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Irish Post
5 days ago
- Politics
- Irish Post
Ireland's neutrality increasingly under the spotlight
AS NATO defence spending dramatically ramps up, especially because of Russia's war in Ukraine, Ireland's long-standing stance of military neutrality is coming under more scrutiny. The Irish government says it doesn't want to join NATO, but recent events have made people think more seriously about whether neutrality is still viable in a world that has seen many, including usually non-combative countries like Germany and those in Scandinavia, dramatically increase defence spending. Ireland is very important strategically because of its position in the North Atlantic and is a hub for underwater cables that carry much of the world's internet traffic and money transfers. There have been genuine threats in recent years of Russian submarines working near these cables, raising concerns about possible sabotage or spying. Russian military planes have also been entering Irish airspace in recent years and often don't alert civilian aviation authorities on the ground. Ireland doesn't have any fighter jets or the ability to keep secure its vast maritime territory, so it relies largely on NATO countries, especially Britain, to keep an eye on its skies and waters. Some EU officials have criticised this reliance, saying that Ireland is getting NATO's protection without contributing itself. Irish politicians have said again and again that they want to stay neutral, but other EU and NATO countries have said they would favour Ireland joining the alliance in the future. The president of Lithuania was eager and vocal in a recent interview with The Times about the concept of Ireland joining NATO one day: he said that democratic countries confront similar threats and that a bigger alliance makes it harder for destabilising forces to get in. Even while there is pressure from outside, there is still a lot of reluctance to joining NATO. Former Taoiseach Leo Varadkar recently stressed how much it will cost Ireland to meet NATO's defence budget commitments. He said that to reach a 5% GDP target, Ireland would have to spend more on defence than it does on health right now. This could mean that money would have to be taken away from other public services. Varadkar, who used to advocate more defence spending through European cooperation structures, said that joining NATO would be too expensive and that he's 'never been so glad' Ireland is not in the alliance. However, the 5% target is really a 3.5% target, as the remaining 1.5% can be spent on practically anything from infrastructure to healthcare. President Michael D. Higgins has also spoken out against the world's growing arms race. He criticised the funding of new weapons, saying that it takes attention and resources away from other important global problems, including poverty, environmental damage and social inequity. Ireland spends only around 0.27% of its GDP on defence, very far beneath NATO or other western nation's standards. Although Ireland has a 'Memorandum of Understanding' with Britain (non-binding), critics say that if Ireland wants to keep getting the security help it gets from NATO partners, it may need to do more to help with collective defence or at least change what it means to be neutral. While many still value neutrality as a cornerstone of Ireland's identity, others believe the time has come for a more pragmatic approach. See More: Defence, Michael D Higgins, NATO, Russia, Russia-Ukraine War
Irish Independent
5 days ago
- Irish Independent
Mayo's N5 dual carriageway to close to allow grass cutting
The lack of hard shoulder on the €250 million road has resulted in the road being closed annually to allow the grass verges to be trimmed. In accordance with Section 75 of the Roads Act, 1993 and the Roads Regulations, the road will be closed for up to five nights between Monday July 14, Sunday July 27, 2025, between 7pm and 6am. The 20-kilometre route, which stretches from Turlough to Westport, will be opened early if works are completed early. Diversionary routes will be clearly signposted, as agreed with the Council and An Garda Síochána. Emergency access will be maintained. The N5 dual carriageway was opened in June 2023 by former Taoiseach Leo Varadkar. Construction began on the route in January 2020. It is one of the largest infrastructure projects in the history of County Mayo. Elsewhere, a number of other Mayo roads which underwent repair works have reopened. The L5750 Cunnaker/Carrowclogher/Ringarraun at Ballyheane reopened on Thursday, July 10. Meanwhile, the L-1801 Coast Road at Belcare and R310 Pontoon to Knockmore Road at the former Healy's Hotel are due to reopen on Friday July 11. In Swinford, a number of local roads will be closed to traffic to facilitate the annual Siamsa Sráide festival, which draws thousands of visitors to the east Mayo town. Parts of the N26 and R320 will be closed between 7.15pm and 8.15pm on July 31. From 1pm on Monday August 4 to 1am on Thursday, August 7, the R320, Market Street, from its junction with Station Road/Davitt Place to its junction with N26 Main Street, will be closed to traffic. Main Street and Bridge Street will be closed from 6am on Tuesday, August 5, to 1am on Thursday, August 7.
