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Fox News
13 hours ago
- Politics
- Fox News
ACLU sues Trump over birthright order as Supreme Court clears path for it to take effect
Hours after the Supreme Court delivered the Trump administration a major victory Friday by ruling lower courts may issue nationwide injunctions only in limited instances, a coalition of liberal legal groups filed a sweeping new class-action lawsuit in New Hampshire federal court. It takes aim at President Donald Trump's January executive order that redefines who qualifies for U.S. citizenship at birth. While the justices' 6-3 ruling leaves open the question of how the ruling will apply to the birthright citizenship order at the heart of the case, Friday's lawsuit accuses the administration of violating the Constitution by denying citizenship to children born on U.S. soil if their mothers are either unlawfully present or temporarily in the country and their fathers are not U.S. citizens or lawful permanent residents. The case was brought by the American Civil Liberties Union, ACLU of New Hampshire, ACLU of Maine, ACLU of Massachusetts, Legal Defense Fund, Asian Law Caucus and Democracy Defenders Fund. It seeks to represent a proposed class of children born under the terms of the executive order and their parents. It is not the first legal challenge to the policy. The same group filed a separate suit in January 2025 in the same court on behalf of advocacy organizations with members expecting children who would be denied citizenship under the order. That case led to a ruling protecting members of those groups and is now pending before the 1st Circuit Court of Appeals, with oral arguments scheduled for Aug. 1. Friday's SCOTUS ruling states that lower courts can no longer block federal policies nationwide unless it's absolutely necessary to give full relief to the people suing. The decision does not say whether Trump's birthright citizenship order is legal, but it means the order could take effect in parts of the country while legal challenges continue. The court gave lower courts 30 days to review their existing rulings. "The applications do not raise — and thus we do not address — the question whether the Executive Order violates the Citizenship Clause or Nationality Act," Justice Amy Coney Barrett said, writing for the majority. "The issue before us is one of remedy: whether, under the Judiciary Act of 1789, federal courts have equitable authority to issue universal injunctions." "A universal injunction can be justified only as an exercise of equitable authority, yet Congress has granted federal courts no such power," she added. Justice Sonia Sotomayor, in her dissent, suggested plaintiffs could pursue class actions as an alternative. "Nevertheless, the parents of children covered by the Citizenship Order would be well advised to file promptly class action suits and to request temporary injunctive relief for the putative class pending class certification," Sotomayor wrote. "For suits challenging policies as blatantly unlawful and harmful as the Citizenship Order, moreover, lower courts would be wise to act swiftly on such requests for relief and to adjudicate the cases as quickly as they can so as to enable this Court's prompt review." The ACLU lawsuit calls birthright citizenship "America's most fundamental promise" and claims the executive order threatens to create "a permanent, multigenerational subclass" of children denied legal recognition. "The Supreme Court's decision did not remotely suggest otherwise, and we are fighting to make sure President Trump cannot trample on the citizenship rights of a single child," said Cody Wofsy, deputy director of the ACLU's Immigrants' Rights Project and lead attorney in the case. "This executive order directly opposes our Constitution, values, and history," added Devon Chaffee, executive director of the ACLU of New Hampshire. "No politician can ever decide who among those born in our country is worthy of citizenship." The lawsuit cites the 14th Amendment, which provides that "all persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens." It also references the Supreme Court's 1898 decision in United States v. Wong Kim Ark, which affirmed birthright citizenship for U.S.-born children of noncitizens. The plaintiffs include individuals from Honduras, Taiwan and Brazil. One mother in New Hampshire is expecting her fourth child and fears the baby will be denied citizenship despite being born in the U.S. The case is Barbara et al. v. Trump et al., No. 1:25-cv-244, filed in the U.S. District Court for the District of New Hampshire. "Trump's executive order directly opposes our Constitution, values, and history and it would create a permanent, multigenerational subclass of people born in the U.S. but who are denied full rights," said SangYeob Kim of the ACLU of New Hampshire in January. "Today's historic decision delivers a decisive rejection of the weaponized lawfare President Trump has endured from leftist activist judges who attempted to deny the president his constitutional authority," White House spokesperson Liz Huston wrote to Fox News Digital. "President Trump will continue to implement his America First agenda, and the Trump Administration looks forward to litigating the merits of the birthright citizenship issue to ensure we secure our borders and Make America Safe Again."


