Many ran alongside the illuminated bus while others showered flower petals and struggled to crane their necks to grab a glimpse of their favourite leader as it drove by. People, including children, waited with drawings, paintings, flowers and wreaths. Each person held their own memories of the stalwart who played a very crucial role in making Kerala what it is now. They included the watch-and-ward of the assembly complex who saw him in action from close quarters, Kudumbashree workers, people who worked in the Secretariat during his days, SFI members from Karyavattom and the regular citizens who were in awe of the man whose life shaped the state's socio-political scene throughout his life. The fact that a crippling stroke took him off public life for more than five years did not dim the people's enthusiasm. They remembered him and missed him — not only for the fiery revolt at Punnapra but also for bulldozing corruption and mafia nexus when he was the CM and opposition leader. There were many poignant scenes en route. The police raised children upwards so that they could see VS lying in the hearse while many others from different walks of life threw roses into the bus. Women who waited for hours at Kazhakkoottam said they wanted to try to see him because "It'll not be possible to see him again. I love him so much. We all do," said a woman who waited for close to three hours by the roadside. The progress of the procession was sluggish because the crowd wanted to pay tribute. It took around one-and-a-half hours to cover the Secretariat- Pattom stretch. Though the number of people was less at Palayam and other parts of the city, it was a sea of people who were seen waiting at Karyavattom and Kazhakkoottam past 7pm when the procession reached there. People swamped the bus carrying red flags, shouting the favourite slogan "Kanne Karale VSae..." at Kazhakkoottam under the flyover while a huge number of people continued to wait at Attingal and Kollam, which is a Leftist fortress. People joined the motorcade in their cars and motorcycles flying red flags. What was striking was that many, irrespective of age groups, raised slogans reminiscing about the Punnapra-Vayalar revolt as if it was yesterday, though Achuthanandan took part in it a year before Independence.