Telegraph
11-07-2025
- Business
- Telegraph
Brussels demands UK builds border posts it does not need
Britain has spent £400 million on border posts that will not be needed because of Sir Keir Starmer's reset deal with the EU. Post-Brexit checkpoints will be rendered largely obsolete because the Prime Minister has agreed to align the UK with EU plant and animal health (SPS) rules. However, the EU insists that work must continue on four incomplete Northern Irish border control posts. It says they must be operational before it will finalise the reset deal, even though SPS alignment will make most controls unnecessary. The Government has calculated that the boost in trade from the reset deal will far exceed the money wasted on the Northern Irish posts. More than 100 border control posts for SPS checks were built after Brexit, including 41 major sites such as in Sevington in Kent, Dover, Holyhead and Liverpool. Some £200 million of public money was spent, with a further £120 million invested by ports, which now want millions in compensation. Work on the four major border control posts in Northern Ireland is on track to meet a government deadline of July. The Government has committed a maximum of £192.3 million for those facilities, of which £71 million had been spent by February this year. Northern Ireland continues to follow hundreds of EU rules in order to avoid a hard border with Ireland, including the SPS regulations to which Britain will now adhere. During the Brexit negotiations, Leo Varadkar, the Irish Taoiseach at the time, warned that a hard border would threaten a return to violence in Northern Ireland. Checks on British animals and goods entering Northern Ireland were introduced in a new Irish Sea border under the Windsor Framework, negotiated by Rishi Sunak in 2023. The four SPS posts at Belfast, Larne, Warrenpoint and Foyle were a binding treaty commitment made in 2019 but not fulfilled by previous governments. Sir Keir promised to complete them in a document of common understanding agreed before the UK-EU summit at which his reset deal was announced. EU diplomatic sources said ensuring the posts in Northern Ireland were finished regardless of the reset was a red line for the bloc, after Boris Johnson and Liz Truss both threatened to renege on the 2019 treaty when each was prime minister. This badly damaged EU capitals' trust in the UK. A diplomat told The Telegraph: 'The Commission will keep the UK to full, faithful and timely implementation of the Windsor Framework. It's a point of principle to the Commission and they have member states' backing.' A European Commission spokesman said: 'The existing agreements remain the corner-stone of our bilateral relationship.' But he added: 'The EU has not made reference to any preconditions in relation to possible future agreements with the UK.' Labour believes there will be no reset deal, unless the Northern Irish posts are completed, and that the benefits far outweigh the wasted costs. It argues the reset deal will add nearly £9 billion to the UK economy by 2040, reduce Irish sea border checks and make it easier to sell shellfish and fish to the EU. A government spokesman said: 'Our new SPS Agreement, once agreed and implemented, will cut paperwork and checks for goods moving from Great Britain to Northern Ireland. 'In order to secure that agreement, it is vital that we implement the existing arrangements for the Windsor Framework and we will continue to work closely with businesses to support them in doing so.' In a sign of its confidence that the deal will be done, the Government decided to waive new controls on EU imports of fruit and vegetables that were due to come in on July 2. However, EU sources said there was no quid pro quo with Brussels for a more flexible approach to the SPS posts in Northern Ireland. The extent to which the posts will be rendered obsolete will depend on the final SPS deal. There were already some checks on British animals arriving in Northern Ireland before Brexit, and these will continue. The posts are extremely controversial with unionist politicians who see them as a symbol of a treaty they believe loosens the region's ties with the rest of the UK and makes a united Ireland more likely. Despite alignment meaning Britain and Northern Ireland will once again follow the same EU SPS rules, unionists say there are still hundreds of European laws the region adheres to that the rest of the UK does not. DUP peer Lord Dodds said: 'Brussels is also insisting on 'Not for EU' labelling being extended from July 1 on all fruit, vegetables, fish, meat and dairy products entering Northern Ireland even though the reset deal may do away their need. 'Their approach to the UK is one of maximum confrontation whereas the Starmer displays abject acquiescence. The EU insistence on border posts is because trade within the UK between GB and Northern Ireland is under their control.' On the British mainland, some border control posts are already being mothballed or put up for sale. The Sevington Inland Border Facility in Ashford, Kent, was built in 2021 to carry out checks on up to 1,300 lorries a day arriving from the Continent at a cost of about £154 million. The Government is reportedly in discussions with Eurotunnel and the Port of Dover to buy or repurpose the facility. Last month, the Welsh Government said a £51-million border control post would sit empty until the outcome of UK-EU negotiations was certain. Two other sites in Wales have been scrapped.