Black America Web
20-06-2025
- Entertainment
- Black America Web
Juneteenth Is Black Joy: 7 Black Women On What Liberation Looks Like Now
Source: Courtesy of Featured / Courtesy of Featured As the nation pauses to honor Juneteenth—the day in 1865 when enslaved people in Galveston, Texas were finally informed of their freedom, two and a half years after the Emancipation Proclamation—Black Americans continue to infuse the day with meaning, reflection, and joy. It's more than a commemoration. It's a celebration of culture, a resistance against erasure, and a radical assertion of freedom in all its forms. We spoke with several Black changemakers, creatives, and community leaders to hear how they celebrate Juneteenth, what freedom means to them, and how they intentionally make space for joy—especially in times that threaten it most. Source: Courtesy of Featured / Courtesy of Blair Imani Activist and educator Blair Imani (she/her) celebrates Juneteenth by 'centering community and focusing on education.' For her, the holiday is a chance to uplift Black Americans and affirm that 'our history is U.S. history.' Similarly, Ozy Aloziem (she/her), a DEI strategist and poet, immerses herself in 'Black people, Black music, Black stories, Black food, Black joy, Black art, and Black everything' during the holiday. 'I try to find ways to honor and hold space for history and the hard-earned freedom I'm privileged to access,' she shares. For Whitney Roberts, the day is centered around family traditions. 'We explain, in an age-appropriate way, what the holiday is and why it matters,' she says. Then, the family turns to cooking together, pulling recipes from Watermelon and Red Birds by Nicole Taylor. 'Juneteenth for us is really about family, about connection, and about love.' Source: Courtesy of Featured / Courtesy of Whitney Roberts Zayna Allen (she/her) reflects on her evolving relationship with the holiday. 'I only started celebrating within the past five years,' she says, explaining that Juneteenth wasn't something she learned about until adulthood. Now, she prioritizes being around her community. 'On Juneteenth, we're unapologetically Blackity Black—and I love seeing that from us.' Gabrielle, co-founder of Vibes In The Park , marks the occasion through community-based celebrations like festivals, food, art, and educational events. 'We support Black-owned businesses and creators—centering Black culture in all its beauty and brilliance.' While the holiday commemorates a historic moment of freedom, today's Black leaders acknowledge that the concept of liberation remains complex and contested. 'Freedom is under constant threat,' says Blair Imani, referencing attacks on trans rights, reproductive justice, immigrant communities, and voting rights. 'While we are in a different position than our ancestors were in 1865, freedom must still be fought for diligently.' She uplifts the work of the Legal Defense Fund and others who continue to defend civil rights in the face of modern-day oppression. Source: Courtesy of Featured / Courtesy of Ozy Aloziem For Ozy, freedom means 'being able to access and live into possibility,' unbound by fear. Whitney sees it as 'being your full self without fear,' living in a way so free it liberates others just by example. And for Gabrielle, it's about 'existing fully and unapologetically—mentally, spiritually, and physically.' Zayna envisions freedom as the ability to step outside without fear, to be wholly oneself without restraint. It's a dream, she admits, but one worth holding onto and pushing toward. In a world that often attempts to rob Black people of peace and rest, joy is a revolutionary act. 'Joy and the fight against oppression are not mutually exclusive,' says Blair. 'In fact, joy is necessary to fight against our dehumanization.' Whether it's a comedy show, time with loved ones, or new music, she sees joy as a way to stay grounded in the vision of a better world. Whitney agrees that joy must be intentional. 'It could be a dance party with my 4-year-old, Kiki-ing with my friends, journaling, or neighborhood walks,' she says. 'Whatever it is, it must be an intentional choice. If joy can't be found, sometimes it must be made.' Source: Courtesy of Featured / Courtesy of Zayna Allen Ozy speaks passionately about her transformation from melancholy to what she calls 'the queen of wow.' She finds joy in everything from silly Instagram reels and jump-roping to poetry and yellow sunflowers. 'Joy, quite literally, is at my fingertips,' she laughs, referring to her sunflower-covered phone case and bright yellow nails. For Zayna, protecting joy is an act of resistance. 'It's tough,' she admits. 'But I don't allow external factors to jeopardize my connection to joy, no matter how hard it is to find it some days.' Gabrielle echoes this sentiment, saying she makes space for joy by 'protecting my peace, surrounding myself with people who pour into me, and doing things that feel good to my mind, body, and spirit.' Juneteenth is not just a day off or a moment of historical reflection. It's a living, breathing call to action. It invites us to remember what our ancestors fought for and to recommit ourselves to a vision of freedom that includes joy, justice, and full self-expression. As these voices remind us, liberation isn't a moment—it's a lifelong journey. And on that journey, joy is not optional. It's essential. SEE ALSO Juneteenth Is Black Joy: 7 Black Women On What Liberation Looks Like Now was originally published on Black America Web Featured Video CLOSE
Yahoo
25-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Some fear excessive use of force will rise as the DOJ drops oversight of police departments
The killing of George Floyd five years ago by a Minneapolis police officer ignited what many reform advocates hoped would be a national effort to end, or at least curb, excessive use of force. But the Trump administration's decision this week to dismiss lawsuits and drop accountability agreements with several police departments could undo some of that momentum, proponents of federal oversight say. 'Having a blueprint for reform is one thing, but ensuring objective oversight is a whole other thing,' said Michael Gennaco, a former federal prosecutor who has overseen use-of-force cases. The Department of Justice announced Wednesday that it would drop proposed consent decrees with Minneapolis and Louisville, Kentucky, and end investigations into police departments in Phoenix; Trenton, New Jersey; Memphis, Tennessee; Mount Vernon, New York; Oklahoma City; and the Louisiana State Police. The Minneapolis consent decree, a court-enforced improvement plan that follows a civil rights abuse investigation, was reached after the 2020 death of Floyd. Floyd was unarmed when police officer Derek Chauvin knelt on his neck for more than nine minutes while he was handcuffed on the ground. The Louisville agreement was reached after the 2020 death of Breonna Taylor, who was shot by police officers while sitting unarmed in her Kentucky home. Both killings sparked coast-to-coast protests that consumed the final months of Trump's first administration and ushered in a wave of investigations under U.S. Attorney General Merrick Garland in the Biden administration. Assistant Attorney General Harmeet Dhillon said in a statement Wednesday that the consent decrees were 'overbroad,' 'factually unjustified' and based on 'an anti-police agenda.' But abandoning these agreements could have a chilling effect on efforts that are already underway in Baltimore, Cleveland and Ferguson, Missouri, where a white police officer killed Michael Brown, an unarmed Black teenager, in 2014. That agreement required more training for police officers, policy changes to decrease the use of force and a more robust system for citizens to make complaints against officers. It also required that the mostly white police department do more to recruit people of color. 'It is important to not overstate what consent decrees do,' said Jin Hee Lee with the Legal Defense Fund, referring to the power of federal courts to enforce orders. 'They are very important and oftentimes necessary to force police departments to change their policies, to change their practices,' she added. 'But consent decrees were never the end all, be all.' The Chicago Police Department, for example, entered into a consent decree in 2019 that is being managed by the state attorney general. As a result, the federal government's announcement does not impact the reform efforts currently underway there. Consent decrees have a long history dating back to President Bill Clinton's 1994 crime bill and are implemented after investigations into civil rights violations or unconstitutional practices. These investigations focus not on isolated instances but on policing cultures and policies that lead to the violations. In responding to the Trump administration's announcement, Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey told reporters his city will 'comply with every sentence, of every paragraph, of the 169-page consent decree that we signed this year.' Louisville Mayor Craig Greenberg said his city is adopting a police reform agreement that will include many of the goals from its federal consent decree, like hiring an