Irish Examiner
06-07-2025
- Politics
- Irish Examiner
Pa Daly: Why Sinn Féin is challenging the Government on super junior ministers
This week I will bring a constitutional challenge against the Government in the High Court regarding the appointment of super junior ministers. The case challenges what I believe is a deeply problematic and unconstitutional practice that has taken root in recent decades - the attendance and participation of so-called super junior ministers at meetings of the Government. This case is a constitutional challenge aimed at protecting the integrity of our system of government under Bunreacht na hÉireann with which Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Lowry-led Independents are playing fast and loose. The Constitution is clear. Article 28.1 states that 'the Government shall consist of not more than 15 members'. That is not a guideline, a suggestion, or an ideal. To me, this is a legal limit on the number who may be part of the Government. The practice of allowing super junior ministers to attend Cabinet meetings, contribute to discussions and access all Cabinet documentation, amounts, in effect, to treating them as full members of Cabinet. That is, in our view, in clear breach of the Constitution. While super junior ministers do not have a formal vote at Cabinet, that argument is largely academic. As former Taoiseach Leo Varadkar himself acknowledged earlier this year, votes at Cabinet happen rarely, if at all. What matters is that super junior ministers are regularly present, bring memos for decision, and are deeply involved in the executive decision-making process. They are treated, in all meaningful respects, as equals to Cabinet ministers, without being bound by the same legal framework and without the constitutional permission to operate in that role. This, we will argue, undermines the core principles of collective Cabinet responsibility and Cabinet confidentiality. The Constitution guarantees that the Government speaks with one voice and that its internal workings are conducted within a protected, confidential framework. This is necessary to ensure stability, coherence, and accountability. When individuals who are not legally members of the Government are present, that principle is eroded. Cabinet confidentiality is diluted, and the chain of collective responsibility becomes blurred. Let's be clear, this is not a historical anomaly. The attendance of a Minister of State at Cabinet first occurred in 1994 under the Rainbow Coalition. Every government since has perpetuated this arrangement. But that doesn't make it right - nor does it make it legal, but we believe that it is time for the courts to adjudicate on the issue. We have reached a point now where four super junior ministers of State are incentivised, via public funds, to operate as Cabinet members in all but name. I believe that this is incompatible with the Constitution. It effectively uses taxpayer money to encourage a practice that breaches the constitutional limits placed on the composition and function of Government. That should concern every citizen, regardless of party or politics. We are told this is a matter of practicality or political expediency. We're told it helps the government run more smoothly or allows for more inclusive voices at the table. Who is running the Government? But when Michael Lowry TD - someone who brokered a deal between Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, and the Regional Independent Group - states publicly that super juniors 'will sit at the Cabinet table, have access to all Cabinet papers, contribute at Cabinet, and attend all leaders' meetings,' we must ask - who is really running the Government? This arrangement isn't about good governance. It's about maintaining power through political horse-trading. It is about doing deals behind closed doors and bending constitutional norms to fit political convenience. It is now time to get clarity from the courts on the constitutionality of the issue. The Constitution must mean what it says. If we allow these lines to be blurred, we invite further erosion of the democratic checks and balances that are essential to our system of government and to our democracy. This case is not about party politics. It is not about those who currently serve as super junior ministers. But the constitutionality of their role at Cabinet I believe must be clarified. A culture has developed where constitutional boundaries can be bent by political deal-making. The cost is the loss of public trust in politics and the weakening of our democratic institutions. This case is about reasserting the rule of law, reaffirming the authority of Bunreacht na hÉireann, and ensuring that the Government operates as the Constitution demands. Anything less would be a disservice to the people of Ireland.
Irish Times
03-07-2025
- Business
- Irish Times
Government's National Hub strategy delayed
A key part of the Government's national remote working strategy, which was unveiled in 2021, has been delayed by more than two years but is expected to be finalised and published later this year, the Department of Enterprise has said. The National Hub strategy, which the then-enterprise minister Leo Varadkar said would bring various schemes and policies together to develop the existing network of remote working hubs around the country, was slated for delivery in late 2023. However, according to an update from the Department published on Thursday, the strategy remains in development and is now expected to be published in the second half of 2025. The scheme is one of nine initiatives outlined in the Government's White Paper on enterprise 2022-2030 that has been delayed, according to a departmental update published on Thursday. READ MORE Overall, the department said that more than 90 per cent of the activities across 40 strategic initiatives in the White Paper have been delivered or are on track to be completed this year. Minister for Enterprise Peter Burke said Thursday's report, the fourth and final update on the implementation plan, sets the stage for the development of the 2035 plan. [ Return-to-office edicts aren't always what they seem Opens in new window ] 'This fourth update report marks the completion of the implementation period for the White Paper on enterprise and reflects two years of transformative progress for Irish enterprise, driven by innovation, sustainability and regional growth,' he said. 'Over 90 per cent of planned activities are delivered or on track, with major achievements in digitalisation, offshore wind and start-up support. As we move toward Enterprise 2035, I will continue to build on this momentum to shape a resilient and competitive future for Ireland.' How the wealthy are buying up land to avoid inheritance tax Listen | 22:03 Among other things, the Department said that 38 of the 40 actions outlined in the 2022 White Paper relating to the transition to net zero are now under way. The Government said the value of exports from Enterprise Ireland companies stood at €34.6 billion last year, exceeding the White Paper's target of €32 billion. 'It is excellent to see the progress that has been made across Government in realising the ambitions and objectives set out in the White Paper on Enterprise,' said Minister Burke . 'This marks a period of sustained success for Irish enterprise, built on sustainability, innovation and productivity.'