independent monitor to oversee the department's progress. On the flip side, supporters of local control argue that communities are better equipped to manage their own law enforcement agencies. Phoenix Mayor Kate Gallego, who refused to comply with Garland's consent decree following a blistering 2024 report, said she would continue to pursue local reforms that serve her constituents' best interests. She has argued that it would be irresponsible to sign a contract without first evaluating it and has questioned the Justice Department's ability to improve local police forces. According to the 126-page report, which included data from 2016 through 2024, the Phoenix Police Department routinely committed 'very significant and severe violations of federal law and the Constitution' and lacked accountability, supervision and training. Among the biggest concerns highlighted by the DOJ were racial discrimination during police encounters and reckless use of force. The Justice Department issued 36 recommendations, including improved use-of-force training and new policies for encounters with vulnerable populations. But Gallego and several council members opposed the agreement, calling the accusations unsubstantiated and others asking for a full review before adopting it. The city has since adopted a series of reforms aimed at addressing the DOJ's findings. It implemented a new use-of-force policy, developed new emergency training materials and assembled a civilian review board. 'We will continue to look for every opportunity to make sure we're serving our residents in the best way possible,' Gallego said in a statement. 'I said many times that we would adopt reforms and see them through, regardless of the DOJ investigation, and I meant it.' Consent decrees have had mixed results. In Los Angeles, which exited its 12-year agreement in 2013, the police department continues to face excessive-use allegations and lawsuits. Most recently, several students from the University of California, Los Angeles, sued the LAPD, alleging assault, battery and other violations by officers during campus protests last year. The students said in the lawsuit that they were shot by rubber bullets and subjected to unnecessary force at a pro-Palestinian encampment. A spokesperson for the union representing police officers has called the allegations baseless and inflammatory. In Baltimore, where the police department entered into a consent decree following the 2015 killing of Freddie Gray, who died after suffering a spinal cord injury while in police custody, reform efforts remain ongoing. The force is now in the 'assessment' phase of its agreement, according to a city dashboard. In December, the DOJ applauded its progress, prompting a partial termination of the agreement. This article was originally published on


CNBC
25-05-2025
- Politics
- CNBC
Some fear excessive use of force will rise as the DOJ drops oversight of police departments
The killing of George Floyd five years ago by a Minneapolis police officer ignited what many reform advocates hoped would be a national effort to end, or at least curb, excessive use of force. But the Trump administration's decision this week to dismiss lawsuits and drop accountability agreements with several police departments could undo some of that momentum, proponents of federal oversight say. "Having a blueprint for reform is one thing, but ensuring objective oversight is a whole other thing," said Michael Gennaco, a former federal prosecutor who has overseen use-of-force cases. The Department of Justice announced Wednesday that it would drop proposed consent decrees with Minneapolis and Louisville, Kentucky, and end investigations into police departments in Phoenix; Trenton, New Jersey; Memphis, Tennessee; Mount Vernon, New York; Oklahoma City; and the Louisiana State Police. The Minneapolis consent decree, a court-enforced improvement plan that follows a civil rights abuse investigation, was reached after the 2020 death of Floyd. Floyd was unarmed when police officer Derek Chauvin knelt on his neck for more than nine minutes while he was handcuffed on the ground. The Louisville agreement was reached after the 2020 death of Breonna Taylor, who was shot by police officers while sitting unarmed in her Kentucky home. Both killings sparked coast-to-coast protests that consumed the final months of Trump's first administration and ushered in a wave of investigations under U.S. Attorney General Merrick Garland in the Biden administration. Assistant Attorney General Harmeet Dhillon said in a statement Wednesday that the consent decrees were "overbroad," "factually unjustified" and based on "an anti-police agenda." But abandoning these agreements could have a chilling effect on efforts that are already underway in Baltimore, Cleveland and Ferguson, Missouri, where a white police officer killed Michael Brown, an unarmed Black teenager, in 2014. That agreement required more training for police officers, policy changes to decrease the use of force and a more robust system for citizens to make complaints against officers. It also required that the mostly white police department do more to recruit people of color. "It is important to not overstate what consent decrees do," said Jin Hee Lee with the Legal Defense Fund, referring to the power of federal courts to enforce orders. "They are very important and oftentimes necessary to force police departments to change their policies, to change their practices," she added. "But consent decrees were never the end all, be all." The Chicago Police Department, for example, entered into a consent decree in 2019 that is being managed by the state attorney general. As a result, the federal government's announcement does not impact the reform efforts currently underway there. Consent decrees have a long history dating back to President Bill Clinton's 1994 crime bill and are implemented after investigations into civil rights violations or unconstitutional practices. These investigations focus not on isolated instances but on policing cultures and policies that lead to the violations. In responding to the Trump administration's announcement, Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey told reporters his city will "comply with every sentence, of every paragraph, of the 169-page consent decree that we signed this year." Louisville Mayor Craig Greenberg said his city is adopting a police reform agreement that will include many of the goals from its federal consent decree, like hiring an independent monitor to oversee the department's progress. On the flip side, supporters of local control argue that communities are better equipped to manage their own law enforcement agencies. Phoenix Mayor Kate Gallego, who refused to comply with Garland's consent decree following a blistering 2024 report, said she would continue to pursue local reforms that serve her constituents' best interests. She has argued that it would be irresponsible to sign a contract without first evaluating it and has questioned the Justice Department's ability to improve local police forces. According to the 126-page report, which included data from 2016 through 2024, the Phoenix Police Department routinely committed "very significant and severe violations of federal law and the Constitution" and lacked accountability, supervision and training. Among the biggest concerns highlighted by the DOJ were racial discrimination during police encounters and reckless use of force. The Justice Department issued 36 recommendations, including improved use-of-force training and new policies for encounters with vulnerable populations. But Gallego and several council members opposed the agreement, calling the accusations unsubstantiated and others asking for a full review before adopting it. The city has since adopted a series of reforms aimed at addressing the DOJ's findings. It implemented a new use-of-force policy, developed new emergency training materials and assembled a civilian review board. "We will continue to look for every opportunity to make sure we're serving our residents in the best way possible," Gallego said in a statement. "I said many times that we would adopt reforms and see them through, regardless of the DOJ investigation, and I meant it." Consent decrees have had mixed results. In Los Angeles, which exited its 12-year agreement in 2013, the police department continues to face excessive-use allegations and lawsuits. Most recently, several students from the University of California, Los Angeles, sued the LAPD, alleging assault, battery and other violations by officers during campus protests last year. The students said in the lawsuit that they were shot by rubber bullets and subjected to unnecessary force at a pro-Palestinian encampment. A spokesperson for the union representing police officers has called the allegations baseless and inflammatory. In Baltimore, where the police department entered into a consent decree following the 2015 killing of Freddie Gray, who died after suffering a spinal cord injury while in police custody, reform efforts remain ongoing. The force is now in the "assessment" phase of its agreement, according to a city dashboard. In December, the DOJ applauded its progress, prompting a partial termination of the agreement.


NBC News
25-05-2025
- Politics
- NBC News
Some fear excessive use of force will rise as the DOJ drops oversight of police departments
The killing of George Floyd five years ago by a Minneapolis police officer ignited what many reform advocates hoped would be a national effort to end, or at least curb, excessive use of force. But the Trump administration's decision this week to dismiss lawsuits and drop accountability agreements with several police departments could undo some of that momentum, proponents of federal oversight say. 'Having a blueprint for reform is one thing, but ensuring objective oversight is a whole other thing,' said Michael Gennaco, a former federal prosecutor who has overseen use-of-force cases. The Department of Justice announced Wednesday that it would drop proposed consent decrees with Minneapolis and Louisville, Kentucky, and end investigations into police departments in Phoenix; Trenton, New Jersey; Memphis, Tennessee; Mount Vernon, New York; Oklahoma City; and the Louisiana State Police. The Minneapolis consent decree, a court-enforced improvement plan that follows a civil rights abuse investigation, was reached after the 2020 death of Floyd. Floyd was unarmed when police officer Derek Chauvin knelt on his neck for more than nine minutes while he was handcuffed on the ground. The Louisville agreement was reached after the 2020 death of Breonna Taylor, who was shot by police officers while sitting unarmed in her Kentucky home. Both killings sparked coast-to-coast protests that consumed the final months of Trump's first administration and ushered in a wave of investigations under U.S. Attorney General Merrick Garland in the Biden administration. Assistant Attorney General Harmeet Dhillon said in a statement Wednesday that the consent decrees were 'overbroad,' 'factually unjustified' and based on 'an anti-police agenda.' But abandoning these agreements could have a chilling effect on efforts that are already underway in Baltimore, Cleveland and Ferguson, Missouri, where a white police officer killed Michael Brown, an unarmed Black teenager, in 2014. That agreement required more training for police officers, policy changes to decrease the use of force and a more robust system for citizens to make complaints against officers. It also required that the mostly white police department do more to recruit people of color. 'It is important to not overstate what consent decrees do,' said Jin Hee Lee with the Legal Defense Fund, referring to the power of federal courts to enforce orders. 'They are very important and oftentimes necessary to force police departments to change their policies, to change their practices,' she added. 'But consent decrees were never the end all, be all.' The Chicago Police Department, for example, entered into a consent decree in 2019 that is being managed by the state attorney general. As a result, the federal government's announcement does not impact the reform efforts currently underway there. Consent decrees have a long history dating back to President Bill Clinton's 1994 crime bill and are implemented after investigations into civil rights violations or unconstitutional practices. These investigations focus not on isolated instances but on policing cultures and policies that lead to the violations. In responding to the Trump administration's announcement, Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey told reporters his city will 'comply with every sentence, of every paragraph, of the 169-page consent decree that we signed this year.' Louisville Mayor Craig Greenberg said his city is adopting a police reform agreement that will include many of the goals from its federal consent decree, like hiring an independent monitor to oversee the department's progress. On the flip side, supporters of local control argue that communities are better equipped to manage their own law enforcement agencies. Phoenix Mayor Kate Gallego, who refused to comply with Garland's consent decree following a blistering 2024 report, said she would continue to pursue local reforms that serve her constituents' best interests. She has argued that it would be irresponsible to sign a contract without first evaluating it and has questioned the Justice Department's ability to improve local police forces. According to the 126-page report, which included data from 2016 through 2024, the Phoenix Police Department routinely committed 'very significant and severe violations of federal law and the Constitution' and lacked accountability, supervision and training. Among the biggest concerns highlighted by the DOJ were racial discrimination during police encounters and reckless use of force. The Justice Department issued 36 recommendations, including improved use-of-force training and new policies for encounters with vulnerable populations. But Gallego and several council members opposed the agreement, calling the accusations unsubstantiated and others asking for a full review before adopting it. The city has since adopted a series of reforms aimed at addressing the DOJ's findings. It implemented a new use-of-force policy, developed new emergency training materials and assembled a civilian review board. 'We will continue to look for every opportunity to make sure we're serving our residents in the best way possible,' Gallego said in a statement. 'I said many times that we would adopt reforms and see them through, regardless of the DOJ investigation, and I meant it.' Consent decrees have had mixed results. In Los Angeles, which exited its 12-year agreement in 2013, the police department continues to face excessive-use allegations and lawsuits. Most recently, several students from the University of California, Los Angeles, sued the LAPD, alleging assault, battery and other violations by officers during campus protests last year. The students said in the lawsuit that they were shot by rubber bullets and subjected to unnecessary force at a pro-Palestinian encampment. A spokesperson for the union representing police officers has called the allegations baseless and inflammatory. In Baltimore, where the police department entered into a consent decree following the 2015 killing of Freddie Gray, who died after suffering a spinal cord injury while in police custody, reform efforts remain ongoing. The force is now in the 'assessment' phase of its agreement, according to a city dashboard. In December, the DOJ applauded its progress, prompting a partial termination of the agreement.